|The Right Honourable
The Viscount Bruce of Melbourne
CH, MC, FRS, PC
|8th Prime Minister of Australia
Elections: 1925, 1928, 1929
9 February 1923 – 22 October 1929
|Governor General||Lord Forster
|Preceded by||Billy Hughes|
|Succeeded by||James Scullin|
|Member of the Australian Parliament for Flinders|
11 May, 1918 – 12 October, 1929
|Preceded by||William Irvine|
|Succeeded by||Jack Holloway|
19 December, 1931 – 11 November, 1933
|Preceded by||Jack Holloway|
|Succeeded by||James Fairbairn|
15 April 1883|
Melbourne, Victoria, British Empire
|Died||25 August 1967
|Political party||Nationalist (1918–29)
United Australia (1931–33)
|Alma mater||Trinity Hall, University of Cambridge|
|Profession||Businessman and Lawyer|
|Years of service||1914–1917|
|Unit||2nd Battalion, Royal Fusiliers|
|Battles/wars||First World War|
British War Medal
Croix de guerre (France)
Stanley Melbourne Bruce, 1st Viscount Bruce of Melbourne, CH MC FRS PC (15 April 1883 – 25 August 1967), was an Australian politician and diplomat, and the eighth Prime Minister of Australia. Bruce made wide-ranging reforms and mounted a comprehensive nation-building program in government, but his controversial handling of industrial relations led to his dramatic defeat at the polls in 1929. Bruce later pursued a long and influential diplomatic career as High Commissioner in London, at the League of Nations, and as Chairman of the Food and Agriculture Organization Council.
Born into a wealthy Melbourne family, Bruce studied at Cambridge University and spent his early life tending to the importing/exporting business of his late father. He served on the front lines of the Gallipoli Campaign in World War I and returned to Australia wounded in 1917, becoming a spokesperson for government recruitment efforts. He gained the attention of the Nationalist Party and Prime Minister Billy Hughes, who encouraged a political career. Bruce was elected to parliament in 1918, treasurer in 1921 and then prime minister in 1923.
In office Bruce pursued an energetic and diverse agenda. He worked to professionalize government administration and oversaw its transfer to the new capital city of Canberra. He implemented many reforms to the Australian federal system which strengthened the role of the Commonwealth. He established the Commonwealth Peace Officers and Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO. His Men, Money and Markets scheme was an ambitious attempt to rapidly expand Australia's population and economic potential through massive government investment and closer ties with Great Britain and the rest of the British Empire. However, his endeavours to overhaul Australia's industrial relations system brought his government into frequent conflict with the labour movement, and his radical proposal to abolish Commonwealth arbitration in 1929 prompted members of his own party to cross the floor and defeat the government. In the resounding loss at the subsequent election Bruce lost his own seat, becoming the first of just two prime ministers to do so (the other being John Howard in 2007).
Although he returned the parliament in 1931, Bruce's service in the Lyons government was brief and he instead pursued an international career, and was appointed High Commissioner to London in 1933. Bruce became an influential figure in British government circles and at the League of Nations, emerging a tireless advocate for international cooperation on economic and social problems, especially those facing the developing world. Particularly passionate on improving global nutrition, Bruce was one of the key figures in the establishment of the Food and Agriculture Organization, serving as the first chairman of its governing council from 1946 to 1951. Bruce was elevated to the peerage in 1947 and became the first Australian to sit in the House of Lords, as well as the first Chancellor of the Australian National University. Although his important diplomatic career was largely unknown to Australians and he held a reputation as an English 'Tory', he continued throughout his life in London to vociferously advocate for Australian interests (particularly during World War II) and asked that his remains be returned there when he died in 1967.
Stanley Melbourne Bruce was born 15 April 1883 in St Kilda, Melbourne, the youngest of five children. His father, John Munro Bruce, was of Ulster Scottish descent and had emigrated from Ireland to Australia in 1858 at the age of 18. His mother, Mary Ann Henderson, was Irish and had married her cousin John after emigrating to Australia in 1872 at the age of 24. John Bruce was a talented businessman with "a flair for buying and selling" which would secure him a partnership in an established Melbourne importing firm which became known as Paterson, Laing and Bruce in 1868. As his wealth grew, John became increasingly influential in colonial Victoria's social and political life. An avid golfer, he was one of the founders of the Royal Melbourne Golf Club. He was prominent in the liberal protectionist political movement within the state, and an early supporter of future prime minister Alfred Deakin. John's success ensured that Bruce, his sister Mary and brothers Ernest, William and Robert were born into affluence. Shortly after Bruce's birth the family relocated to the stately Wombalano manor in Toorak. However, John was an aloof and remote figure in the lives of his children, as Bruce later recounted. Despite their family's Presbyterian faith, Bruce was sent to Melbourne Church of England Grammar School (now Melbourne Grammar School) and subsequently Bruce would come to identify principally as Anglican. Bruce was an average student but extremely active in the sporting life of the school and captain of its AFL team, and then of the school itself in 1901.
The economic depression of the 1880s and 1890s hit hard upon the Bruce family fortunes. John Bruce lost much of his fortune in the Victorian bank collapse of 1894 and incurred large debts to buy out his partners in the importing business in 1897. The Bruce family suffered a great deal more tragedy over the coming decades. Bruce's brother William committed suicide in 1899, shortly after seeking treatment for mental illness. Just two years later John Bruce took his own life on a business trip to Paris; he had suffered from depression as a result of the great pressures on his business and finances. His sister Mary endured a long illness before succumbing in 1908, and his mother died too in 1912. Finally, Bruce's beloved brother Ernest shot himself in 1919, suffering from physical and mental injuries sustained during his military service in the First World War.
In the aftermath of his father's death in 1901, the family fortunes were at a low ebb and Bruce went into the family business after leaving high school. The young Bruce was ambitious and determined to get an education; with loaned money, Bruce moved to the United Kingdom with his mother and sister. Bruce enrolled in Trinity Hall, Cambridge in 1902. Bruce was a popular if average student, heavily involved in the athletic life of the college, including as a member of the Cambridge rowing crew that won the Boat Race in 1904. Rowing remained one of Bruce's great passions, and he continued to coach crews (including several for the Henley Royal Regatta) and write on the subject for much of his life. Ernest Bruce had remained in Australia to take charge of the family's business interests. In 1906, he lobbied the directors of the company to have his brother Stanley take over the chairmanship of Paterson, Laing and Bruce, and was ultimately successful. Despite being just 23, Bruce proved an able chairman, and with Bruce in London managing the exporting and financial interests, and his brother Ernest managing the importation and sales operations in Melbourne, the financial fortunes of the business and the family rapidly recovered. During these years, Bruce also trained and worked as a solicitor and then as a barrister in the City of London with the firm of Ashurst, Morris, Crisp & Co. His work for the firm took him to Mexico in 1908 and Colombia in 1912, which fostered an interest in international affairs.
By 1912 Bruce was a wealthy businessman and successful barrister, and it was in this year Ethel Dunlop Anderson traveled to England and was reacquainted with Bruce, whom she had known as a child. Aged 32, Ethel was of similar Scottish-Irish ancestry and hailed from a prominent squatter family of Victoria. Ethel shared many of Bruce's interests, especially golf, and his political outlook. They married in July 1913 in a quiet ceremony. Theirs was a close-knit relationship – they would have many acquaintances but a small circle of close friends, and their relationship was one of mutual devotion. But the death of all but one member of his immediate family in just over a decade, and the fact that the Bruce's would bear no children of their own, deeply impacted Bruce and he "was left with a sense of insecurity and melancholy" for much of his life.
Military Service, 1914–1918
Bruce returned briefly to Australia in 1914, swapping positions within the company his brother Ernest. World War I broke out in September of that year. Bruce and his brothers were Australian patriots and sought to enlist in defense of the Empire, but all three of them would chose to serve in the British Army rather than the Australian Imperial Force. It was easier to obtain officer commissions in the British Army and the family had close association (and in for many of them, long periods of residency) with Great Britain. Bruce enlisted and received a commission as lieutenant in February 1915 and was attached to the 2nd Battalion Royal Fusiliers in Egypt, which was then assigned to the British 29th Division which was to join operations in Turkey along with Australian New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) troops that year under Sir Ian Hamilton, commander of the Mediterranean Expeditionary Force (MEF). Following then First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill's strategy of capturing the Dardanelles from Turkey in order to allow naval access to Allied Russia, and the subsequent failure of the Royal Navy to force passage, the MEF under Hamilton devised a plan to wrest control through amphibious landings. This was the beginning of the now infamous Gallipoli campaign.
Bruce's regiment landed at Helles in mid-1915, where Bruce distinguished himself in the construction of trenches and as an able commander. His battalion suffered heavy casualties over the coming months, and Bruce himself was wounded on 3 June by a shot to the arm, though it was this injury that spared Bruce from a major assault by his battalion on 4 June in which many of his peers perished. He later reflected that he must have been kept on earth for some purpose. Bruce returned to the front lines and his division moved to the new front at Suvla Bay, where it was involved in particularly heavy fighting and sustained trench warfare throughout August and September. Bruce received the Military Cross and the Croix de Guerre for his service during these months, and rose to the rank of Captain on 5 August. He was wounded again on 23 September, this time by a shot to the knee, which left him crippled for several years and forced him to return to England to recuperate, whilst the rest of his regiment were transferred to France after the abandonment of the Gallipoli campaign.
Although it had been the agreement before the war that Ernest would stay and managed Paterson, Laing and Bruce while his brothers were serving, Ernest Bruce decided to enlist in the British Army in 1915. Hence, in September 1916 Bruce sought to resign his commission and return to Australia to resume management of the family business. The War Office refused his request but granted him leave to return to Australia whilst recuperating from his injuries. As a decorated soldier on crutches with a gift for public speaking, Bruce was enlisted to become a spokesperson for government recruitment in Australia. His success and popularity in this role brought the attention of the Nationalist League and then Prime Minister Billy Hughes, who lobbied the British government on his behalf and succeeded in convincing the War Office to allow Bruce to relinquish his commission in June 1917.
Having served with many of his countrymen he returned to Australia with a renewed sense of pride and mission in the country of his birth. But having borne witness to the catastrophic loss of life in the Gallipoli campaign and the death of most of his army comrades, as well as having suffered through the loss of most of his family, at age 34 Bruce was imbued with "a driving ambition to make something of a life which providence had spared".
Member for Flinders, 1918–1923
Bruce's popularity as a speaker for government recruitment efforts also earned him the attention of the National Union of Victoria, a then influential group of the Melbourne elite who provided much of the financing for the Nationalist Party of Australia. As Sir William Irvine had recently resigned from parliament in order to become Chief Justice of the Victorian Supreme Court, there was to be a by-election for his seat of Flinders in 1918, which the National Union asked Bruce to stand for. The Nationalist pre-selection for the seat attracted many candidates, and Sir Edward Mitchell, one of Australia's leading constitutional lawyers was presumed to be the front runner. Mitchell proved to be a disappointing speaker, and Bruce handily won pre-selection with the help of the National Union. A deal arranged by acting Prime Minister William Watt prevented the newly formed Country Party from challenging Bruce in this partly rural seat, which stretched from Dandenong out into the rural areas south and east of Melbourne. In the by-election of 11 May, Bruce easily won over his ALP opponent Gordon Holmes.
Speaking to the delegates in Dandenong, Bruce summed up his political philosophy:
A plain soldier and business man. I am no politician, nor have I any desire to be one. In the course of my commercial career it has been my fate to have had much experience of politicians and their ways. What I have seen in the course of that experience has given me little respect either for the professional politician or his methods. I am desirous of seeing this country governed in the ways of clear common sense and good sound business principles, and I think that desire of mine is heartily share by the vast majority of the population.
Bruce's early years in parliament were unremarkable and his attentions were primarily focused on the affairs of Paterson, Laing and Bruce. However, he began to attract the attention of his parliamentary colleagues over the matter of the Commonwealth Shipping Line (CSL) in 1921. Nationalist Prime Minister Billy Hughes, now a peace-time leader, had declined in popularity within the party due to his left-wing domestic policies. The CSL had been created by the Hughes government as a state-owned concern to ship Australian goods during World War I when British and domestic commercial shipping were unavailable. However its post-war existence was extensively criticized by Bruce as inappropriate and inefficient, and many of his economically conservative colleagues agreed. Bruce also distinguished himself as one of Australia's two representatives to the League of Nations in 1921 in Geneva, at which he passionately advocated for disarmament and greater international cooperation, despite his general skepticism with regards to the League's mission and potential for success. Returning from Europe in October 1921, Bruce was invited by Prime Minister Billy Hughes to join his government as Minister for Trade and Customs. Bruce was not interested – he was the head of one of Australia's largest importing houses and thus had a serious conflict of interest with the portfolio, as well as being very busy with the affairs of running that business. Bruce countered by stating that he might feel obliged to accept if the position of Treasurer was offered, knowing that it had already been promised to Walter Massy Greene. To Bruce's surprise, Hughes agreed, although Massey Greene was to remain the number two in the government and Minister of Defense. Although he had only been in parliament for 3 years, his business-background was highly desirable to Hughes who was facing growing criticism from the pro-business wing of the party who had become increasingly suspicious of Hughes and his interventionist approach to the economy. Influential party figures such as Senator George Pearce and the National Union has also identified Bruce as their preferred choice for the treasury.
Bruce and Hughes clashed in both style and ideology. Bruce found Hughes' management of his government completely lacking in professionalism or structure, and felt little was accomplished in Cabinet or in party meetings so long as Hughes headed them. But Bruce served a strong a counterweight to the domineering Hughes, resisting several of his more expensive proposals or acting as the voice of reason to talk Hughes down from several of his more outlandish ideas. His tenure would ultimately be short, presiding over just one budget in 1922, which was conservative and tax-cutting. The Opposition criticized the budget for its failure to limit rising government spending and indebtedness. The budget included many concessions to rural interests and the recently formed Country Party, which appeared as a major threat to Nationalist Party dominance going into the 1922 elections in December. Yet Bruce endeared himself to many of his colleagues with his amiable personal style, his forceful voice in Cabinet against Hughes, and his conservative views which were more in line with the majority of the party.
Prime Minister, 1923–1929
The Nationalists lost their majority and eleven seats in the House of Representatives in the election of 1922. Only three of these seats were picked up by the Labor Party though, and Labor still lacked the numbers to form government in their own right. Rather, a breakaway anti-Hughes Liberal Party took five government seats, whilst the Country Party increased their number to 14 and now held the balance of power. Country Party leader Earle Page refused to support a Nationalist government with Hughes as prime minister, and negotiations throughout January and February failed to break the impasse. Not willing to risk facing a vote in parliament, which might result in Hughes' defeat and Labor leader Matthew Charlton being sent for by the Governor-General to form government, Hughes surprised his colleagues by announcing his intention to resign on 2 February. With deputy leader Walter Massy Green having lost his seat at the 1922 election, Hughes now sent for Bruce to take over as leader of the party. After some reluctance, Bruce finally agreed, although Hughes later regretted the decision and became one of Bruce's most outspoken detractors.
Bruce moved quickly to secure a working majority for his government. He convinced Hughes' long time political ally George Pearce to join his ministry and shored up the support of the other former National Labor members of the Nationalist Party whom had walked out of the Labor Party with Hughes in 1916. He appointed William Watt as Speaker of the House, effectively removing one of his key opponents from the benches, a tactical manoeuvre that became common in Australian politics thereafter. But his most lasting political achievement was the negotiation of what became known as the Coalition – an arrangement of electoral and political cooperation between the Country and Nationalist parties. Although differing greatly in character and background, the orderly and diplomatic Bruce forged a strong working relationship with the intelligent but irascible Country Party leader Earle Page. Page would become a great admirer of Bruce stating "he was a leader who impressed his colleagues with his sincerity and his capacity, and earned their loyalty as the reward for his wisdom and integrity". Page served as deputy leader of the government and treasurer throughout Bruce's term of office. This relationship came at a high cost, however, as Country Party members received 5 of the 11 ministries and major concessions on rural development and taxation policy – compromises that stirred some resentment among fellow Nationalists.
Bruce's appointment as prime minister marked an important turning point in Australian political history. He was the first prime minister who had not been involved in the movement for Federation, who had not been a member of a colonial or state parliament, and who had not been a member of the original 1901 federal parliament. He was, in addition, the first prime minister to head a cabinet consisting entirely of Australian-born ministers. With his aristocratic manners and dress (he drove a Rolls-Royce and wore white spats) he was also considered to be the first genuinely "Tory" Australian prime minister. Under Bruce, the government took on a decidedly more conservative hue than had been the case under Hughes.
Men, Money and Markets
In 1923, Australia was prosperous by comparison with other developed nations of the period, having quickly rebounded economically after World War I. Unemployment and inflation were relatively low, and Commonwealth revenues had grown significantly since Federation. However, Australia was a vast and richly resourced country with less than six million inhabitants, and Bruce made it his government's priority to develop Australia's economic potential. In his first speech to the House of Representatives as prime minister, he outlined a comprehensive vision for Australia that centered on economic development, reform of the federal system, increased Commonwealth powers over industrial relations, a greater voice for Australia within the British Empire, and the establishment of a national capital. Bruce summarized this vision as a program of Men, Money and Markets.
According to Bruce, men were needed to allow Australia's extensive resources to be developed. In 1923, much of Australia's land was virtually unoccupied, and Bruce believed Australia had the potential to be one of the most fertile and productive nations in the world, which could sustain populations upward of 100 million over time – more than 16 times the population of his time. Despite dissenting voices from scientists, who noted that poor climate, soils and water availability were significant barriers to large populations, the Bruce-Page government enacted policies to encourage large numbers of British to migrate to Australia. Under the auspices of the new Development and Migration Commission, £34 million in loans were made in the decade from 1924 to assist increased settlement through improvements to rural infrastructure, land access, and subsidizing passages for migrants. Estimates as high as half a million British immigrants over ten years were predicted in 1924, although just over two hundred thousand eventually traveled to Australia during that time period. Bruce's settlement plan rested on rural growth. Migrants were often selected on the basis of their willingness to work on the land, state and Commonwealth governments concentrated their investment on rural development, and returned servicemen were also encouraged to take up farms on the periphery of settled areas. Despite this, a majority of these migrants settled in urban areas, as Australia's rural areas were far more remote and difficult to work than England's, and many of those taking advantage of the assistance scheme were urban workers or family and friends of those already settled. Immigration from outside Great Britain and her dominions was considered unpalatable, and the Bruce government upheld the White Australia Policy by placing strong restrictions on immigration from other areas, notwithstanding its population growth targets.
Money was borrowed from Britain to fund these programs, and at an unprecedented rate. Over £230 million was extended in loans from the City of London to state and Commonwealth treasuries during the 1920s, and a further £140 million arrived through private investment. Bruce's plan for Australian economic development needed a much stronger role for the Commonwealth government than had been traditionally accepted. Both Bruce and Page were "conspicuously national rather than federal in their outlook" and sought major changes to federal-state relations in order implement their development policy.
"Increasingly our problems are becoming national in character ... Our financial resources are curtailed and there is an immediate repercussion throughout the Commonwealth. All our problems are common problems. None can be prosperous unless all are prospering. I am more convinced that we have to look at all our problems with the eyes of a nation and not as individuals. Where a great problem confronts a State it may be solved by the cooperation of the Commonwealth for the benefit of the States, and the benefit and advancement of the whole of Australia".
The Bruce-Page plan of May 1923 put in motion efforts to coordinate state-federal operations in several areas, particularly infrastructure and rural development schemes. The Main Roads Development Act of 1923 was one of the first and most important legislative accomplishments in this vein. The act leveraged Section 96 of the Constitution to grant financial assistance to the states on the basis that it be employed to fund road construction and maintenance according to the plans of the federal transportation portfolio – in effect allowing the Commonwealth to directly operate in what was constitutionality the exclusive domain of the state governments. The act would provide a precedent for many types of "special purpose payments" that became a common feature of Australian federal fiscal relations. Despite some major successes, Bruce was more frequently frustrated by a lack of progress in many key areas of intergovernmental cooperation. The states could not be induced to standardize electrical power schemes, or unify on track gauges, or national health insurance despite years of work and solid arguments in favor.
Although men and money had been secured, the markets component of the Bruce plan was never fully realised. At the 1923 Imperial Economic Conference, Bruce lobbied consistently for the Conservative government of Stanley Baldwin to make changes to Great Britain's trading arrangements to give preference to dominion products over imports from other nations. Bruce argued for Empire-wide economic trading arrangements that filled domestic demands by production from member states before seeking supplemental imports from other countries and empires. Baldwin and the Conservatives attempted to introduce such a scheme in Britain; however, the British public feared higher prices for basic products (particularly food), and this fear was a factor in the Conservative government's defeat in the election of December 1923. Baldwin's successor Ramsay MacDonald repudiated the plan, much to Bruce's chagrin, and attempts to revive negotiations foundered as economic conditions worsened throughout the decade. World agricultural prices stalled in the mid-1920s as European and American agricultural production recovered to pre-war levels, and Australian exports were crowded out of markets as the decade progressed.
In 1927, Earle Page handed down the first budget in deficit for the coalition government, and Bruce recognized that Australia's economic position was deteriorating. Federal and state debt that year totaled just over £1 billion, of which £305 million were war debts and the rest had been spent on development that had failed had deliver high returns. Nearly half of the total debt was owed to overseas lenders, principally those in London. Economic growth was slow, and far lower than the levels hoped. Exports and revenues were falling behind government needs, and investors had begun to express alarm at Australia's level of debt. Bruce persisted with his plans and believed that growing Australian exports were the key to rectifying the problems, thus justifying further investment and encouragement of population growth. The government did act to try to manage the debt problem. By the mid-1920s, states were borrowing at unsustainable rates to fund their own programs to compensate for dwindling revenues. In response, Bruce proposed that the responsibility for all government debts, both Commonwealth and state, and the authority to acquire new debt, should be handed over to a National Loan Council on which all states would have one vote and the Commonwealth would have two votes and the casting vote. Bruce also moved to abolish per capita payments to the states, to be replaced by a funding formula tied more to financial need. These two changes formed the Financial Agreement of 1927, the provisions of which were approved by referendum in 1928. These changes were amongst the most impacting in Australian constitutional history, as the states had now lost much of their financial independence. Faced with severe financial pressures and an increasing reliance upon Commonwealth transfer payments, after some resistance the states consented, although vertical fiscal imbalance between the states and the Commonwealth continued to be an enduring feature of Australian federal relations.
Bruce set about applying his business principles to his cabinet, putting both his experience as a corporate manager and rowing coach to use in a cabinet system that was orderly and practical. Bruce implemented a formal system whereby a proper agenda for cabinet meetings would be formulated, and the minister responsible for each item would circulate papers for the benefit of bringing other members up to speed on the issue. Bruce's decision-making procedures ensured that his colleagues were informed and actively participated in decisions – or if they disagreed gave means by which cabinet members could be absent from meetings to preserve cabinet solidarity. In this respect Bruce earned the quick respect and approval of his colleagues, and George Pearce would later conclude that Bruce was subsequently the best of the prime ministers that he served or opposed in his 38-year parliamentary career.
Bruce also greatly strengthened the research and information-gathering capacity of the executive, and sought to make decisions and policy on the basis of the best available evidence and information. A record 22 Royal Commissions reported to the Bruce government, as well as scores of other inquiries and research projects undertaken by the Commonwealth in a wide range of areas, particularly on economic, industrial and agricultural matters. Recognizing that investment in science was essential to expanding the opportunities for agricultural and economic development in Australia, Bruce established the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), now known as the CSIRO. He established the Bureau of Economic Research in 1929 and for the first time economists were regularly employed to advise the government on to that point exclusively political issues. By the time he left office, Bruce had put in place extensive structures to provide information to the prime minister and the executive branch on most major areas of policy, a major development in the professional capacity of the Australian prime minister.
Under Bruce the Australian government also moved to its new permanent home in the planned federal city of Canberra. Plans for a new federal capital had been circulated since the time of Federation, and a site on the Molonglo River was selected in 1913. Design and construction had proceeded slowly due to World War I as well as funding and management problems. Bruce was a committed advocate of the new capital, however, stating: "For the purposes of Federation it was essential that there should be some central point of nationhood, suitable to Australia as a nation ... and sooner or later there would have to be a national capital, overriding State boundaries and State prejudices". This came to pass on 9 May 1927 when the Federal Parliament moved to its new premises in Canberra, and Stanley Bruce moved himself and his wife to The Lodge a few days earlier. At the Federal Parliament's opening ceremony, Bruce decided that voices of the clerks of the House of Representatives and the Senate were too heavily accented, and determined that he would personally welcome the Duke of York and co-open the new building – a move which was criticized by several parliamentarians. The business of transferring government and cabinet operations to the new capital proceeded over 1927 and 1928, an administrative task that occupied a significant proportion of the government's time in those years, much to Bruce's consternation.
Loyal to the concept of the British Empire, Bruce envisaged strengthening it through mutual economic development, greater political cooperation, and common policies on defense, trade and foreign affairs. Bruce's first trip abroad as prime minister was for the 1923 Imperial Conference in London. Bruce put forward a wide range of proposals for stronger cooperation between Great Britain and her dominions in a wide range of areas, particularly in the areas of trade, defense and the formulation of a common foreign policy. Bruce particularly desired a greater role for the Dominions in imperial affairs, including a collective decision-making body for common questions of defense and foreign affairs. Bruce took exception to a lack of involvement in foreign policy decisions made by Britain that would have significant ramifications for Australia. In 1922, in what became known as the Chanak Crisis, British brinkmanship over Turkey's aggressive manoeuvres to redefine its border with Greece had escalated to the point where the British cabinet had threatened war against Turkey. This threat included military participation of dominions in an intervention, though no dominion government had been informed of the developments in Turkey. Although a diplomatic end to the crisis was eventually found, dominion leaders were angered at having almost been committed to a military conflict without any consultation. Bruce pushed for greater consultation and voice for the dominions, and succeeded in having Richard Casey appointed as a permanent political liaison in London who would have access to British government decisions and act as a conduit between Westminster and Melbourne. Bruce also successfully lobbied for the creation of a Dominion Office separated out from the Colonial Office to acknowledge the different state of affairs that now existed in the Empire. However, whilst fellow Dominions generally agreed that the imperial system should be modified, not all shared Bruce's vision for closer collaboration and strong ties. Canada and the Union of South Africa were instead seeking greater independence from London, and there was little enthusiasm for many of Bruce's more ambitious plans for inter-empire trade and policy cooperation.
Despite Australia's greater representation in London after 1923, Bruce's hope for collective imperial decision-making was dashed once more with the British decision to recognize the Soviet Union in 1924. This act dismayed the fervently anti-communist Bruce, who disagreed with the decision ideologically and on the grounds that once again the dominions had not been consulted. Ultimately though Britain and her dominions' opinions on the matter were too different to be reconciled. Instead, Britain signed the General Treaty with the Soviet Union only on her own behalf, marking the first major split between Britain and Australia on a matter of foreign policy. And despite its applicability solely to European security arrangements, Bruce had criticized Britain's signing of the Locarno Treaties in 1925 without dominion consultation; though the eventual treaty was not binding on the dominions.
The 1926 Imperial Conference confirmed that Britain and her dominions were rapidly diverging in interests and that greater independence – not greater cooperation – was the most practical solution. Bruce recognized the empire had reached a turning point, but despite his optimism for a reinvigorated imperial system, there was little interest from other governments. Bruce's plan for greater economic and defensive cooperation was discussed, as well as a revival of imperial preference in trading arrangements, but such ideas were now politically unpalatable in Britain and failed to develop. Bruce attitudes were almost the opposite of those held by the leaders of Canada, South Africa and the Irish Free State. As Prime Minister Baldwin remarked at the conference "If you, Mr Bruce, would use the world 'Empire' a bit less and you Mr McGilligan would use it a bit more, then we would make better progress". Ultimately proposals for greater independence won out, and 1926 Imperial Conference recognized through the Balfour Declaration that dominions were essentially independent entities that freely associated as the British Commonwealth of Nations, though after much negotiation it stopped short of using the terms nation or state. Governors-General were redefined as representatives only of the British monarch, not the British government, and were obliged now to act only on the advice of their respective dominion government. These changes were both symbolically and practically significant in the transformation of the dominions from colonies to independent nations. Bruce had mixed feelings about these developments, believing on the one hand that the Empire was still a strong and vital international organization playing a positive role in international affairs, but on the other hand he was disappointed that other member nations did not share his vision or commitment to maintaining its integrity and unity. Bruce did have some successes at the conference however in expanding the work of the Imperial Economic Committee and increasing inter-empire cooperation in technical and scientific areas..
Strikes and industrial unrest were frequent in the aftermath of World War I, arising from discontent over poor conditions and the rise of militant labour organizations like the Communist Party of Australia and the Industrial Workers of the World. The problems were made worse in Australia due to the overlapping system of industrial courts that had evolved since Federation. Although federal arbitration was intended for industrial disputes that impacted upon multiple states or federal employees, courts had through several judgments greatly expanded the potential jurisdiction of federal arbitration, and the system had developed into a duality with both state and federal tribunals weighing into a wide range of industrial disputes. This was exploited by both unions and employers, who pursued matters in the courts they felt most likely to be favourable and switched between different jurisdictions to arrive at the best combination of state and federal conditions. Protracted disputes arose as employers and employees pursued disputes in different courts or refused to recognize the rulings of one in favour of the other. Billy Hughes and several predecessors had sought resolution to the problem through greater Commonwealth powers, but all referendums to expand Commonwealth industrial powers had failed at the ballot box.
Bruce's attitudes towards industrial relations were varied, and he was initially unsympathetic to either employer or employee complaints, believing the best resolutions to be those brokered between businesses and their employees. He frequently called upon both sides to embrace a spirit of cooperation. The situation became acute when waterfront workers led by the Seaman's Union went on strike in 1925. This had severe and immediate effect on the Australian economy, reliant as it was on sea transportation for its imports and exports, a situation Bruce recognized as untenable. With the union disregarding Commonwealth rulings on the dispute, Bruce rushed through the Navigation Act and the Immigration Act. The first allowed British and foreign shipping not working under Australian industrial awards to operate in Australian waters (although British vessels working in Australia would soon initiate a strike of their own). The second allowed the Commonwealth to deport any foreign-born person whom a special tribunal found guilty to 'disrupting the industrial life of the community'. Key foreign-born strike leaders were immediately targeted for deportation, but New South Wales Premier Jack Lang refused to allow state police to serve summonses on two leading union leaders. Bruce responded with the Peace Officers Act which re-established a Commonwealth police force.
These heavy handed tactics drew outrage from the Labor Party, who challenged Bruce to seek approval from the people. This Bruce did, and the elections of 1925 were Australia's first 'red scare' election. Bruce campaigned for industrial peace and an increased Commonwealth role in securing it, but also denounced "foreign agitators" and "class war" in appealing for law and order on the waterfront. He openly challenged pre-existing federal arrangements, stating on the campaign trail that Australia "should now consider whether that great historic instrument, the Constitution, meets the needs of to-day in the light of the developments which have taken place". The campaign was a success and the Bruce government was handily re-elected. "My government was returned to power on a clear issue and with a definite mission ... to introduce measures for the preservation of industrial peace" Bruce declared during his second term, and called a referendum to amend the Australian Constitution and bring industrial relations under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Commonwealth. Attempts to amend the constitution for this purpose had been rejected narrowly in 1911, 1913 and 1919, but against a background of ongoing industrial strife, Bruce made clear the problems of mixed jurisdiction, confusing dual-awards, and insufficient regulatory and enforcement powers at the Commonwealth level. Controversially Bruce also formulated an "essential services" question to be put at the same time, giving the government the power to protect the public from any "actual or probable disruption to essential services". These proposals drew hostile reception from many quarters – even from future conservative prime minister Robert Menzies – and both the Australian Labor Party and conservative groups were divided in opinion on the amendments, with the ALP eventually taking no fixed position on the questions. But by September the issue had drawn so much controversy and ill-feeling that it was no surprise for many commentators that the proposals failed to attract sufficient popular support to overcome the high-bar for constitutional change.
The problems of industrial unrest continued to flare up. The waterfront remained a flashpoint. In a review of the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Act in 1928, Bruce required industrial courts to consider the economic effects of its awards in addition to the welfare of worker. Immediate problems followed when a new award for waterside workers in 1928 worsened conditions for workers on economic grounds. New industrial action led by the Waterfront Workers Federation broke out. In Melbourne these turned to riots, claiming casualties and at least one fatality. Reviving the "red scare" pitch for the 1928 election campaign, Bruce pushed the Transport Workers Act through parliament in response, an act which gave the executive unprecedented regulatory power in industrial relations. All waterfront workers now required federal licenses, or 'dog collars' as they were derisively known, to work. The act allowed the Commonwealth government to effectively control who worked on the docks and nearly destroyed that Waterfront Workers Union, earning Bruce deep unpopularity among organized labor. Bruce was returned to government in 1928 but with a reduced majority of just nine – a fragile state given the growing propensity for Nationalist member defections. Bruce was undeterred though, and became convinced that unless costs of production for industry in Australia could be lowered and industrial peace secured Australia was heading towards a major economic crisis, which became central planks of his appeals to the public in the elections of 1928 and 1929.
Maritime Industries crisis
As early as 1927 economic indicators were signalling the onset of a recession in Australia. By 1929, the evidence was unavoidable that recession was becoming depression as a resulting of rapidly deteriorating international conditions. In that year, prices for Australian exports fell by nearly a third and GDP had fallen by 10%, with no attendant fall in the cost of living. Australia's debt now stood at £631 million – the interest payments on which were equivalent to nearly half of Australia's export receipts, a situation difficult to sustain even in a positive economic climate. Investors and banks recognized the risk and Australia's credit access was rapidly drying up. Bruce's grand economic development plans had increased the national debt significantly yet had delivered only marginal economic expansion in the short term. To make matters worse, industrial unrest was an ongoing problem, particularly in the economically key states of New South Wales and Victoria. Bruce's opposition had become more potent as well: James Scullin had assumed the leadership of the ALP in 1928 upon the retirement of Matthew Charlton, and was widely recognized as one of the parliament's most gifted and articulate members. Scullin forecast that the Australian economy was highly vulnerable given its indebtedness, and was on a course for severe depression if government finances were not turned around dramatically. Furthermore, Bruce's own party was breaking down underneath him. The party's collapse in the electorate was blamed on disunity and the lack of clear purpose – there had been no official party platform yet agreed to and individual members had a wide degree of latitude to determine the issues they ran on, leading to frequent government defections on legislation. Despite a majority of 9, supporters peeled away during 1928 and 1929 over various issues and became critics of the Bruce government, with Nationalists Billy Hughes and Edward Mann becoming two of the government's most ardent opponents in 1929.
Worsening economic conditions had put further pressure on industrial relations, with unemployment rising and employers seeking to cut costs. Strikes of sugar mill workers in 1927, waterside workers in 1928, and then transport and timber industry workers in 1929 continued to disrupt economic operations. The worst came with ongoing disputes between miners and mine owners on the coalfields of New South Wales had culminated in riots and lockouts in 1929, and intervention by the Bruce government failed to produce a settlement. Notably, in March 1929 Newcastle-based mine owner John Brown locked out workers from his mines at Pelaw Main and Richmond Main to try and force acceptance of lower wages. Attorney-General John Latham pursued legal action against Brown for illegally using coercive industrial tactics, however Bruce intervened and stop the prosecution, believing the case to be doubtful and that dropping would give the government a chance to negotiate an end to the dispute. However the mine-owners refused to accede to government-brokered negotiations anyway, and Bruce was seen to have been siding with rich businesses and applying double standards, undermining his credibility as an impartial leader and law-and-order prime minister.
Bruce and the conservatives in parliament became increasingly convinced that "economic deterioration [was] the product, rather than the possible cause, of worsening industrial relations". Exasperated Bruce made a dramatic move and presented an ultimatum to the Australian state governments – either they should voluntarily hand their powers of industrial regulation to the federal government, or the federal government would divest itself of its industrial powers and dismantle federal arbitration. The announcement came as a major shock to all sides of politics, not least Bruce's own party, most of whom had not been informed of the dramatic change in policy until the day it was announced to the states. Bruce calculated that the states would not give up their powers, and thus the move was one designed to sanction the end of Commonwealth arbitration. For Bruce, the only inconceivable outcome now was that the status quo of dual jurisdiction remained unchanged. The opposition to the proposal, which Bruce introduced to the parliament as the Maritime Industries Bill, was swift and fierce. In 1929 over 150 unions and 700,000 workers were covered by Commonwealth awards over a wide range of industries – although there was dissatisfaction in the coal and timber sectors, most were happy with their arrangements and feared worse pay and conditions if moved back to state awards. Bruce's defended his actions as merely to create certainty and end the duplication which had caused so many problems in recent years. Other government decisions in 1929 had attracted controversy as well. Page handed down his last budget on 22 August, which hinted at the burgeoning debt crisis and introduced a new tax on entertainment and theatres to help cover the deficit. The tax was very unpopular with the public, and the entertainment industry mounted a vocal campaign to stop it. Bruce, supported by the Brigden Report of 1929, also raised concern that protective tariffs were too high and were in need of reform – a position controversial with the powerful protected industries.
The second reading of the Maritime Industries Bill passed by only four votes, with Nationalist MPs Billy Hughes, Edward Mann and George Maxwell voting against the government. Now before the committee of the whole, Hughes moved an amendment to the bill that stipulated it should only take effect after being approved by the people at a referendum or general election. Bruce ruled out any referendum, stating that the amendment would constitute a vote of confidence in his government and urged his party to vote it down. William McWilliams and Walter Marks joined the opposition, giving the opposition a one vote majority. Bruce and his supporters now lobbied the Speaker Sir Littleton Groom to make a deliberative vote in committee to tie the numbers, leaving the Committee chairman James Bayley with the casting (and presumably pro-government) vote. Groom refused, citing long-standing Westminster (though not Australian) parliamentary tradition of the speaker's impartiality in committee. Groom's bitterness at having been sacked by Bruce as Attorney-General in 1925 was speculated to have had a significant bearing on Groom's decision.
A snap election was called, with Bruce taking his case to the people that dramatic action on industrial relations was needed. Opposition Leader Scullin stridently attacked the government, blaming Bruce for an industrial environment that was adversarial and punitive, stressing that Commonwealth arbitration had safeguarded many rights of workers and was completely workable with conciliation and proper consultation. Scullin also criticized the Bruce government for the growing debt problem and economic malaise which Scullin had predicted for some years would lead to a major economic crisis. In the event, the Bruce government was soundly defeated on 12 October, losing more than half their seats in parliament. To add insult to injury, Bruce was defeated in his own seat, the first time this had happened to a sitting prime minister. Bruce was measured in defeat however, stating "the people have said they do not want my services, and I am going into the banishment to which they have sent me".
Return to government, 1929–1933
Bruce returned to England after his defeat to holiday and attend to his business, John Latham having taken over as leader of the Nationalists. With the stock market crash in 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression in Australia, Bruce commented to his colleagues that their defeat was probably fortunate. Bruce ardently defended his government's record however, believing the crisis to have been inevitable and his own policies to have been justified attempts to try and strengthen the Australian economy. It was this defence that Bruce mounted in April 1931 when he announced he would return to politics and seek to recapture his seat of Flinders. By now the Nationalists had regrouped as the United Australia Party (UAP) under Joseph Lyons who had defected with several others from the embattled Scullin government. In November 1931 the Scullin government was defeated in parliament over its controversial Premiers' Plan, catching Bruce by surprise as he was in England attending to Paterson, Laing and Bruce affairs when a new election was called. In the landslide against the Scullin government, Bruce was elected in absentia as Member for Flinders and appointed assistant treasurer in the new Lyons Government, Lyons having taken the treasury portfolio personally. Lyons leaned heavily on Bruce and Latham in his first six months of government, though Bruce had by now set his sights on international affairs rather than the domestic crisis.
Bruce led the Australian delegation to the 1932 Imperial Economic Conference in Ottawa. Bruce redoubled his efforts to improve Australian economic prospects with the empire, and the conference agreed to a limited form of Bruce's long sought imperial preference scheme that would give Australia greater access and competitiveness in imperial markets over five years, an achievement for which Bruce received much praise from the Lyons government. The closer trading arrangements of the Ottawa Agreements would set the pattern for Australian-British trade relations until Britain's entry in the European Common Market in 1973. After the success of the Imperial Economic Conference, Lyons appointed Bruce to London as Resident Minister in the United Kingdom – it was to remain his and Ethel's home for the rest of their lives. Bruce's first task in London was to renegotiate the terms of Australia's burgeoning government debts, the repayment of which was crippling Depression-era Australia. Over two years, Bruce negotiated with the Westminster Bank and the British Government for loan conversions worth £84 million, which saved Australia millions of pounds in interest over several years and along with the Ottawa Agreements were significant in helping alleviate Australia's financial difficulties. Bruce was asked at several points during the 1930s to return to Australia by UAP backers and other political figures, who hoped that he could replace Lyons as prime minister. Bruce himself had questioned Lyon's health and capacity to execute the role effectively, however showed little interest in returning.. In 1938 and 1939 Bruce was approached by senior UAP figures and Lyons himself to return to Australia and assume the leadership of the government which was struggling under the ailing Lyons, however Bruce either flatly declined or set conditions for his return (such as an all-party government behind him) that were impossible to meet.
High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, 1933–1945
In September 1933, Bruce was appointed by Lyons to replace the ailing Granville Ryrie as High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, giving Bruce ambassadorial rank. Bruce would excel in the post, becoming a trusted confidant among Conservative politicians and a familiar face in British government circles, which led to him at one point considering entering British politics formally. Bruce was particularly close to Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, with whom he frequently consulted, and was notably influential in pressing for Edward VIII's abdication in 1936. His importance and power in London was due in part to the free rein which Lyons gave him – a rarity in the history of the position. Combined with the turmoil and frequent ministerial changes within the Commonwealth Department of External Affairs, Bruce was generally credited as Australia's most influential and credible international representative during his posting, often determining matters of foreign policy in his own right.
League of Nations
Bruce represented Australia at the League of Nations and successfully lobbied for Australia to participate as a member of the League Council from 1933 to 1936. Bruce opposed action against Japan following the invasion of Manchuria in 1933, concerned as to Australia's trading relationship with Japan and the potential future threat it posed to peace in the Pacific. He also attempted to steer the League away from sanctioning member nations, believing it yet lacked the military or economic sway to do so effectively and feared the breakdown of the League – a prospect which loomed after Germany and Japan departed the body in 1933. During the Abyssinian Crisis, Bruce again counseled against partial sanctions, believing them the worst option as they would not stop the Ethiopian invasion and yet would alienate Italy – then a potential ally against a rearming Nazi Germany. Bruce further argued for much greater rearmament efforts in the United Kingdom and France in order to provide greater military capacity to enforce future decisions by the League. Bruce assumed the presidency of the League of Nations Council in 1936 at the height of the crisis and after the failure of the Hoare-Laval Pact between France, Italy and Britain, however further attempts to forestall the invasion failed. Bruce presided as League Council President during the Rhineland Crisis, although once again attempts to respond to fascist aggression failed, a failure which did not shake Bruce's conviction in the potential of the League, although he saw it doomed to failure without fundamental reforms to its structure and system of sanctions. Bruce was nominated by Turkey to chair the 1936 Montreaux Conference, which was far more successful in negotiating international agreement on passage through the Bosphorus and the Dardenelles – an issue of particular relevance to Bruce as a veteran of the Gallipoli campaign. Despite the turmoil of his presidency, the League historian F.B. Walters would later describe Bruce as "the best, perhaps, of the many first-rate chairmen who presided over the Council, Conferences, or Committees of the League".
By 1937 Bruce's attention had shifted to social and economic cooperation, which he believed had far greater potential for success and was of greater importance to humanity at large. Bruce had taken a leading role in promoting agriculture, nutrition and economic cooperation through the League of Nations, working intensively with Frank McDougall and John Boyd Orr throughout the decade. In 1937 he presented a plan of "economic appeasement" which built on this work and aimed to ease international tensions by reviving international trade and improving living standards in Europe through better working conditions, lower food prices, rural credits and housing assistance. Barriers to trade would gradually be reduced whilst European nations still recovering from the depression would be reintegrated into the international economy. In doing so he made a firm link between international trade and international peace, believing it key to unlocking world economic potential and, foreshadowing the logic of the Marshall Plan, Bruce argued that unrelieved economic and social hardship threatened to push other nations towards fascism or communism.
"I feel very strongly that it will be impossible to find a solution to the political problems of Europe and remove the present nightmare conditions unless something is done to improve the economic position ... it is vital for the prestige and future wellbeing of the League that it should afford active leadership towards bringing about economic appeasement"
The plan was supported by Secretary-General Joseph Avonol, who like Bruce recognized the League was rapidly becoming moribund and a major change of direction was needed, however neither were successful in convincing key states in contributing to the plan. Critically, new British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain could not be convinced by Bruce to invest further into the development of the League, and the body began to lose its political impetus as war loomed. Bruce would continue to press for League reform in the lead up to the war. The Bruce committee to advise on League reform was formed in 1939 in the aftermath of the partition of Czechoslovakia by Nazi Germany and the apparent failure of Chamberlain's appeasement policy. This committee, which met in July and August 1939, proposed a significant expansion of Bruce's earlier ideas to the League, bringing a wide range of economic and social programs under its purview as a means of fostering international cooperation. Their work would be rendered moot however by the imminent outbreak of World War II
World War II
In the events leading up to World War II, Bruce and Lyons had been supporters of the British under Chamberlain and the policy of appeasement exercised with regards to the reoccupation of the Rhineland, the Anschluss and the Munich Crisis. Even during the 'phony war', Bruce continued to advocate the implementation of a more durable international system to enforce peace through mutual disarmament, the expansion of transnational trade, and global organizations capable of addressing the pressing social and economic questions which he felt were the recurrent causes of international conflict. Bruce had become a close confidant of senior Conservative Party figures Anthony Eden and Neville Chamberlain in this period, and was strident in advancing the opinion of Australia (and the dominions more broadly) that negotiation and compromise with Nazi Germany was preferable to war. Bruce actively participated in the negotiations for the Munich Agreement. When Lyons died in April 1939, Earle Page and Richard Casey personally appealed for Bruce to return to Australia and take over once more as prime minister at the head of the UAP. Bruce demurred however, and made it the condition of his return that he be allowed to sit in parliament as an independent and lead an all-party unity government. Such conditions were politically impossible to meet, and Robert Menzies was elected as the new leader of the UAP.
Britain's declaration of war against Germany on 3 September 1939 was followed within hours by Australia's Prime Minister Menzies stating that because of Britain's declaration Australia too was now at war with Germany. Winston Churchill's accession as British Prime Minister in May 1940 brought Bruce into frequent conflict with the British government. Churchill saw the Dominions as still semi-dependent colonies who were at London's command whereas Bruce saw the Empire as a kind of international partnership and the Dominions as rightful parties to the decision-making process. Britain's preoccupation with the European theater alarmed Australian politicians given the tenuous position of Far Eastern possessions and the looming possibility of Japanese invasion. After a string of defeats in the Far East, particularly the Fall of Singapore, the Australian government was finally successful in having Bruce accredited to the British War Cabinet and Pacific War Council as an Australian (and dominion) representative. However, Bruce soon became embroiled in the disputes over Churchill's autocratic leadership style and his lack of consultation with the cabinet over war decisions. Bruce was regularly left out of cabinet communique or not invited to meetings, much to his displeasure. With the fear of Japanese invasion mounting in Australia throughout 1942, Bruce directly confronted Churchill on a number of occasions over Far East policy and the continuing lack of consultation with Australia and his own cabinet. Churchill usually responded rebuffing Bruce or pointedly excluding him further from government business. Although outwardly relenting to the pressure placed by the dominions for representation in war decisions, routinely Churchill marginalized or ignored that representation. Bruce persisted in this difficult arrangement until May 1944 when he became completely disillusioned and resigned, choosing other forums in which to represent Australia in London. In spite of his tempestuous relationship with Churchill, Bruce was held in high regard by many cabinet members, particularly future prime ministers Clement Attlee and Anthony Eden, and his dogged determination to advance dominion interests during the war years earned him high praise from Curtin and the other dominion prime ministers.
Food and Agriculture Organization, 1946–1951
By the war's end in 1945, Bruce had become tired of the High Commission posting and hinted to Curtin's successor Ben Chifley that he would not object to being replaced in the position. In the last years of the war he had envisaged a post-war order based on a continuing alliance of the four powers (United States, British Empire, Soviet Union and China) which could evolve into a new international body with a similar function as the League of Nations, but with a stronger role and authority in international matters. Bruce had rejoined Frank McDougall and John Boyd Orr in these years in reviving their proposals for international cooperation on nutrition and agriculture. Bruce wrote and made representations at all levels on the subject, and became a leading voice once more advocating the creation of an international body to examine social and economic questions, much as he had done during his years with the League of Nations. The efforts of McDougall, Bruce and Orr finally paid off when their work came to the attention of Eleanor Roosevelt, and subsequently the American government, and their proposals would find expression at the Food and Agriculture Conference that Franklin Roosevelt convened in Hot Springs, Virginia in May 1943. This conference agreed to the establishment of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which became an associated institution with the United Nations when it was established formally in October 1945.
As the war in Europe drew to a close and the United Nations Charter was promulgated in June 1945, Bruce's name was among those being considered to become the first Secretary-General of the United Nations, with American Secretary of State Dean Acheson and British Foreign Minister Anthony Eden actively supporting his candidacy. However Bruce was now 62 and indicated that he felt himself too old for the position, instead preferring a less demanding role considering economic and social questions. In 1946 he assumed the chairmanship of the FAO Preparatory Commission on World Food Proposals, which had the mission of establishing a 'world food board' to coordinate international policy on nutrition and develop a system to eliminate global agricultural shortages. Bruce proposed many international schemes as part of this work, particularly a world food reserve and special pricing mechanisms to reallocate and release food to where it was most needed in times of need. Bruce's Commission also placed a high emphasis on agricultural modernization, international development aid, commodity agreements and price stability to help starving developing nations in its findings presented in 1947. The proposals however were never adopted, as the costs and challenges to national sovereignty proved too difficult to politically overcome. Undeterred, Bruce was elected Chairman of the newly formed FAO Council in November 1947, working once more with John Boyd-Orr, now Secretary-General of the FAO. Acute shortages of cereals and livestock were rampant following severe droughts in Europe, and the international food supply system was under severe strain after the devastation of the war. Bruce and the council worked in these years to distribute fertilizer and agricultural machinery, as well as improve nutrition, especially in less developed nations. More than two-thirds of the world was undernourished in 1949 and Bruce felt it imperative for the Council to bring these stark facts to the developed nations. A landmark agreement on technical aid between the FAO and the United Nations was reached in November 1949, and the FAO received the funding and logistical capacity to act on the food shortage crisis and the problems of poor nutrition in the developing world. Bruce and the FAO were successful in these years in supporting the recovery of world agricultural output. By 1951 this had exceeded pre-war levels, and general levels of nutrition were rising internationally, however by the time Bruce stepped down in that year neither had improved fast enough to keep pace with the post-war population boom. The Council faced major obstacles in supporting the improvement of conditions in the developing world as governments there began diverting resources to arms programs as independence, post-colonial and Cold War conflicts multiplied. Frustrated by continuing world conflict and the lack of commitment from the developed world to support the lofty but very difficult aims of the FAO, both Bruce and Orr resigned from the FAO disappointed by its modest gains and insufficient powers to alleviate world food problems.
Bruce occupied a range of positions in his later years, sharing his time between the United Kingdom and Australia. He had been Chairman of the Finance Corporation of Industry since 1946 and continued in the role until 1957, providing finance to projects of benefit to the British national economy but could not finding funding elsewhere. Bruce helped establish the program in Australia in 1954 and on a Commonwealth basis in 1956. He became the first Chancellor of the newly established Australian National University in 1952, and took an active interest in its development, especially as a research center for the study of Asia and the Pacific. Bruce concluded that Australia's position in the world has changed as a result of World War II, commenting:
[Australia] has become a bridgehead between East and West. It is now vital that Australia should understand the problems of the East, the she should do whatever is in her power to alleviate those problems, and that she should interpret the nature of those problems to the rest of the world.
The residential college, Bruce Hall was named in honour of Bruce, and he remained active in the life of the university until his retirement from the position in 1961. Bruce sat as director on many corporate boards in retirement, notably the National Bank of Australia, P&O and the National Mutual Life Association. In 1947 Bruce became the first Australian to sit in the House of Lords (Sir John Forrest being the first Australian to have been granted but dying before it could be invested).
Having been elevated to the peerage as Viscount Bruce of Melbourne by longtime colleague Clement Attlee, Bruce would be an active participant in the chamber, attending regularly right up until his death. Bruce used it as a platform to continue to campaign on international and national social and economic questions, and to promote recognition and representation for Australia within the Commonwealth, though by this time Australian and British interests were becoming increasingly far apart, and the British Empire was rapidly disintegrating. Bruce also continued to lobby the British government in these years to increase its commitment to third world development and the FAO. An avid golfer his whole life, Bruce became the first Australian captain of the Royal and Ancient Golf Club of St Andrews in 1954. He also continued to coach rowing at Cambridge University sporadically, and frequently appeared at public events both in Australia and in England.
Death and Legacy
Bruce remained active and in good health right through his retirement despite the gradual onset of deafness, but the death of his wife Ethel in March 1967 took a deep toll on Bruce. He died on 25 August 1967 at the age of eighty four. His memorial service was held at St Martin-in-the-Fields and widely attended, including by representatives of the Royal Family. His ashes were scattered over Lake Burley Griffin in Canberra. The Canberra suburb of Bruce, and the electoral Division of Bruce based in south-east Melbourne, were both named for him after his death.
Returning to Australia after his years in London in 1945, his diplomatic career was not well known in Australia and most still harbored memories of his harsh anti-union legislation and his landslide defeat as prime minister in 1929. His public persona was one of an aloof man, too English for Australia in style and bearing. Upon his death in 1967, The Age of his hometown Melbourne remarked that "for most Australians, he is little more than a shadow." And indeed, it was in the United Kingdom that Bruce spent much of his life and career, the country that conversely held him in high regard. Yet Bruce never forgot his Australian roots and for much of his career was a tireless advocate of her interests. And despite his image as a member of the British aristocratic elite, Bruce spent much of his later career working for solutions to the problems facing the world's poorest.
Bruce was high-minded and ambitious in setting an agenda – as prime minister he pursued complex and aspiring schemes of economic, social and administrative development, including grandiose solutions to the problem of industrial relations and an egalitarian reworking of the British Empire. In his diplomatic career he pursued better treatment for the Commonwealth and programs through the League of Nations and United Nations that would address world questions of pressing social and economic concern, culminating in his most ambitious work to eliminate world hunger through the Food and Agriculture Organization. The Australian government even nominated Bruce for the Nobel Prize for Peace in recognition for these efforts. Yet Bruce's schemes frequently bordered on the idealistic, and he was to be disappointed at the limited degree to which he could practically implement his ideas. As Bruce himself would concede in later life, he was overly ambitious by nature and "forever buying into things that aren't really my concern". But despite his lack of public recognition in Australia, peers and historians have long recognized the abiding impact Bruce had both as prime minister and internationalist, leading his successor as Chancellor of the Australian National University Sir John Cockroft to conclude in 1962 that Bruce was "probably the outstanding Australian of our time". The Melbourne Sun agreed with the assessment, stating upon his death that Bruce was "probably the least remembered but the most extraordinary of our Prime Ministers."
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|Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Stanley Bruce|
- Stanley Bruce at the National Archives of Australia
- Stanley Bruce at the National Museum of Australia
- Stanley Bruce at the Australian Dictionary of Biography
- Stanley Bruce's 1925, 1928 and 1929 election speeches at the Museum of Australian Democracy
- Stanley Bruce Fact Sheet at the Museum of Australian Democracy
- Resources on Stanley Bruce at the National Library of Australia
- Recordings of Stanley Bruce at the National Film and Sound Archive