Stereotypes of South Asians
Stereotypes of South Asians are broadly believed impressions about individuals of South Asian origin that are inconsistent with reality. While the impressions are wrongly presumed to be universally true for all people of South Asian origin, these stereotypes adversely affect the South Asians as well as the acculturation process.
With 20th century immigration of South Asians around the world, especially to the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States, ethnic stereotyping of South Asians has become common place. These stereotypes have been found by scholars to be dehumanizing, making South Asians more prone to mistreatment and crime, a constraint on their ability to productively contribute, as well as a cause of depression and ill health.
Ethnic stereotypes of South Asians have included Orientalism and Romanticism as well as the scientific racism. These stereotypes are applied in both an unrealistically ideal way and sometimes an unrealistically negative way. In Britain, Indians are depicted as either corner shop owners, livery-cab drivers or doctors. Since the rise of Islamic terrorism in the 2000s, in the United Kingdom and the United States, there have even been hate crimes against Sikhs, from being wrongfully stereotyped as "Muslim" because Sikhs wear turbans.
- 1 Contemporary stereotypes
- 2 Historical
- 3 Region specific stereotypes
- 4 Consequences
- 5 See also
- 6 References
South Asians are stereotyped around the world in ways that are dehumanizing, and in some cases it leads to depression and mental health issues. These stereotypes include cultural prejudices, belonging to certain professions such as taxi drivers or motel owners or computer geeks or medical doctors, surface learners and rote memorizers, too eager to assimilate or not willing to assimilate, not caring mothers, among others.
Cultural prejudices in American schools
Cultural stereotypes prevalent in American schools negatively impact students of South Asian origin, in terms of social stress, feeling dehumanized and their general sense of well being. American sociologist Yvette Rosser finds that negative attitudes and images about South Asian cultures are taught in American schools or through the media, and these misconceptions may color people's personal socialization experience. Sensationalist news stories about India often reinforce preconceived ideas.
Social studies teachers can play a critical role in eliminating cultural prejudices, but instead typically reinforce stereotypes about cultures different from their own, and present biased information about South Asians, thereby losing the opportunity for deeper understanding.
In numerous interviews of students of South Asian descent, as compiled by Rosser, individuals of South Asian origin were asked the following questions:
- Describe any stereotypes and misrepresentations about India that were taught in America as fact.
- Do you feel, as a student of South Asian descent, that your presence in the classroom had an influence on the manner in which the course materials on India (or Asia in general) were presented?
- If Indian and South Asian topics were presented in your classes, what ideas were emphasised?
- Compare the coverage of South Asia with that of other areas of Asia.
"Wars, disease, population, Gandhi, Mother Theresa, female infanticide, flooding, and starvation; India was only thought of as a third world country—considered inferior and totally ignorant of world events. The economic backwardness of India blamed on the superstitious and polytheistic nature of Hinduism."
— American born student of South Asian heritage in Houston
"The presentation of South Asians is a standard pedagogic approach which runs quickly from the "Cradle of Civilization"—contrasting the Indus Valley with Egypt and Mesopotamia—on past the Aryans, who were somehow our ancestors— to the poverty stricken, superstitious, polytheistic, caste ridden Hindu way of life. . . and then somehow magically culminates with a eulogy of Mahatma Gandhi. A typical textbook trope presents the standard Ancient India Meets the Age of Expansion Approach with a color photo of the Taj Mahal. There may be a side bar on ahimsa or a chart of connecting circles graphically explaining samsara and reincarnation, or illustrations of the four stages of life or the Four Noble Truths. Amid the dearth of real information there may be found an entire page dedicated to a deity such as Indra or Varuna, who admittedly are rather obscure vis-à-vis the beliefs of most modern Hindus."
— A South Asian in America
"India is considered as really dirty and the people not too intelligent. Teachers and the textbooks generally approached Asia from a negative perspective and, showed the desolate parts of India, not the beauty. Only lives of the poor were represented and the treatment of Asia showed only the problems. Students never learned that, in India, there is a middle class made up of approximately 300 million consumers. Another student complained that India is depicted as just a poor country and that the lives of the people are dealt with in a simplistic manner."
— A woman born in the United States who went to high school in Dallas
Rosser notes that the stereotypical discourse in much of the United States about South Asia is rarely devoted to economic development and democratic institutions in independent India. India is not depicted as a viable political state. People quickly make sweeping and flawed metaphysical assumptions about its religion and culture, but are far more circumspect when evaluating civil society and political culture in modern India. It is as if the value of South Asia resides only in its ancient contributions to human knowledge whereas its pathetic attempts to modernise or develop are to be winked at and patronised.
After her own studies, Rosser began to question the interpretations of some of the more well-known, leftist-oriented scholars from India who dissect the nascent nation, for whatever reasons, along with their Western counterparts, regularly demonise India’s national urges, deconstructing and disempowering individuals of South Asian origin. Most people stereotype South Asians as if the nation is little more than "Taj Mahal, famine, hunger, population, poverty, Hare Krishna, and Gandhi."
Alternatively, the stereotypes stress prejudices about "hinduism, the caste system, poverty, third world country, inferiority" as if that is all India is. One survey participant confided that the diversity of views and culture within India was not depicted accurately and "only negativities were enforced; we of South Asian origin are stereotyped as we all starve; we eat monkey brains; we worship rats; we worship cows." It is as if every single individual in India is oppressed as well as oppressing others, it is stereotyped as a backward country that treats their women poorly and kills their baby girls. Checking for facts or reality is considered unnecessary. Similar observations have been made by other scholars, for both recent immigrants and second generation South Asian Americans born in the United States.
In the minds of many Americans, Rosser writes, Indian women are to be pitied and the positive social progress made by many women in India is completely ignored. Despite the fact that women's right to vote, other labour and civil rights in the United States took time in American history, such facts are never contextualised or compared to the social and political uplift of modern Indian women. The prevailing image is that if the unfortunate females of South Asia survive a deprived childhood they are likely to be burned in a dowry death after their forced marriage to a complete stranger. Indian women are shown as downtrodden and powerless victims, unlike American women who have more freedom. Indira Gandhi is seen as an anomaly. The numerous Indian women who every year join the colleges in America are also seen as anomalous.
Rosser notes that while India's religion and the caste system are emphasised in American discourse, no mention is made of post-independence secular India's efforts toward national integration of its minorities. No mention is made of laws and efforts against discrimination, or the country's 60-year effort towards active inclusion of scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population in educational and employment opportunities. People also forget to introspect the fact that social discrimination and prejudice has been a widespread worldwide issue, for example the treatment of African Americans in southern United States.
Dual socioeconomic profiling
South Asians are stereotyped as belonging to two socioeconomic groups. They are stereotyped either as convenience store or restaurant owners, cab drivers or motel operators who are uneducated, greedy, with large families and live in crowded homes. Alternatively, they are stereotyped as snobbish, upwardly mobile software programmers and doctors, who lack English-speaking fluency and are willing to take a lower salary. These stereotypes are built, claim scholars, by media shows such as the Bangladeshi store owners represented as Sirajul and Mujibur in David Letterman's show, or by the character Apu in The Simpsons, or Babu Bhatt character in the Seinfeld show, or the British TV show The Kumars at No. 42. This contrasts with the reality that South Asians are active, in various levels of prominence and service, in every profession.
Along with East Asian people, South Asians are stereotyped as model minorities with certain expected behavior. These stereotypes are encouraged by media stories such an article by Forbes Magazine entitled “Indian Americans: The New Model Minority.” Richwine claims, "The success of Indian Americans is often ascribed to the culture they bring with them, which places strong – some would even say obsessive – emphasis on academic achievement”. The article highlights how Indian American children win spelling bee contests, but the article does not mention that some Indian-American immigrant children also struggle to learn fluent English as a second language. Similarly, while Asian Indians in the United States have among the highest percentage of college degrees as well as highest income among all ethnic and racial groups, for every South Asian who has a degree with high income, there is another South Asian who struggles to gain job skills and become trained to be gainfully employed.
Barack Obama has said that the prevailing stereotype being cultivated against Indians in the United States is that "all U.S. jobs are being outsourced to India," and the stereotype is adversely affecting India-United States relations. He also commented that such stereotypes have "outlived their usefulness" and "ignore today’s reality.” Obama said, "Trade between our countries is not just a one-way street of American jobs and companies moving to India. It is a dynamic two-way relationship that is creating jobs, growth and higher standards in both our countries."
South Asian women – they are not the same as us
In a 1993 study of stereotypes held by midwives in British National Health Service, several stereotypes were found to be prevalent against women of South Asian descent. One, the South Asian mothers were stereotyped as abusing the social service and failing to take recommended treatment. Second, they were stereotyped as those who make fuss about nothing. Third, they were stereotyped as lacking 'normal maternal instinct'. The study found communication difficulties to be part of the problem, particularly among women who were Muslim South Asians with Urdu as their first language; this problem vanished when hospital staff of South Asian descent were included in the team attending the expectant mother. Further, the study found experimenter's bias in a population wide study that included native British people, people of South Asian descent and people from other parts of the world. Contrary to the stereotypes, comparative analysis revealed that the rate of health care service use, rate of diligent treatment and follow up, as well as 'maternal instinct' behavior was no different among South Asian women than natives or other ethnic groups.
Too eager or awkward in assimilation
Two conflicting but prevailing stereotypes in Europe and North America relate to alienation and assimilation by people of South Asian origins.
Hernandez, for example, in her analysis of Richard Rodriguez – the Anisfield-Wolf Book Award winner – and V.S. Naipaul – the Nobel laureate in literature of Indo-Caribbean origin – quotes Albert Memmi's classic, illustrating the stereotype. Memmi claims they make every effort to look Western, in the hope that no one will recognise them; from this proceeds their efforts to forget their past, to change their collective customs, their enthusiastic adoption of the Western language, culture and values, alleges Memmi.
Simultaneously these people are also stereotyped as old fashioned, irrational, weird in their customs, servile to their ethnic habits, lacking all sense of individuality, not eager to learn and grow, not speaking or adopting local language (for example, French or English), not wanting to assimilate and be a part of the melting pot. Some stereotype them as betraying a past, others as betraying the future. These stereotypes reflect innate discomfort, confusion and possibly a struggle with rejection by those who stereotype as well as those who are being stereotyped.
Hernandez notes, for Naipaul, after a start in a humble family background, personal and professional success could only be achieved through learning, understanding and assimilation. This conflicting stereotype is not unique to South Asians. As Hernandez outlines, the same stereotypes exist against people from different regions of the world, such as against Rodriguez of Mexico.
Komagata Maru – go back, you don't belong here
In 1914, a steamer named Komagata Maru arrived in the harbour of Vancouver, Canada. On it were 376 South Asians, mostly Sikhs. Both Canada and India were part of the British Commonwealth at the time, movement of people and migration within the empire was permissible, with millions of South Asians sought by the British government for its World War I efforts outside India. The passengers on Komagata Maru were not soldiers but workers. The provincial government stopped the steamer at sea, refused the tired passengers from disembarking for two months, argued that the South Asians didn't belong in Canada, then forced the steamer and passengers to go back to India. Political leaders and newspaper media parroted allegations, impressions and cartoons for two months, mocking the immigrants waiting in the boat at sea. This action has been explained by scholars, as a result of four stereotypes. First, they were stereotyped as polluting the collective character of British Columbia as a land of White, European-based settlers. Second, all Asians – South Asian and East Asians – were stereotyped to be from an insulated and unassimilable culture. Third, they were stereotyped as those who were willing to work for less than fair wage. Fourth, all Asians including South Asians were stereotyped as unclean, diseased and a threat to public health. Robert McDonald suggests that these stereotypes were false because it was the prevalent prejudice that contributed to their segregation and difficulty in their assimilation, they did not compete with Whites for employment but took the unskilled and rough jobs for which there were no White workers available, and they were neither diseased nor unclean as wealthier Europeans families eagerly sought them as cooks and errand houseboys inside their homes. The stereotypes, claims Robert McDonald, were irrational constructions.
After being forced to go back, Komagata Maru returned to India with emotionally distraught and angry South Asians. Some were arrested on arrival of the steamer in Calcutta by British officials, few shot for resisting arrest, others jumped off the ship and escaped, then joined the cause of independence of India from British rule. The Indian government in 1952, and the Canadian government in 1989 marked the Komagata Maru incident with memorials and a reminder of the dangers of discrimination and stereotypes.
Friedrich Schlegel wrote in a letter to Tieck that India was the source of all languages, thoughts and poems, and that "everything" came from India. In the 18th century, Voltaire wrote that "I am convinced that everything has come down to us from the banks of the Ganges, astronomy, astrology, metempsychosis, etc... Mark Twain similarly enthused about Indian culture and achievements.
The term "Indophobia" was first coined in western academia by American Indologist Thomas Trautmann to describe negative attitudes expressed by some British Indologists against Indian history, society, religions and culture. Historians have noted that during the British Empire, "evangelical influence drove British policy down a path that tended to minimize and denigrate the accomplishments of Indian civilization and to position itself as the negation of the earlier British Indomania that was nourished by belief in Indian wisdom."
In Charles Grant's highly influential "Observations on the ...Asiatic subjects of Great Britain" (1796), Grant alleged that the Hindus are "a people exceedingly depraved". Similarly, British colonial era historian, James Mill claimed that both Indians and Chinese people are cowardly, unfeeling, and mendacious. Both Mill and Grant attacked Orientalist scholarship that was too respectful of Indian culture. James Mill wrote extensively about India and on Eastern religions, even though he never once visited India. Nevertheless, James Mill was widely read, and influenced the initial impressions of South Asia in Western mind. Mill was later criticised for being prejudiced against Hindus. The Indologist H.H. Wilson wrote that the tendency of Mill's work is "evil". Such historic Indophobic literature has been suggested as a cause of dehumanizing stereotypes about South Asians.
Rebellion and miscegenation
Stereotypes of Indians intensified and changed during and after the Indian Rebellion of 1857 when some Indian sepoys and members of the native population rebelled against the British East India Company's rule in India. It has been argued that allegations of war rape were used as propaganda by British colonialists to justify the colonisation of India. While incidents of rape committed by Indian rebels against English women and girls were generally uncommon during the rebellion, this was exaggerated to great effect by the British media to justify British colonialism in the Indian subcontinent and to violently suppress opposition.
At the time, British newspapers had printed various apparently eyewitness accounts of English women and girls being raped by Indian rebels, with little corroboration to support these accounts. It was later found that some of these accounts were false stories and a few created to paint the native people of India as savages who needed to be civilised by British colonialists, a mission sometimes known as "The White Man's Burden". One such account published by The Times, regarding an incident where 48 English girls as young as 10–14 had been raped by Indian rebels in Delhi, was criticised as false propaganda by Karl Marx, who pointed out that the story was written by a clergyman in Bangalore, far from the events of the rebellion. These stereotypes and allegations were later argued as false by scholars, but they did harden the British attitude to the Indian population.
The stereotype of the Indian "dark-skinned rapist" occurred frequently in English literature of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The idea of protecting English "female chastity" from the "lustful Indian male" had a significant influence on the policies of the British Raj to prevent racial miscegenation between the British elite and the native Indian population. While most of these discriminatory policies were directed against native Indians, some restrictive policies were also imposed on British females to "protect" them from miscegenation.
Indo-Caribbean people were brought to the Caribbean from various parts of India as indentured labourers for agricultural estates over a century ago. At these times they were stereotyped as being jealous for women of their ethnic origins. For example:
"The shortage of Indian women resulted in violence committed by jealous lovers and husbands, creating a stereotype of East Indian men, which gained in infamy... coolies reputation with the police was bad and significantly while the Negroes use their tongue in argument, the Indian commit murder, and given the scarcity of Indian women, without hesitation. Thus the stereotype is reinforced ascribing to the Indian husband a frantically jealous disposition."
Unqualified to be a judge
In 1883, the Ilbert Bill, which would have granted judges of Indian descent in Bengal the right to judge offenders irrespective of their ethnic origins including those of British descent, was opposed by the British. The opposition was based on stereotyping Indian judges as someone who could not be trusted in dealing with cases involving English women, colloquially called memsahib. The British press in India even spread wild rumours about how Indian judges would abuse their power to fill their harems with white English females, which helped raise considerable support against the bill.
The stereotype of Indian males as dark-skinned rapists lusting after white English females was challenged by several novels such as E. M. Forster's A Passage to India (1924) and Paul Scott's The Jewel in the Crown (1966), both of which involve an Indian male being wrongly accused of raping an English female. Some activists argued that these stereotypes were wrong because Indians had proven to be more receptive to women's rights and progress, with the University of Calcutta becoming one of the first universities to admit female graduates to its degree programmes in 1878, before any of the British universities.
Region specific stereotypes
Great Britain and English Speaking Territories
British Sociologists Mike O'Donnell and Sue Sharpe studied British Asian students and came to similar conclusions regarding problems faced by Asian youths at school. Where as Black British students were respected and admired by their White peers as "macho". Asian youths had trouble gaining this same kind of respect and status. The Model Minority stereotype lead to many Asian students to behave in different ways. O'Donnell and Sharpe found that many Asian youths fell into three crude categories: Weakling, Warrior and Patriarch.
The Weakling Stereotype is the most well known stereotype as it relates to the Model Minority. This refers to the idea that South Asians are Conformists, intelligent, nerdy, geeky, lacking in athletic ability and sacred of confrontations. This stereotype of south Asians has been represented in the media the most notable examples include: Eastenders character Tamwar Masood, a British Pakistani, (portrayed by Himesh Patel), My Life as a Popat character Chetan Popat, a British Indian, (portrayed by James Gandhi), The Big Bang Theory character Rajesh Koothrappali, an Indian American, (portrayed by Kunal Nayyar) and Rules of Engagement character Timir Patel, an Indian South African (portrayed by Adhir Kalyan).
The Warrior stereotype is a growing stereotype that is slightly comparable to Angry White Male and Black Brute. This stereotype is more common is the UK than in other countries. The evolution of this stereotype is considered to be South Asian youths rebelling against Society's Model Minority stereotypes and their parents strict upbringing. The western ideals of South Asian warriors originally was associated with the idea of Martial Race and Lascars who were normally South Asian soldiers that served under the British Empire's Military. Many Punjabis were associated with the Martial Race due to Punjabis (both Pakistani Muslim and Indian Sikhs) were associated with warrior hood and masculinity  as opposed to the rest of the south Asians were generally viewed as Hindu Pacifists or Intellects. Lascars, Naval officers of the British Empire, were normally of Bangladeshi descent predominantly from Sylhet. Compared to other Bangladeshis, Sylhetis were normally considered to be more aggressive and more notably the only Bangladeshi Gangs in the western world are in Britain, which most of the British Bangladeshi are of Sylheti Origin. Despite this the warrior stereotype in almost non-existent and unheard of in modern western society, however, there have been representations of South Asians in Media that support this stereotype. Eastenders character Sohail Karim, a British Bangladeshi, (portrayed by Ronny Jhutti), Skins (UK TV series) character Anwar Kharrel, a British Pakistani, (portrayed by Dev Patel), Skins (US TV series) character Abbud Siddiqui, a Bangladeshi American, (portrayed by Ron Mustafaa), Waterloo Road character Tariq Siddiqui, a British Pakistani, (portrayed by Naveed Choudhry), Twisted character Danny Desai, an Indian/Caucasian American , (portrayed by Avan Jogia), Shank character SweetBoy, a British Bangladeshi, (portrayed by Jan Uddin) and Espresso Short Film (directed by Christopher Whitlow) Antagonist Adim, a British Bangladeshi also portrayed by Jan Uddin.
Krish Raghav, an Indian journalist, in 2012 stated that within China, the notion of India and Indian-ness is largely built on rumour and stereotype. Within the Chinese state media, there is China’s official line, parroted in newspapers and TV news media, of India as a "rival"; India’s woeful infrastructure is emphasised and connected to defects of democracy. Historical documentaries on CCTV paint Indians as "soldiers of the British,” lumping them together with other imperialist powers. Raghav reported that for China's online community, "India" is a combined construct of the character Rajesh Koothrappali from the sitcom Big Bang Theory, the comedian Russell Peters, images of overcrowded Indian train with people hanging off the sides, and dead bodies floating down the river Ganges. These stereotypes are frequently evoked with the descriptor, “disgusting”. The smell of curry is often used as a derogatory epithet.
A stereotype of Indians in Singapore is that the Indian body is lacking in athleticism. Some stereotypes have led to cases of public bullying and racially hurtful commentary, such as being called a 'black tofu'. There are some 160,000 non-skilled foreigners currently working in Singapore – a majority of them are from the Indian subcontinent. These workers congregate in the Indian historical and now tourist enclave called Little India. Little India with its large concentration of Indians is not frequented by some Chinese Singaporeans because it is perceived as an alien space which is potentially threatening and dangerous.
In Fiji, another country where large numbers of people of Indian origin were brought for agricultural plantation work, over 125 years ago, they are viewed in a manner different from some other parts of the world. Sienkiewicz finds the stereotypes popular in Pacific Islands is that Indians are too materialistic, caring only about money; that while the Indians work very hard to attain financial success, they refuse to share it. People with origins in India are also thought in Fiji to be too private and lacking a culture of caring for larger families. Indians, Sienkiewicz finds, intentionally prefer to be in nuclear families, living in isolated homes rather than communal joint families in koros (villages).. Some she interviewed claimed, "Before we were in extended families, but now we are all in nuclear families. Just a small house, their family and that's it. Relatives come and they go; they do not live in that house. It is a better way of living. Everyone's needs and wants are cared for. Mostly, by having nuclear families and not living in the koro (village), we find that there is less conflict, less chance of conflict." This preference for private and diligent life is a matter of significant ethnic stereotypes and conflicts in Fiji. Sienkiewicz suggests that the British incorporation of the ethnic separation model in Fiji, while originally devised to help colonialists govern smoothly, has had long-term effects on the ethnic identities and mutual stereotypes between both Fijians and Indians in Fiji.
A Massey University study finds that the ethnic minority of Indian descent are stereotyped, but so are other ethnic groups. However, inter-ethnic and stereotypes-driven bullying of students of Indian descent was higher; the students of Indian descent were least likely to retaliate, report abuse to authorities or approach officials for assistance in prevention. Stereotyped and bullied Asian Indians were most likely to accept suffering, emotional trauma and ill health problems.
Ethnic groups of Maori, European and Chinese descent stereotyped Asian Indians with positive attributes such as very hardworking, friendly, clever, intelligent and nerds.
Negative stereotypes for Asian Indians included being presumed as unfriendly, cliquish, unemotional, weird, snobbish, uncivilised, terrorists and cheap. Many of these stereotypes did not lead to inter-ethnic bullying, but some did.
Stereotypes of South Asians have been found by scholars to be dehumanizing, making them more prone to mistreatment and crime. As reported in cases of other stereotyped ethnic groups, scholars also confirm the phenomenon of stereotype threat in South Asians, a psychological process that increases anxiety while reducing the potential performance of South Asians and their ability to productively contribute. The constant presence of a social or work environment filled with stereotypes has been found as a significant cause of depression and ill health.
- Non-resident Indian and person of Indian origin
- British Asian
- South Asian Canadian
- South Asian American
- American-Born Confused Desi
- Historical definitions of races in India
Portrayal of stereotypes in visual media:
- Apu Nahasapeemapetilon ('Apu' from The Simpsons, 1990)
- Dhalsim (1991 video game character)
- Goodness Gracious Me (BBC) (1996–2001)
- Four Lions (2010)
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- Rahman and Pollock, Acculturation, Competence, and Mental Health Among South Asian Students in the United States, Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, Volume 32, Issue 3, pages 130–142, July 2004
- Hagendoorn, L, (1993), Ethnic categorization and outgroup exclusion: The role of cultural values and social stereotypes in the construction of ethnic hierarchies, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 16, pages 26–51
- John Berry (1997), Immigration, Acculturation, and Adaptation, Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46 (1), pages 5–68
- Isobel Bowler (1993), They're not the same as us: midwives stereotypes of South Asian descent maternity patients, Sociology of Health & Illness, Volume 15, Number 2, pages 157–178
- Jennifer Wang, John Oliver Siy, and Sapna Cheryan (2011), RACIAL DISCRIMINATION AND MENTAL HEALTH AMONG ASIAN AMERICAN YOUTH, in Frederick T. Leong, Linda Juang (Editors), ISBN 978-0313383014
- Hate Crimes: A Quick Information Sheet for South Asians Saalt (2011)
- Ankita Rao, The Persistence of Apu: Why Hollywood Still Mocks South Asians The Slate (May 7, 2012)
- Stereotypes in Schooling: Negative Pressures in the American Educational System on Hindu Identity Formation, Teaching South Asia, A Journal of Pedagogy (South Dakota State University) 1 (1), Winter 2001: 23–76.
- Peter Claus et al. (2002), South Asian Folklore: An Encyclopedia, ISBN 978-0415939195, Routledge, page 109
- Denise Chalmers and Simone Volet, Common Misconceptions about Students from South‐East Asia Studying in Australia, Higher Education Research & Development, Volume 16, Issue 1, 1997
- Memmi, Albert (1973). "Portrait du decolonise". Payot. ISBN 978-2-07-034201-3.
- Marieke Jochimsen, Deconstruction of Stereotypes, Asian British Culture on Film and TV, Westfalische Wilhelms-Universität, MÜNSTER , Germany (March 2008)
- Anju Kaduvettoor-Davidson, South Asian Americans: Perceived Discrimination, Stress and Well-being, Lehigh University, 2010;
- Kaduvettoor-Davidson, Anju; Inman, Arpana G. (September 2013), South Asian Americans: Perceived discrimination, stress, and well-being, Asian American Journal of Psychology, Vol 4(3), Sep 2013, pages 155–165
- Joseph Zajda (2004), Cultural transferability and cross-cultural textbook development, Education and Society, 22(1), pages 83-–95
- Das & Kemp (1997), Between two worlds: Counseling South Asian Americans, Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 25(1), pages 23–33
- Nita Tewari and Alvin N. Alvarez (Editors), Asian American Psychology: Current Perspectives, ISBN 978-0-8058-6008-5, Taylor & Francis, pages 321–325
- Rukmani, T. S. (1998), International Conference on the Hindu Diaspora – A Review, International Migration Review, 32(1), pages 227–230
- Inman et al., Bereavement and coping of South-Asian families, Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 35, pages 101–115
- Jorge Sanchez, The South Asian Neighbour and Her/His Stereotype Goes Global, Universidad de Salamanca, (2012)
- Navaratnam, S. (2011), Guilt, Shame and Model Minorities: How South Asian Youth in Toronto Navigate the Canadian Educational System, MA Thesis, University of Toronto, Canada
- Richwine, J. (2009), Indian Americans: The new model minority, Forbes Magazine. February 2, 2009
- Sarita Ahuja and Robert Chlala, Widening the Lens on Boys and Men of Color, AAPI & AMEMSA PERSPECTIVES, California, page 12 (June 2013)
- C.N. Le, School of Education at Johns Hopkins University-A Closer Look at Asian Americans and Education Johns Hopkins University (2010)
- "Obama: 'Stereotypes' shadow U.S.-Indian trade relations". USA Today. 8 November 2010.
- Nichols, Hans; Goldman, Julianna (6 November 2010). "Obama, Visiting India, Promotes Trade, Democracy on First Asia Tour Stop". Bloomberg.
- Jowell and Airey (1984), British Social Attitudes, Gower, London, ISBN 978-0566007378
- Jennifer Browdy de Hernandez. "Postcolonial blues: Ambivalence and alienation in the autobiographies of Richard Rodriguez and V.S. Naipaul".
- Citizenship and Immigration Canada Government of Canada (2009)
- Voyage of the Komagata Maru Echoes of Freedom Series, University of California, Berkeley (2009)
- Media Representations of the Komagata Maru Incident Simon Fraser University (2010)
- The story, documents and cartoons against Komagata Maru Canada
- Patricia Roy, British Fear of Asians, 1900–1950, in British Columbia: Historical Readings, Douglas & McIntyre, 1981
- Ludwig Tieck und die Brüder Schlegel, Briefe. Edited by Lüdecke. Frankfurt/M. 1930.
- Voltaire, Lettres sur l'origine des sciences et sur celle des peuples de l'Asie (first published Paris, 1777), letter of 15 December 1775.
- Twain, Mark. "Following the Equator". Project Gutenberg. Retrieved 7 February 2013.
- "Aryans and British India". Thomas R. Trautmann
- Trautmann 1997:113
- Grant, Charles. (1796) Observations on the state of society among the Asiatic subjects of Great Britain, particularly with respect to morals; and on the means of improving it, written chiefly in the year 1792.
- Mill, James – 1858, 2:109, The history of British India.
- Leonard Gordon, in Ainslie Embree and Carol Gluck (Editors), Asia in Western and World History, ISBN 978-1563242656, Columbia Project on Asia, M.E. Sharpe Inc, pages 138–142
- Trautmann 1997:117
- H.H. Wilson 1858 in James Mill 1858, The history of British India, Preface of the editor
- Bhabha, Homi, Of mimicry and man: the ambivalence of colonial discourse, October, Volume 28, Discipleship: A Special Issue on Psychoanalysis (Spring, 1984), MIT Press, pages 125–133
- Kopf (1980), Hermeneutics versus history, Journal of Asian Studies, 39(3), pages 495–506
- Beckman, Karen Redrobe (2003), Vanishing Women: Magic, Film, and Feminism, Duke University Press, pp. 31–3, ISBN 0-8223-3074-1
- Beckman, Karen Redrobe (2003), Vanishing Women: Magic, Film, and Feminism, Duke University Press, pp. 33–4, ISBN 0-8223-3074-1
- Hall, C. '"From Greenland's icy mountains ... to Africa's golden sand": ethnicity, race and nation in mid 19th-century England' Gender and History 5 (1993) pp. 219–221
- Kent, Eliza F. (2004), Converting Women, Oxford University Press US, pp. 85–6, ISBN 0-19-516507-1
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