Stokely Carmichael

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Stokely Carmichael
Stokley Carmichael at Michigan State.jpg
Stokley Carmichael expounds on "black power" theory in 1967 at Michigan State University.
4th Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
In office
May 1966 – June 1967
Preceded by John Lewis
Succeeded by H. Rap Brown
Personal details
Born (1941-06-29)June 29, 1941
Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago
Died November 15, 1998(1998-11-15) (aged 57)
Conakry, Guinea
Spouse(s) Miriam Makeba
Alma mater Howard University (B.A., Philosophy, 1964)

Stokely Carmichael, also known as Kwame Ture (June 29, 1941 – November 15, 1998), was a Trinidadian-American black activist active in the 1960s American Civil Rights Movement. Growing up in the United States from the age of eleven, he graduated from Howard University and rose to prominence in the civil rights and Black Power movements, first as a leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced "snick") and later as the "Honorary Prime Minister" of the Black Panther Party.

Early life and education[edit]

Born in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, Stokely Carmichael moved to Harlem, in New York, New York, in 1952 at the age of eleven, to rejoin his parents, who had migrated when he was aged two, leaving him with his grandmother and two aunts.[1] He had three sisters.[1] As a boy, he had attended Tranquility School in Trinidad until his parents were able to send for him.[2]

His mother, Mabel R. Carmichael,[3] was a stewardess for a steamship line, and his father, Adolphus, was a carpenter who also worked as a taxi driver.[1] The reunited Carmichael family eventually left Harlem to live in Van Nest in the East Bronx, at that time an aging neighborhood of primarily Jewish and Italian immigrants and descendants. According to a 1967 interview he gave to Life Magazine, Carmichael was the only black member of the Morris Park Dukes, a youth gang involved in alcohol and petty theft.[1]

Carmichael as a senior in high school, 1960.

He attended the elite, selective Bronx High School of Science in New York, with entrance based on academic performance. After graduation in 1960, Carmichael enrolled at Howard University, a historically black university in Washington, D.C.. His professors included Sterling Brown,[4][5] Nathan Hare[6] and Toni Morrison, a writer who later won the Nobel Prize.[7] Carmichael and Tom Kahn, a Jewish-American student and civil-rights activist, helped to fund a five-day run of the Three Penny Opera, by Berthold Brecht and Kurt Weill: "Tom Kahn—very shrewdly—had captured the position of Treasurer of the Liberal Arts Student Council and the infinitely charismatic and popular Carmichael as floor whip was good at lining up the votes. Before they knew what hit them the Student Council had become a patron of the arts, having voted to buy out the remaining performances. It was a classic win/win. Members of the Council got patronage packets of tickets for distribution to friends and constituents".[4] His apartment on Euclid Street was a gathering place for his activist classmates.[3] He graduated with a degree in philosophy in 1964.[1] Carmichael was offered a full graduate scholarship to Harvard University, but turned it down.[8]

Political activism[edit]

While at Howard, Carmichael had joined the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG), the Howard campus affiliate of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).[9] Kahn introduced Carmichael and the other SNCC activists to Bayard Rustin, an African-American leader who became an influential adviser to SNCC.[10] Inspired by the sit-ins in the South, Carmichael became more active in the Civil Rights Movement.

In his first year at the university, he participated in the Freedom Rides of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) to desegregate the restaurants along U.S. Route 40 between Baltimore and Washington, D.C. and was frequently arrested, spending time in jail. In 1961, he served 49 days with other activists at the infamous Parchman Farm in Sunflower County, Mississippi.[1][11] He was arrested many times for his activism, so that he lost count, sometimes estimating at least 29 or 32. In 1998, he told the Washington Post that he thought the total was fewer than 36.[3]

Freedom Rides[edit]

Along with eight other riders, on June 4, 1961, Carmichael made the trip by train from New Orleans, Louisiana, to Jackson, Mississippi, to integrate the formerly "white" section on the train.[12] Before getting on the train in New Orleans, they encountered white protestors blocking the way. Carmichael says: "They were shouting. Throwing cans and lit cigarettes at us. Spitting on us."[13][14] Eventually, they were able to board the train.

When the group arrived in Jackson, Carmichael and the eight other riders entered a "white" cafeteria. They were charged with disturbing the peace, arrested and taken to jail. Eventually, Carmichael was transferred to Parchman State Prison Farm, where he gained notoriety for being a witty and hard-nosed leader among the prisoners.[15]

At 19 years of age, Carmichael became the youngest detainee in the summer of 1961.[16] He spent 53 days at Parchman Farm in "a six-by-nine cell. Twice a week to shower. No books, nothing to do. They would isolate us. Maximum security."[16] Carmichael said about the Parchman Farm sheriff:

"The sheriff acted like he was scared of black folks and he came up with some beautiful things. One night he opened up all the windows, put on ten big fans and an air conditioner and dropped the temperature to 38 degrees. All we had on was T-shirts and shorts."[16]

While being hurt one time, Carmichael began singing to the guards, "I'm gonna tell God how you treat me," to which the rest of the prisoners joined in.[17]

Carmichael kept the group's morale up while in prison, often telling jokes with Steve Green and the other Freedom Riders, and making light of their situation. He knew their situation was serious.

"What with the range of ideology, religious belief, political commitment and background, age, and experience, something interesting was always going on. Because no matter our differences, this group had one thing in common, moral stubbornness. Whatever we believed, we really believed and were not at all shy about advancing. We were where we were only because of our willingness to affirm our beliefs even at the risk of physical injury. So it was never dull on death row."[13]

SNCC[edit]

In 1964 Carmichael, then a field organizer for SNCC, made a joking remark in response to a paper authored by his friends Casey Hayden and Mary E. King on the position of women in the movement. In the course of an irreverent comedy monologue he performed at a party, Carmichael said "The position of women in the movement is prone." [18] In a 2006 The Chronicle of Higher Education article, historian Peniel E. Jackson wrote: "While the remark was made in jest during a 1964 conference, Carmichael and black-power activists did embrace an aggressive vision of manhood — one centered on black men's ability to deploy authority, punishment, and power. In that, they generally reflected their wider society's blinders about women and politics."[19]

When asked about the comment, former SNCC field secretary Casey Hayden stated: "Our paper on the position of women came up, and Stokely in his hipster rap comedic way joked that 'the proper position of women in SNCC is prone'. I laughed, he laughed, we all laughed. Stokley was a friend of mine."[20] A former SNCC worker identified only as "Tyler" on the internet claimed: "I will forever remember Stokely Carmichael as the one who said 'the position of women in the movement is prone'. This viciously anti-women outlook is another reason why all of these nationalist movements went nowhere."[20] In her memoir, Mary E. King wrote that Carmichael was "poking fun at his own attitudes" and that "Casey and I felt, and continue to feel, that Stokely was one of the most responsive men at the time that our anonymous paper appeared in 1964.”[21]

In 1965, working as a SNCC activist in the black-majority Lowndes County, Alabama, Carmichael helped to increase the number of registered black voters from 70 to 2,600—300 more than the number of registered white voters.[1] Black voters had essentially been disfranchised by Alabama's constitution passed by white Democrats in the early 20th century. Their constitutional voting rights would be enforced under federal supervision after passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Black residents and voters organized and widely supported the Lowndes County Freedom Organization, a party that had the black panther as its mascot, over the white-dominated local Democratic Party, whose mascot was a white rooster. Although black residents and voters outnumbered whites in Lowndes, their candidate lost the county-wide election of 1965.[citation needed]

Carmichael became chairman of SNCC in 1966, taking over from John Lewis, who later became a US Congressman. A few weeks after Carmichael took office, James Meredith was shot and wounded by a shotgun during his solitary "March Against Fear". Carmichael joined Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Floyd McKissick, Cleveland Sellers and others to continue Meredith's march. He was arrested during the march and, upon his release, he gave his first "Black Power" speech, using the phrase to urge black pride and socio-economic independence:

It is a call for black people in this country to unite, to recognize their heritage, to build a sense of community. It is a call for black people to define their own goals, to lead their own organizations.

According to historian David J. Garrow, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his book Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a few days after Carmichael used the "Black Power" slogan at the "Meredith March Against Fear," he reportedly told King: "Martin, I deliberately decided to raise this issue on the march in order to give it a national forum and force you to take a stand for Black Power." King responded, "I have been used before. One more time won't hurt."[22][page needed]

While Black Power was not a new concept, Carmichael's speech brought it into the spotlight and it became a rallying cry for young African Americans across the country. Everywhere that Black Power spread, if accepted, credit was given to the prominent Carmichael. If the concept was condemned, he was held responsible and blamed.[23] According to Carmichael: "Black Power meant black people coming together to form a political force and either electing representatives or forcing their representatives to speak their needs [rather than relying on established parties]".[24] Strongly influenced by the work of Frantz Fanon and his landmark book Wretched of the Earth, along with others such as Malcolm X, under Carmichael's leadership SNCC gradually became more radical and focused on Black Power as its core goal and ideology.

This became most evident during the controversial Atlanta Project in 1966. SNCC, under the local leadership of Bill Ware, engaged in a voter drive to promote the candidacy of Julian Bond for the Georgia State Legislature in an Atlanta district. However, unlike previous SNCC activities,such as the 1961 Freedom Rides or the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer, Ware excluded Northern white SNCC members from the drive. Initially, Carmichael opposed him and voted against this move, but he eventually changed his mind.[25] When, at the urging of the Atlanta Project, the issue of whites in SNCC came up for a vote, Carmichael ultimately sided with those calling for the expulsion of whites. Reportedly he wanted to encourage whites to organize poor white southern communities, while SNCC focused on promoting African-American self-reliance through Black Power.[26]

Carmichael saw nonviolence as a tactic as opposed to a principle, which separated him from moderate civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr. Carmichael became critical of civil rights leaders who called for the integration of African Americans into existing institutions of the middle-class mainstream.

Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said that integration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a "thalidomide drug of integration," and that some Negroes have been walking down a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what this country does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.[27]

In 1967, Carmichael stepped down as chairman of SNCC and was replaced by H. Rap Brown. SNCC was a collective and worked by group consensus rather than hierarchically; many members had become displeased with Carmichael's celebrity status. SNCC leaders had begun to refer to him as "Stokely Starmichael" and criticize his habit of making policy announcements independently, before achieving internal agreement.[3] During this period, Carmichael was personally targeted by J. Edgar Hoover's Cointelpro counter-intelligence program, which specialized in isolating and slandering black militants. Carmichael accepted the position of Honorary Prime Minister in the Black Panther Party, but also remained on the staff of SNCC, and attempted to forge a merger between the two organizations. In July 1968, Hoover stepped up his efforts to divide the black power movement. Declassifed documents show a plan was launched to smear Carmichael as a CIA agent, as well as to undermine the SNCC-Panther merger. Both efforts were largely successful. Carmichael was formally expelled from SNCC that year, and rival Panthers began to denounce him.[28][29]

Politics after SNCC[edit]

After leaving SNCC, Carmichael wrote the book Black Power (1967) with Charles V. Hamilton, while clarifying his thinking. He also became a strong critic of the Vietnam War. During this period he traveled and lectured extensively throughout the world; visiting Guinea, North Vietnam, China, and Cuba. Carmichael became more clearly identified with the Black Panther Party as its "Honorary Prime Minister."[3] During this period, he acted more as a speaker than an organizer, traveling throughout the country and internationally advocating for his vision of Black Power.[30]

Carmichael lamented the 1967 execution of Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara, saying:

The death of Che Guevara places a responsibility on all revolutionaries of the World to redouble their decision to fight on to the final defeat of Imperialism. That is why in essence Che Guevara is not dead, his ideas are with us.[31]

Vietnam[edit]

Carmichael joined Martin Luther King Jr. in New York on April 15, 1967, to share his views with protesters on race related to the Vietnam War:

The draft exemplifies as much as racism the totalitarianism which prevails in this nation in the disguise of consensus democracy. The President has conducted war in Vietnam without the consent of Congress or the American people, without the consent of anybody except maybe Lady Bird.[32]

Visit to Britain[edit]

Carmichael visited the United Kingdom in July 1967 to attend the Dialectics of Liberation conference. Recordings of his speeches were released by the organizers, the Institute of Phenomenological Studies. He was banned from re-entering Britain.[33]

1968 D.C. riots[edit]

Carmichael was present in D.C. the night after King's assassination. He led a group through the streets, demanding that businesses close out of respect. Although he tried to prevent violence, the situation escalated beyond his control. Due to his reputation as a provocateur, the news media blamed him for the ensuing violence as mobs rioted along U Street and other areas of black development.[34]

Carmichael held a press conference the next day, at which he predicted mass racial violence in the streets.[35]

Since moving to Washington, D.C., Carmichael had been under nearly constant surveillance by the FBI. After the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., FBI director J. Edgar Hoover instructed a team of agents to find evidence connecting Carmichael to the rioting. A 1968 memo from Hoover suggests his fears that Carmichael would become a black nationalist "messiah".[36] He was also subjected to COINTELPRO's bad-jacketing technique which led to Huey P. Newton suggesting he was a Central Intelligence Agency agent.[37]

Self-imposed exile[edit]

Carmichael soon began to distance himself from the Panthers. He disagreed with them about whether white activists should be allowed to help them. The Panthers believed that white activists could help the movement, while Carmichael had come to agree with Malcolm X, and said that the white activists should organize their own communities first. In 1968, he married Miriam Makeba, a noted singer from South Africa, and they left the US for Guinea the next year. Carmichael became an aide to the Guinean president Ahmed Sékou Touré, and a student of the exiled Ghanaian president Kwame Nkrumah.[38] Makeba was appointed Guinea's official delegate to the United Nations.[39] Three months after his arrival in Guinea, in July 1969, Carmichael published a formal rejection of the Black Panthers, condemning them for not being separatist enough and for their "dogmatic party line favoring alliances with white radicals".[1]

Carmichael changed his name to Kwame Ture, to honor the African leaders Nkrumah and Touré, who had become his patrons. At the end of his life, friends still referred to him interchangeably by both names, "and he doesn't seem to mind."[3] In 2007, the publication of previously secret Central Intelligence Agency documents revealed that the agency had tracked Carmichael from 1968 as part of their surveillance of black activists abroad. The surveillance continued for years.[40]

Carmichael remained in Guinea after separation from the Black Panther Party. He continued to travel, write, and speak in support of international leftist movements. In 1971 he collected his essays in a second book, Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. This book expounds an explicitly socialist, Pan-African vision, which he retained for the rest of his life. From the late 1970s until the day he died, he answered his phone by announcing, "Ready for the revolution!"[1]

While in Guinea, he was arrested one more time. Two years after Sékou Touré's death in 1984, the military regime that took his place arrested Carmichael and jailed him for three days on suspicion of attempting to overthrow the government. Despite the common knowledge that Touré had ordered torture of his political opponents, Carmichael never criticized his namesake.[1]

Marriage and family[edit]

Carmichael had married Miriam Makeba, the noted singer from South Africa, while in the US in 1968. They divorced in Guinea after separating in 1973.

Later he married a second time, to Marlyatou Barry, a Guinean doctor. They divorced some time after having a son, Bokar, together in 1982. By 1998, Marlyatou Barry and Bokar were living in Arlington County, Virginia, near Washington, DC. Relying on a statement from the All-African Peoples Revolutionary Party, Carmichael's 1998 obituary in The New York Times referred to his survivors as two sons, three sisters, and his mother, but without further details.[1]

Death and legacy[edit]

After his diagnosis of prostate cancer in 1996, Carmichael was treated for a period in Cuba, while receiving money from the Nation of Islam.[41] Benefit concerts for Carmichael were held in Denver; New York; Atlanta;[2] and Washington, D.C.,[3] to help defray his medical expenses. The government of Trinidad and Tobago, where he was born, awarded him a grant of $1,000 a month for the same purpose.[2] He went to New York, where he was treated for two years at the Columbia-Presbyterian Medical Center before returning to Guinea.[1]

In 1998 Carmichael died of prostate cancer at the age of 57 in Conakry, Guinea. He had said that his cancer "was given to me by forces of American imperialism and others who conspired with them."[1] He claimed that the FBI had infected him with cancer in an assassination attempt.[42]

In a final interview given in April 1998 to the Washington Post, Carmichael had criticized the economic and electoral progress made by African Americans in the US during the previous 30 years. He acknowledged that blacks had won election to the mayor's office in major cities, but said that, as the mayors' power had generally diminished over earlier decades, such progress was essentially meaningless.[43]

Stokely Carmichael, along with Charles V. Hamilton,[44] is credited with coining the phrase "institutional racism". This is defined as racism that occurs through institutions such as public bodies and corporations, including universities. In the late 1960s Carmichael defined "institutional racism" as "the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their color, culture or ethnic origin".[45]

The civil rights leader Jesse Jackson gave a speech celebrating Carmichael's life, stating: "He was one of our generation who was determined to give his life to transforming America and Africa. He was committed to ending racial apartheid in our country. He helped to bring those walls down".[46]

In 2002, the American scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Stokely Carmichael as one of his 100 Greatest African Americans.[47]

David J. Garrow criticized Carmichael's handling of the Black Power movement as "more destructive than constructive."[43] Some former associates of Carmichael have also implied that he was an egomaniac and that his desire to dictate rather than compromise prevented him from achieving his objectives.[20]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Kaufman, Michael T. "Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black Power,' Dies at 57", New York Times, November 16, 1998. Accessed March 27, 2008. (alternate url)
  2. ^ a b c "Stokely Carmichael Biography", Answers.com, Accessed June 27, 2007.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Paula Spahn, "The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for interracial relationships. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life," Washington Post, April 8, 1998, p. D 1. Accessed via online cache June 27, 2007.
  4. ^ a b Thelwell, Ekwueme Michael (1999–2000). "The professor and the activists: A memoir of Sterling Brown". The Massachusetts Review 40 (4): 634–636. JSTOR 25091592. 
  5. ^ Stuckey, Sterling. Going Through the Storm: The Influence of African American Art in History. Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 142, ISBN 0-19-508604-X, 9780195086041.
  6. ^ Safire, William Safire's Political Dictionary. Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 58, ISBN 0-19-534334-4, ISBN 978-0-19-534334-2.
  7. ^ Haskins, Jim. Toni Morrison: Telling a Tale Untold. Twenty-First Century Books, 2002, p. 44, ISBN 0-7613-1852-6, ISBN 978-0-7613-1852-1.
  8. ^ Bruce Watson, Freedom Summer: The Savage Season That Made Mississippi Burn and Made America a Democracy, p. 177 (Viking, 2010).
  9. ^ "Stokely Carmichael", King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed November 20, 2006.
  10. ^ Smethurst, James (2010). "The Black arts movement and historically Black colleges and universities". African-American poets: 1950s to the present 2. Chelsea House. pp. 112–113. 
  11. ^ Carmichael, Stokely, and Michael Thelwell. Ready for Revolution: The life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). Simon and Schuster, 2003. p. 201. Retrieved from Google Books July 23, 2010. ISBN 0-684-85003-6, ISBN 978-0-684-85003-0.
  12. ^ Carmichael, Stokely (2005). Ready for Revolution. New York: Scribner. pp. 171–215. 
  13. ^ a b Arsenault, Raymond (2006). Freedom Riders. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 362–363. ISBN 978-0-19-513674-6. 
  14. ^ Carmichael, Ready for Revolution (2003), p. 192.
  15. ^ PBS. "Stokely Carmichael Biography". PBS. Retrieved April 8, 2011. 
  16. ^ a b c "Freedom Rides and White Backlash". Retrieved April 8, 2011. 
  17. ^ Cwiklik, Robert (1993). Stokely Carmichael and Black Power. Brookfield, Connecticut: The Millbrook Press. pp. 14–15. 
  18. ^ Cheryl Lynn Greenberg "SNCC: Born of the Sit-Ins, Dedicated to Action-Remembrances of Mary Elizabeth King" Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement website
  19. ^ Peniel E. Joseph (July 21, 2006). "Black Power's Powerful Legacy". The Chronicle Review. Retrieved July 23, 2014. 
  20. ^ a b c Mike Miller, "Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) - Memories", January 1999.
  21. ^ Mary E. King, Freedom Song: A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement (William Morrow Co., 1988), pp. 451-52.
  22. ^ David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross (1986).
  23. ^ Bennet Jr., Lerone (September 1966). "Stokely Carmichael Architect of Black Power". Ebony Magazine. 
  24. ^ "Stokely Carmichael," King Encyclopedia, The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute, Stanford University. Accessed November 20, 2006.
  25. ^ "Quest for Black Power (1966-1970)". Atlanta in the Civil Rights Movement. Retrieved April 15, 2014. 
  26. ^ James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries, pp. xvi-xv (2nd ed. 1997). Accessed March 17, 2007.
  27. ^ Stokely Carmichael, "Black Power" speech. Accessed March 17, 2007.
  28. ^ Kathleen Cleaver and George Katsiaficas, Liberation, Imagination and the Black Panther Party (Routledge, 2014 edition), pp. 89-9.
  29. ^ Joshua Bloom and Waldo E. Martin, Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party (University of California Press, 2013), pp. 122-23.
  30. ^ Charlie Cobb, From Stokely Carmichael to Kwame Ture. Accessed March 17, 2007.
  31. ^ Andrew Sinclair, Viva Che!: The Strange Death and Life of Che Guevara, 1968/re-released in 2006, Sutton Publishing, ISBN 0-7509-4310-6, p. 67.
  32. ^ "Protests - Events of 1967 - Year in Review". United Press International. 1967. p. 15. Retrieved March 26, 2009. 
  33. ^ Fowler, Norman (August 5, 1967). "Carmichael recordings for sale". The Times. 
  34. ^ Risen, Clay (2009). "April 4: U and Fourteenth". A nation on fire : America in the wake of the King assassination. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-470-17710-5. "Even as he was holding the line in front of Peoples, several young men were inside the pharmacy ransacking it..." 
  35. ^ Risen, Clay (2009). "April 5: 'Any Man's Death Diminishes Me'". A nation on fire: America in the wake of the King assassination. Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-470-17710-5. 
  36. ^ Warden, Rob (February 10, 1976). "Hoover rated Carmichael as 'black messiah'". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved July 20, 2012. 
  37. ^ Ward Churchill (2002), Agents of Repression: The FBI's Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, South End Press, ISBN 978-0896086463, OCLC 50985124, 0896086461 
  38. ^ Robert Weisbrot, "Stokely Speaks" (review of Ready for Revolution), New York Times, November 23, 2003. Accessed March 17, 2007.
  39. ^ "Miriam Makeba" biography at Answers.Com. Accessed June 27, 2007.
  40. ^ Associated Press, "Some Examples of CIA Misconduct", USA Today, June 27, 2007. Accessed January 9, 2014.
  41. ^ Schaefer, Richard T. (2008). Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity and Society. Thousand Oaks California: SAGE Publications. p. 523. 
  42. ^ Statement of Kwame Ture, undated, between 1996 diagnosis and 1998 death, Kwame Ture website. Accessed June 27, 2007.
  43. ^ a b Span, Paula (April 8,1998). "The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for Black Power. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life". The Washington Post. pp. D01. 
  44. ^ Bhavnani, Mirza, Meetoo, Reena, Heidi, Veena (2005). Tackling the Roots of Racism: Lessons for Success. Bristol, England: The Policy Press. p. 235. 
  45. ^ Richard W. Race, "Analyzing ethnic education policy-making in England and Wales" (pdf), Sheffield Online Papers in Social Research, University of Sheffield, p. 12. Accessed June 20, 2006.
  46. ^ "Black Panther Leader Dies", BBC News, November 16, 1998. Accessed June 20, 2006.
  47. ^ Asante, Molefi Kete (2002), 10 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.

Further reading[edit]

  • Carmichael, Stokely (and Michael Thelwell), Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture). New York: Scribner, 2005, 848 pages. ISBN 0-684-85004-4.
  • Carmichael, Stokely (and Charles V. Hamilton), Black Power: The Politics of Liberation. Vintage; reissued 1992, 256 pages. ISBN 0-679-74313-8.
  • Carmichael, Stokely, Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. Random House, 1971, 292 pages. ISBN 0-394-46879-1.
  • Joseph, Peniel E., Waiting 'Til The Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America. Henry Holt, 2007. 399 pages. ISBN 0-8050-8335-9

External links[edit]

Research resources[edit]

Videos[edit]