Preposition stranding

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Preposition stranding, sometimes called P-stranding, is the syntactic construction in which a preposition with an object occurs somewhere other than immediately adjacent to its object. (The preposition is then described as stranded, hanging or dangling.) This construction is widely found in Germanic languages, including English[1] and the Scandinavian languages.[2][3] Whether or not German and Dutch exhibit legitimate preposition stranding is considered debatable. Preposition stranding is also found in languages outside the Germanic family, such as Vata and Gbadi, two languages in the Niger–Congo family, and certain dialects of French spoken in North America.

Preposition stranding in English[edit]

In English, preposition stranding is commonly found in three types of constructions: Wh-questions, pseudo-passives, and relative clauses.

  • In Wh-constructions, the object of the preposition is a Wh-word in deep structure but is fronted as a result of the Wh-movement. It is commonly assumed in transformational approaches to syntax that the movement of a constituent out of a phrase leaves a silent trace. In the case of Wh-movement leaving a stranded preposition, the Wh-word is fronted to the beginning of the interrogative clause, leaving a trace after the preposition:
Whati are you talking about ___i?
  • Pseudopassives are the result of the movement of the object of a preposition to fill an empty subject position for a passive verb. This phenomenon is comparable to regular passives, which are formed through the movement of the object of the verb to subject position. In pseudopassives, unlike in Wh-movement, the object of the preposition is not a Wh-word but rather a noun or noun phrase:
This chairi was sat on ___i.
  • Relative clauses in English can also exhibit preposition stranding, whether with a relative pronoun introducing the clause or without:
This is the booki thati I told you about ___i.
This is the booki I told you about ___i.

Overzealous avoidance of stranded prepositions leads to unnatural-sounding sentences, especially when the preposition is part of an idiomatic phrasal verb, such as the following, apocryphally[4] attributed to Winston Churchill. Note the verb is the phrasal verb "put up with," split to humorous effect:

This is the sort of tedious nonsense up with which I will not put.

Natural English occasionally uses sentences that involve many stranded prepositions in a row, such as in the following statement said by a young boy to his mother, who has just brought a book up from downstairs to read to her son. The boy wanted a different book.

What1 did you bring that book2 that I3 didn't want to be read to___3 out of___2 up for___1?

The up in the preceding example is not actually a stranded preposition, but an adverb of movement. It can, of course, be moved to a position earlier in the sentence, sacrificing a little of the naturalness, whereas the true stranded prepositions really only occur at the end in all but the most formal speech. The sentence now ends in a string of four words that are all stranded prepositions.

What1 did you bring up that book2 that I3 didn't want to be read to___3 out of___2 for___1?

Origin of proscription against preposition stranding[edit]

The proscription against preposition stranding in English was created by John Dryden in 1672 when he objected to Ben Jonson's 1611 phrase the bodies that those souls were frighted from. Dryden did not explain why he thought the sentence should be restructured to front the preposition.[5][6] Robert Lowth in his 1762 book, A Short Introduction to English Grammar (pages 127–128), used the construction when he wrote that it was more suitable for informal than for formal English: "This is an Idiom which our language is strongly inclined to; it prevails in common conversation, and suits very well with the familiar style in writing; but the placing of the Preposition before the Relative is more graceful, as well as more perspicuous; and agrees much better with the solemn and elevated Style." Other grammarians have supported the practice by analogy with Latin.[citation needed]

Preposition stranding in French[edit]

A few non-standard dialects of French seem to have developed preposition stranding as a result of linguistic contact with English. Preposition stranding is found in areas where the Francophone population is under intense contact with English, including certain parts of Alberta, Northern Ontario, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Louisiana. It is found (but heavily decried) in very informal Quebec French. For example, Prince Edward Island French permits all three types of preposition stranding:[7][8]

  • Wh-movement: Qui est-ce que tu as fait le gâteau pour?
Whom did you bake the cake for?
Standard French: Pour qui est-ce que tu as fait le gâteau?
  • Pseudopassives: Robert a été parlé beaucoup de au meeting.
Robert was much talked about at the meeting.
Standard French: On a beaucoup parlé de Robert au meeting.
  • Relative clauses: Tu connais pas la fille que je te parle de.
You don't know the girl that I'm talking to you about.
Standard French: Tu ne connais pas la fille dont je te parle.
Another, more widespread non-standard variant: Tu ne connais pas la fille que je te parle.

To standard French ears, these constructs all sound quite alien, and are thus considered as barbarisms or "anglicismes". However, not all dialects of French allow preposition stranding to the same extent. For instance, Ontario French restricts preposition stranding to relative clauses with certain prepositions; in most dialects, stranding is impossible with the prepositions à (to) and de (of).

A superficially similar construction is possible in standard French in cases where the object is not moved, but implied, such as Je suis pour ("I'm all for it") or Il faudra agir selon ("We'll have to act accordingly").

Preposition stranding in Dutch and German[edit]

There are two kinds of preposition stranding constructions in Dutch, both of which in fact involve the stranding of postpositions.

Directional constructions[edit]

The first case involves directional constructions. A number of common Dutch adpositions can be used either prepositionally or postpositionally, with a slight change in possible meanings; for example, Dutch in can mean either in or into when used prepositionally, but can only mean into when used postpositionally. When postpositions, such adpositions can be stranded:

  • Wh-movement: Welk bosi liep hij ___i in?
literally, Which foresti walked he ___i into?
i.e., What forest did he walk into?
  • short-distance movement: […] dat hij zo'n donker bos niet in durft te lopen […]
literally, […] that he such-a dark forest not into dares to walk […]
i.e., […] that he doesn't dare walk into such a dark forest […]

Another way to analyze examples like the first one above would be to allow arbitrary "postposition + verb" sequences to act as transitive separable prefix verbs (e.g. in + lopeninlopen); but such an analysis would not be consistent with the position of in in the second example. (The postposition can also appear in the verbal prefix position: […] dat hij zo'n donker bos niet durft in te lopen […].)

R-pronouns[edit]

The second case of preposition stranding in Dutch is much more widespread. Dutch prepositions generally do not take the ordinary neuter pronouns (het, dat, wat, etc.) as objects. Instead, they become postpositional suffixes for the corresponding r-pronouns (er, daar, waar, etc.): hence, not *over het (about it), but erover (literally thereabout). However, the r-pronouns can sometimes be moved to the left, thereby stranding the postposition:

  • Wij praatten er niet over.
literally, We talked there not about.
i.e., We didn't talk about it.
  • Waar praatten wij over?
literally, Where talked we about?
i.e., What did we talk about?

Some regional varieties of German show the same phenomenon with da(r)- and wo(r)- forms. For example:

  • Standard German requires Ich kann mir davon nichts leisten.
literally, I can me thereof nothing buy.
i.e., I can't afford to buy any of those.
  • Some dialects permit Ich kann mir da nichts von leisten.
literally, I can me there-[clipped] nothing of buy.
i.e., I can't afford to buy any of those.
  • Alternatively, one might (in those dialects) also say Da kann ich mir nichts von kaufen.
literally, There-[clipped] can I me nothing of buy.
i.e., I can't afford to buy any of those.

Again, although the stranded postposition has nearly the same surface distribution as a separable verbal prefix, it would not be possible to analyze these Dutch and German examples in terms of the reanalyzed verbs *overpraten and *vonkaufen, for the following reasons:

  • The stranding construction is possible with prepositions that never appear as separable verbal prefixes (e.g., Dutch van, German von).
  • Stranding is not possible with any kind of object besides an r-pronoun.
  • Prefixed verbs are stressed on the prefix; in the string "von kaufen" in the above sentences, the preposition cannot be accented.

References[edit]

  1. ^ Huddleston, Rodney; Pullum, Geoffrey K. (2005). A Student's Introduction to English Grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. ISBN 0-521-61288-8.  pages 137-38.
  2. ^ Roberts, Ian G. (2007). Diachronic Syntax. Oxford: Oxford UP. ISBN 0-19-925398-6.  page 238
  3. ^ Maling, Joan; Zaenen, Annie (1985). "Preposition-Stranding and Passive". Nordic Journal of Linguistics 8 (02): 197–209. doi:10.1017/S0332586500001335.  page 197.
  4. ^ "A misattribution no longer to be put up with". Language Log. 12 December 2004. Retrieved 5 January 2013. 
  5. ^ Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum, 2002, The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge (UK): Cambridge University Press, p. 627f.
  6. ^ John Dryden, "Defense of the Epilogue" to The Conquest of Granada.
  7. ^ King, Ruth. 2000. The Lexical Basis of Grammatical Borrowing: a Prince Edward Island French Case Study. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ISBN 90-272-3716-6
  8. ^ "Quoi ce-qu'elle a parlé about?". Language Log. October 10, 2003. Retrieved 2007-03-22. 

Further reading[edit]

  • An Internet pilgrim's guide to stranded prepositions
  • Haegeman, Liliane, and Jacqueline Guéron. 1999. English Grammar: a Generative Perspective. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-18839-8.
  • Hornstein, Norbert, and Amy Weinberg. 1981. "Case theory and preposition stranding." Linguistic Inquiry 12:55–91. Hornstein, N.; Weinberg, A. (1 January 1981). "Case Theory and Preposition Stranding". Linguistic Inquiry 12 (1): 55–91. ISSN 0024-3892. JSTOR 4178205.  edit
  • Koopman, Hilda. 2000. "Prepositions, postpositions, circumpositions, and particles." In The Syntax of Specifiers and Heads, pp. 204–260. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16183-5.
  • Lundin, Leigh (2007-09-23). "The Power of Prepositions". On Writing. Cairo: Criminal Brief. 
  • Takami, Ken-ichi. 1992. Preposition Stranding: From Syntactic to Functional Analyses. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-013376-8.
  • van Riemsdijk, Henk. 1978. A Case Study in Syntactic Markedness: The Binding Nature of Prepositional Phrases. Dordrecht: Foris. ISBN 90-316-0160-8.