Talk:First Chechen War

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Untitled[edit]

When the russians took out Dudayev by missle, the author fails to mention that his wife and son were in the car.Both died. -->Not sure about his son, but his wife Alla Dudayeva is still alive. She reportedly lives in Turkey (3man).

In Estonia. Lecha Dudayev died on the Grozny minefield in 2000, as he went first to clear the path for his men. --HanzoHattori 19:24, 29 July 2006 (UTC)

Chechens do not have a "long-standing hatred of the Russians." it is the russians who deported them en masse during stalins era, therefore i have changed this to: "Chechens' long-standing hatred of the Russian occupation."

the idea of a chechen insurgent fighting the russians in chechenya, is an oxymoron, they should be infact called pro independence fighters or words to that effect.

This is not correct, because the Russians intervened in the already existing civil conflict by supplying arms to the opposition to Dudaev's unrecognized government. 'Insurgent' is not a negative term, it just means against the established order, rebellious. Since Chechnya at that time was a part of Russia, insurgency is a correct way to describe anti-Russian forces (just like insurgency in Iraq is still insurgency, though it's essentially anti-occupation). I agree that one of their main goals was independence, which is already mentioned in the article. Hiron
Um, wait. So, the Dudayev's government were insurgents, right? Then who were the opposition (to the government) - the insurgents to insurgents?? "Unrecognised" is also rather questionable - the act of partition between Chechnya and Ingushetia was quite official, and stays legal to this day. Ingushetia then joined the Russian Federation alright (in 1992), but Chechnya never did until the (bogus) referendum and a new constitution in 2003 - 7 years after the first Chechen war ended!

- Occupation, Russians - I don't think the people in arms really care. And the guerillas that are now are fighting are fighting against the legitimate Chechen government.

Legitimate because made of the separatists' turncoats?

Um, so, what exactly is disputed?[edit]

Because I don't know. --HanzoHattori 08:00, 31 August 2006 (UTC)

For one thing, the article "Chechen people" says that the First Chechen War was in the 1st half of the 1800's, as well as the Second Chechen War which finished by 1850. If that is the case, then any of the Chechen military encounters HAVE to be named something else. One of these 2 articles are clearly wrong and begging for clarification. Stevenmitchell 10:46, 9 October 2006 (UTC)

They meant the Caucasian War(s). --HanzoHattori 11:57, 9 October 2006 (UTC)

"wiped out" too strong?[edit]

Appearently, only survivors were taken prisoner.

"After dark he finally decided to evacuate the wounded to the only armoured vehicle still working. (...) Only thirteen of the forty wounded survived to be taken prisoner. Savin abandoned the railway station on the evening of 2 January, leaving on foot with the remaining officers and soldiers until they found several abandoned armoured vehicles. They headed out of town but they too were caught by the Chechens. The Colonel died on the street from shrapnel wounds beside his wrecked vehicle. The entire Maikop Brigade, over 1000 men, had been wiped out in just sixty hours." [1]

--HanzoHattori 22:50, 24 October 2006 (UTC)

Do you mean to say that all but 13 solders were killed, and that those 13 were taken prisoner?

I am reading through, an this is what seems to be. That would be an extraordinary event, not a single solder to return from the battle! That would qualify as "wipped out". Instead of saying "completely wipped out", you can say "wipped out. (Its only 13 survivors were taken prisoner [2].)"

Did you notice that someone has gone through the text, and replaced every "fighter" and "separatist" with "terrorist"? I agree, some of them were terrorists, i.e. deliberately killed civilians, but fighting against solders is not "terrorism". It is "separatism", they are "rebel fighters", but only those individuals that deliberately target civilians are "terrorists".:Dc76 23:12, 24 October 2006 (UTC)

Sure. Also, Maikop brigade - from the latter part of the same book (not online):

"No one knows the full count of the Russian dead. The official figures are far too low, partly because many of the soldiers were not wearing tags and their bodies, burnt to a cinder, were unidentifiable. Almost every soldier can name someone who died who does not appear on the official list. Survivors of the 131st Maikop Brigade said that over 1000 men died in Grozny. In Maikop, the capital of Adygeya, the North Caucasian town where the Brigade is based, one of the tanks destroyed on New Year's Eve stands on a plinth. Repainted but still bearing the hole from a grenade hit, it dominates a memorial to those who died. Lists of the fallen are carved on six black granite slabs. They hear just 110 names."

Mind you, officially Russia lost only ~1,800 KIA/MIA in the course of entire battle. --HanzoHattori 23:48, 24 October 2006 (UTC)

Also, still:

"The 81st Motor Rifle Regiment lost half its 1114 men, according to survivors. The 503rd and 45th Regiments also took a hammering, with casualties running into the hundreds. Their bodies lay for weeks beside their burnt-out tanks all over central Grozny, prey to stray dogs and cats that roamed the abandoned city. Several soldiers were burnt alive trying to climb out of the top of their tanks. Their blackened bodies and charred limbs, reaching out, were frozen in action, in some of the most gruesome images of the war.

The extent of the slaughter was never admitted at the time and only emerged gradually. Two days after the disaster an official statement from the Defence Ministry said that Russian forces in the city were `regrouping', and admitted they had encountered intense resistance but consistently refused to issue casualty figures.

(...)

Chechen fighters took Chauvel for a long and dangerous tour of the battleground on 2 January. Dodging snipers, they worked their way towards the airport up a wide avenue several miles long, littered with the wreckage of the Russian army. Chauvel counted 100 burnt-out pieces of armour that day and estimated he saw 800 dead Russian bodies -- and he did not even make it as far as the railway station. `It was a slaughter. Along that street there are spaces of grass and trees in front of the houses. Two tanks would be lying hit in the middle of the road, and the others had panicked and turned in between houses. We even found dead Russians on the third floors of buildings.'

As he looked at wreck after wreck and bodies of soldiers strewn in pieces, Chauvel realized he was witnessing a humiliating disaster for the Russian army on a scale that no one could have imagined. `There were heavy tanks and troop-carriers, armoured personnel-carriers and troop trucks completely burnt, the bodies still inside. There was a mobile headquarters truck with communications. Everything was completely destroyed, the bodies burnt inside. They had hit the commander's vehicle, the Chechens were pleased with that. They kept saying "Command. Command."'

There were body parts everywhere, blown apart by explosions and blasted up on to the trees and trolley-bus wires above, where they still hung. Some bodies had been systematically butchered, a head sliced cleanly and placed apart on the pavement, undoubtedly the work of Chechen swordsmen. `It was unbelievable. I had never seen anything like it,' Chauvel said.

(...)

They suspected that their men of the 81st Motor Rifle Regiment were in big trouble. Dug in at the Rodina collective farm near the airport, they crouched in the gun emplacements, eating their cold rations between loads. `Those first days during the storm of Grozny were the worst. No one knew exactly where to fire, where the enemy was, even who the enemy was.' It was only after a week that they learned of the fate of their comrades. Zavyolov remembered a single battle-scarred APC limping home to the base. Alone, out of the company of fifteen armoured vehicles and 225 men, they had survived and fought their way out. The shell-shocked men could barely speak, but slowly over the next days, away from their officers, the story came out. `They told us how they were trapped for a whole week, they did not know where to go, they did not know even what to try to do, how or where to go,' Zavyolov said. `They told us how our tanks burned. How they moved from one place to another, trying to break out but always pinned down. They broke out with real difficulty, they were completely surrounded.'"

--HanzoHattori 00:04, 25 October 2006 (UTC)

Sentence[edit]

Despite having overwhelming manpower, weaponry and air support, Russian forces were unable to establish effective control over the mountainous area because of many successful Chechen guerrilla raids.

Which mountainous area? In which offensive operation did this occur? What kind of Chechen guerrilla raids? Can you be more specific about what is meant by "effective control"?

It doesn't need significant expansion, but there is no context, and it would be easier to read if the above questions were answered. Rintrah 13:36, 21 November 2006 (UTC)

More information needed[edit]

This needs expansion:

The rebels seized Soviet Army weapons.

In the following month, Dudayev won overwhelming popular support to oust the interim, central government-supported administration. He was made president in an election which was unmonitored by any third party, and later alleged to be fraudulent.[citation needed] Dudayev then issued a unilateral declaration of independence. In November 1991, President Yeltsin of RSFSR dispatched Internal Troops to Grozny; but they forced to withdraw when Dudayev's forces prevented them from leaving the airport.

Where and how did they sieze the weapons?

How was popular support shown? I want to know more about the election. Rintrah 13:54, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

This also needs expansion:

Pro- and anti-Dudayev factions of militants fought for power, sometimes in pitched battles with heavy weaponry. Rintrah 13:56, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

Felgenhauer:

"In June 1992 the Russian authorities withdrew all Russian defense personnel and their families from Chechnya. Almost all the arms and military equipment of Russian army units in Chechnya were left behind. This included, according to semi-official estimates: 42 tanks (T-62M and T-72); 66 armored combat vehicles (ACVs) - BMP-1, BMP-2, BTP-70, BRDM-2; 30 122mm towed howitzers D-30; 58 120mm PM-38 mortars; 18 B-21 Grad MRLs; 523 RPG-7 anti-tank grenade launchers and 77 ATGW (Concurs, Fagot and Metis); 18,832 AK-74, 9307 AK-47 (AKM), 533 sniper rifles, 1160 machine-guns; 4 ZCU-23-4 Shilka, 6 ZU-23 and an unspecified number of Igla portable SAMs; 152 Czech-made L-39 trainer-bomber jets, 94 L-29, several Mig-15, Mig-17, An-2 airplanes and 2 Mi-8 helicopters.

The arms could not have been recovered without a major military operation, since the cadre (skeleton) units based in Chechnya could not defend themselves. But a major invasion of Chechnya, to free the besieged Russian garrisons and to organize a withdrawal of the armaments and the men, would have certainly led to armed clashes and loss of life. Such action would have been extremely unpopular in Russia, would have almost certainly been condemned by the Supreme Soviet and maybe even used to initiate a successful impeachment procedure to oust President Boris Yeltsin. So no one in the administration dared to provoke an armed clash in Chechnya with uncertain results. Therefore a tacit agreement was reached that allowed the Russian servicemen and their families to withdraw peacefully and Dudayev to get the arms.

This tacit agreement clearly followed the pattern of other Russian Armed Forces withdrawals from the former Soviet republics. In 1992 the Russian army was used to cutting its losses and retreating."

As for the Chechen Civil War, it was between Dudayev and various folks like Beslan Gantamirov (his former mayor of Grozny), Ruslan Labazanov (his former chief of bodyguards), or Ruslan Khasbulatov (everyone knows him). At one point Dudayev's 600 regulars barely controlled Grozny, and even Basayev was against him (as was his Vedeno region). Dudayev's opponents at the time also included his former prime minister and his former first chief of staff. --HanzoHattori 17:44, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

Chechen declaration of independence[edit]

Can someone who knows something about the subject rewrite or clarify the Chechen declaration of independence section (particularly the second and third paragraph)? As it stands, it is not well written. Rintrah 07:30, 29 November 2006 (UTC)

More Info[edit]

Please expand and clarify this: After staging another coup attempt in December 1993, the opposition organized a Provisional Council as a potential alternative government for Chechnya, calling on Moscow for assistance. Rintrah 07:52, 29 November 2006 (UTC)

References[edit]

Now that the copyediting is done, can people find references for the article? It deserves to be higher than B class. Rintrah 06:13, 8 December 2006 (UTC)

Pictures?[edit]

Aren't there a few too many pictures in this article? IDK, it just seems that way to me. oops, forgot to sign! --69.120.63.248 02:34, 12 January 2007 (UTC)

No. Every one powerfully complements its adjacent text. Rintrah 03:29, 12 January 2007 (UTC)

What has happened to this article?[edit]

The article read much more nicely on, say, 9 December than it does now. I think edit creep has crippled the article. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Rintrah (talkcontribs) 17:52, 4 February 2007 (UTC).

Oh, it was just vandalism. No matter then. Rintrah 19:42, 4 February 2007 (UTC)
Wikipedia editors are encouraged to make sweeping changes to pages in order to improve them. You say my contributions are "no matter" because they are "just vandalism." You defend reverting my work in articles with an edit summary accusing me of "being annoying." Attacking a respected editor as a 'vandal' is a serious offense. I would be in my right to report you, requesting that you be admonished for personal attacks. I am an academic historian, the author of multiple featured articles related to Russia, and one of the site's longest tenured editors. Few editors have accomplished more in efforts to bring articles related to Russian history up to standard than I have. I am clearly not a vandal. An apology would be in order.
Regarding this article, my edit is not coming out of nowhere. I am the original main article of this article, using public domain text from a Library of Congress Country study, an unquestioned source of reliable information and high quality writing. You, however, restored a version of the article noted for containing possibly inaccurate text and missing citations. The current version is terrible. It reads like a yellow press battle narrative, with little comparative and structural-historical perspective. The rude response to my attempt to bring this article back up to standard has strengthened my resolve to clean up this article. 172 | Talk 16:27, 5 February 2007 (UTC)
Fine. I apologise.
As to which of the two versions is better, I don't like how the Library of Congress article is written, and disagree it is high-quality writing. I see nothing wrong with the article narrating the events of battle; its lack of perspective on whatever you mentioned (I'd appreciate simpler English here) is easily mended; if you take the time to do so, that is. Please improve the current article instead of reverting it to the other article, which is quite unsatisfying. Rintrah 07:35, 6 February 2007 (UTC)
The old article was "unsatisfying" for those interested in detailed battle accounts. Such information can go in the individual entries about the battles. 172 | Talk 16:45, 6 February 2007 (UTC)


History of Chechen Wars?[edit]

This article is about the First Chechen War, defined within the article as a war between Chechen nationals and Russian military forces for Chechen independence. I see why other conflicts may hold relevance, but why is there a need for a section on them within this article? Perhaps it should be linked, and put on the Chechen wars page, but it doesn't really belong in an article about this specific conflict.71.30.52.249 23:23, 28 March 2007 (UTC)

Maybe. --HanzoHattori 12:33, 17 August 2007 (UTC)


Annoying anon ip[edit]

Is there a way to semi-protect the talk page? If so, please. --HanzoHattori 06:59, 19 August 2007 (UTC)

Spring 1995 Offensives[edit]

For some reason, there's only a brief and unconclusive description of Russian offensives in April and especially May-June 1995 ("Mountain offensive"). Also, the ceasefire of April 26 — May 12 isn't mentioned at all. 195.248.189.182 (talk) 08:55, 8 December 2007 (UTC)

Concerning Dudayev's coup[edit]

Can someone help me find some more sources about what exactly happened during Dudayev's coup? The only source I can find is here: http://www.amina.com/article/partition2.html where it's said that they threw "Vitali Kutsenko" (chief of the PCUS) out of the window. Now I don't want to be a faultfinder, but being thrown out of a window doesn't necessarily result into death, and this source doesn't confirm his death, but wikipedia does. I can't find any info on "Vitali Kutsenko" to confirm his fate. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Pietervhuis (talkcontribs) 19:52, 29 December 2007 (UTC)

According to The Chechen Wars: Will Russia Go the Way of the Soviet Union? by Matthew Evangelista, Kutsenko was either was thrown out of window or fell trying to escape the Supreme Soviet building. During the "decommunization" actions, Dudayev's supporters also seized the TV and radio stations, and the republican headquaters of the KGB. Yeltsin's Moscow authorities consequently supported Dudayev against Zavgayev, who has previously supported the hardline putchists against Gorbatchev (they also thought they would win over Dudayev by promoting him to high command position if he returned to the service - but Dudayev instead had ideas of creating a confederacy of the Muslim North Caucasian republics). --HanzoHattori (talk) 20:27, 29 December 2007 (UTC)

Russian government sez:

"On February 1, 1995, the Prosecutor General’s Office of the Russian Federation instituted legal proceedings pursuant to article 64, item A, 70-1, 133-1, section 1, and 74, section 3, of the Penal Code of the Russian Federation. The investigating team has collected sufficient evidence to charge Dzhokhar Dudayev with illegitimately seizing power in the Chechen-Ingush Republic and preventing its governmental bodies from functioning, as he publicly called for acts of terrorism as well as ethnic, social and religious strife in the republic. Dudayev committed the aforementioned crimes under the following circumstances. In 1991, so as to materialize his schemes, he united and led extremist, nationalist-minded paramilitary groups, composed, among others, of criminals. In an effort to realize his designs, in August 1991 he had his men capture the buildings of the republican television centre in Grozny, and of the Supreme Soviet and the Council of Ministers of the Chechen-Ingush Republic, thereby causing material damage to the state. On September 6, 1991, Dudayev’s associates rushed into Grozny’s political education centre during a session of the Supreme Soviet of the republic and attacked Doku Zavgayev, legitimately elected Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, seriously injuring him. As a result of their actions, Grozny City Council deputy V. A. Kutsenko was killed. With that same objective in mind, armed Dudayev-led groups seized the republican KGB premises on October 5, 1991. As they were storming the building, lieutenant colonel N. B. Ayubov, then on duty, was shot dead. To retain power in violation of the law, Dudayev used his paramilitary groups for putting up, in December 1994 and January 1995, armed resistance to the federal army and militia as these latter were trying to restore constitutional order in the Chechen republic, which inflicted heavy casualties." --HanzoHattori (talk) 20:37, 29 December 2007 (UTC)

Thanks a lot! - PietervHuis 21:41, 29 December 2007 (UTC)

Evangelista's book is btw avaible at http://books.google.com/books?id=inc4KfEHymYC&printsec=frontcover#PPP1,M1 --HanzoHattori (talk) 11:36, 10 January 2008 (UTC)

I just came upon this:

In Chechen political life two politicians oppose: local chief of the PCUS and speaker of Republican parliament Doku Zavgayev, and a Muscovite Chechen Ruslan Khasbultov, that was one of the close supporters of Boris Yeltsin and vice-speaker of the Russian parliament. After the election in June 1991 of Boris Yeltsin to the presidency of Russia, Khasbultov becomes speaker of the Russian parliament. Naturally, he tries to replace Zavgayev by his man, however Doku Zavgayev resists. Zavgayev placed in all the Republic's key-posts men of his teype, and usurped the power in Chechnya-Ingushetia.
August 19-21, 1991, an putsch attempt has been undertaken in Moscow, aiming to dismiss the Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. A crowd, conducted by militants of the NCChP, invades the central place of Grozny. The Republic's leader, Doku Zavgayev, temporized before condemning putschists, until their failure becomes obvious. August 22, leaders of the NCChP ask for the resignation of the Chechen-Ingush parliament and of his speaker Doku Zavgayev because of their supposed support of the putschists. Militants of the Congress seized the republican television, by which General Dudayev spoke to inhabitants of the Republic and explained demands of the opposition. August 25, an extraordinary session of Chechen-Ingush parliament took place in Grozny. After having listened to General Dudayev, deputies rejected the claims of the NCChP and asked to stop riots. August 26, a delegation of the Russian parliament comes to Grozny. Its members warn Zavgayev that the political crisis in Chechnya cannot be settled by force. In the following days, the praesidium of the Chechen-Ingush parliament resigns, whereas Zavgayev and his deputies remain in their posts. An attempt of talks between the republican parliament and the opposition failures. Deputies reject again the NCChP's demands and describe the actions of the Chechen radicals as anti-constitutional.
August 31, the interim speaker of the Russian parliament, Ruslan Khasbulatov arrives in Grozny, whereas the unrest flares up the city: rallies, strikes, barricades on fire, overturned buses. September 1-2, the third session of the NCChP states that the republic's parliament is dismissed, its executive commitee assumes all the power on all the territory of Chechnya-Ingushetia. September 3, Chechen-Ingush parliament introduces the state of emergency in the Republic, but police and military, whose units are situated in Chechnya-Ingushetia, proclaim their neutrality in the conflict. The NCChP's militants control Grozny and most of districts of the Republic. Barricades are raised in Grozny's streets. September 4-5, the republic's parliament and the NCChP oppose, in trying to attract on their side the rural populations.
September 6, Doku Zavgayev holds a meeting with deputies, mayors and directors of factories of the Republic in the building of the political center. Zavgayev states that he will remain in his functions. The National Guards of the NCChP seize the building and interrupt the meeting, whereas the police, who have to protect it, don't interfere. Several persons have been wounded or molested during the assault, whereas the chief of the PCUS of Grozny, Vitali Kutsenko, is defenestrated. The National Guards forced Zavgayev to sign his resignation. The NCChP's executive committee announces in newspapers that the Chechen-Ingush parliament and its speaker have resigned. A temporary committee, conducted by Yaragui Mamodayev, is created to replace the executive power. The NCChP controls the administrative buildings, the Republic's television and radio station, whereas the mobilization on the central square in Grozny continues since three weeks.
September 6, some factories of the Republic begin the presidential electoral drive, in proposing the candidacy of Salambek Khadjiev, deputy of the Soviet parliament and former Minister of oil of the USSR. September 7, several parties of the opposition having supported Jokhar Dudayev, condemn the forced dissolution of the Republic's parliament and accuse the President of the NCChP's executive committee of having usurped the power. September 10, General Dudayev states that the aim of the NCChP is the creation of an independent and democratic state. September 11, refugee in a mountain village, Doku Zavgayev speaks by the radio to inhabitants of the Republic. He affirms that he controls the situation in Chechnya-Ingushetia. The speaker of the Russian parliament, Ruslan Khasbultov, sends a telegram to the NCChP's executive committee and expresses his satisfaction about the Zavgayev resignation. September 12, talks begin between a Russian government delegation and the NCChP's executive committee. These negotiations don't give any concrete result. The National Guards continue to enlist volonteers and already count several thousands of fighters. The executive committee forms the customs' service, employees of which get settled in the airport and on the borders of the Republic. Ruslan Khasbultov arrives in Grozny. He asks for the resignation of all the deputies of Chechnya-Ingushetia, that in his mind are involved in thieving, corruption and speculation. By local television, Khasbultov states that it is not possible to bear any longer such a situation and affirms that the people demand to take "strong measures". However, anti-Dudayev's opposition organizes a Democratic Reforms' Movement, DRM, that unites the Association of the Intelligentsia, the Civil Concord Movement and the Social-Democrat Club. Salambek Khadjiev is elected President of the MRD. The MRD announces that Chechnya is threatened by the institution of a dictatorship in the style of Zviad Gamsakhourdia. According to the MRD, this dictatorship can be imposed by shade economy's lobbies.
September 15, in absence of Doku Zvagayev and of his first deputy A. Petrenko, the last session of the Chechnya-Ingushetia's parliament takes place in Grozny. The building, where the session takes place, is surrounded by the National Guards. Under the Ruslan Khasbultov's pressure, deputies vote for the resignation of the parliament's speaker, Doku Zavgayev, and the self-dissolution of the parliament. The general elections are fixed for November 17, 1991. A temporary organ of power is formed: the Temporary Supreme Council, TSC, composed of 32 deputies, mainly belonging to anti-Zavgayev opposition. At the same time, Ingush deputies meet in Nazran and proclaim an Ingush Republic. September 17, the republican movement of the Greens announces its disagreement with the policies of the NCChP; the leader of the Greens, R. Goytemirov leaves the ministerial committee of the NCChP. September 18, the number of TSC members is reduced to 13. The vice-president of the the NCChP's executive committee, Khusseyn Akhmadov becomes its president, whereas the "man of confidence" of Ruslan Khasbultov, Yuri Cherny, is elected its deputy. The TSC announces that in addition to the general elections, it also prepares the presidential elections. September 25, the anti-Dudayev opposition, united in a block "Round Table", demands to the NCChP to not usurp the power, to free the television and the radio and to dissolve armed formations. Five members of the TSC, controlled by Yuri Cherny, disapprove of the usurpation of the power by the NCChP's executive committee. September 26, Ruslan Khasbultov sends a telegram, in which he warns that if the power is usurped by the "informal organizations" (NCChP), the results of elections won't be recognized. September 27, three Ingush members leave the TSC, because of the proclamation of the Ingush Republic. Nine members remain in the TSC: 4 men of Khousseyn Akhmadov (NCChP) and 5 deputies, controlled by Yuri Cherny (man of Khasbultov). October 1st, 4 members of the TSC, under the direction of Akhmadov, publish several legislative acts in the name of the TSC, including an act on the separation of Chechnya-Ingushetia in two republics. Yuri Cherny states that all the acts, issued by Akhmadov, don't have any legal force, because they have not been voted by the majority of the TSC's members. October 2, Khusseyn Akhmadov denies the declaration of Tcherny and affirms that all the acts, including the act on the presidential elections, have been adopted legally. At the same time, the block of anti-Dudayev opposition "Round Table" holds a meeting in Grozny, with the participation of trade unionist leaders and of the deputy of the TSC's president Yuri Cherny. Again, the opposition condemns the illegal taking of the power by the NCChP and asks to dissolve the National Guards, to stop the blockade of the republican radio and of television station and to cancel the holding of the Chechen republican presidential elections, foreseen for October 19.
October 5, seven from nine members of the TSC meet in Grozny home with representatives of the republic parliament and trade unionist leaders. They decide to cancel the acts, adopted by Akhmadov, and to dismiss Akhmadov from the post of TSC president. 7 TSC members ask the Republic's interior minister to assure the protection of TSC and to disarm the NCChP's National Guards. The National Guards take the House of Trade Unions, 7 members of the TSC run off. The same day the National Guards seize the republican heardquarters of the KGB. During the assault, one agent of the KGB is killed. October 6, the the NCChP's executive committee dissolves the TSC because of subversive actions and provocations. General Dudayev states that members of the TSC entered a plot with the KGB, having for goal to undertake a coup d'Etat in the Republic. The TSC continues to work in clandestinity. A Russian government's delegation, conducted by Russian vice-president, Alexander Rutskoy, comes to Grozny. It meets all participants of the conflict: members of the executive committee of the NCChP, members of the TSC and representatives of anti-Dudayev's opposition. The Rutskoy visit has no result. October 7, the TSC restarts its activities in Grozny in its former composition of 37 members. It asks for the population to boycott the presidential elections, announced by the NCChP's executive committee, and announces its own presidential elections, foreseen for November 17. October 7-8, the NCChP's National Guards seize during the night the headquarters of the TSC in Grozny.
Alexander Rutskoy makes a very negative report to the Russian parliament about the actions of the NCChP: havoc in the administrative buildings, abductions of republican officials, aggressive attitude of the National Guards. Deputies recognize the TSC as the only lawful organ of power in Chechnya-Ingushetia and invite the TSC to take "all necessary steps to stabilize the situation". The Russian parliament gives a time limit of 24 hours to the armed formations to give back their weapons. The executive committee considers the Russian parliament's decree as "a coarse and provocative interference in the affairs of the Chechen Republic" and as a "declaration of war". Rutskoy proposes to Dudayev and to the NCChP to participate in the elections under the aegis of the TSC, if they submit to the ultimatum. General Dudayev rejects the offer and states: "Our rights, we hold them from our people." The NCChP proclaims a general mobilization of all men from 15 to 55 years old, and proclaims illegal all the decrees issued by the TSC. The office of the public prosecutor of Chechnya-Ingushetia is seized by the National Guards, whereas the president of the Vaynakh Democratic Party Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, proclaims the jihad, holy war against infidels, and calls his supporters to arms. October 10, two rallies take place in Grozny. The first is anti-Russian and conducted by the NCChP, another is organized by the anti-Dudayev opposition. Several local militias are organized in the rural zones. October 13, the Russian television announces that the the NCChP's executive committee condemned to death in absentia Ruslan Khasbultov and Alexander Routskoy, the Chechen side denied the information. Another delegation from Moscow visits Grozny. The NCChP's leaders accept to cancel the general mobilization, if the Russian parliament in its turn cancels the ultimatum. The NCChP's executive committee confirms the holding of the republican presidential and general elections October 27. It announces that at present the question about the separation from the Soviet Union will not be solved during a referendum untill after the elections of October 27. At the same time, representatives of the NCChP's executive committee, of the TSC and of the democratic forces' demonstration in Grozny form a "state committee of national concord". The TSC and the democratic forces (anti-Dudayev's opposition) insist on the delaying of the October 27's presidential elections and on the conservation of Chechnya-Ingushetia.
October 19, Russian President Boris Yeltsin gives an ultimatum to the NCChP. General Dudayev announces that the pressure by force on behalf of Yeltsin can not be accept by a people "that fights for its liberty". October 26, Jokhar Dudayev says in an interview to the AP agency that after he's elected President of Chechnya-Ingushetia, he will study the question "on the possibility to lead a war against Russia". October 27, under the aegis of the NCChP, the presidential elections take place in Chechnya-Ingushetia. They are boycotted by the Ingush and Cosack districts of the Republic. The TSC warns that these elections have no legal value. The opposition states that only 30% of voters have participated in the voting of October 27. Elected President of Chechnya, Jokhar Dudayev announces that the Chechen presidential and general elections of October 27, were a logical crowning piece of the way of Chechnya toward the independence. October 29 TSC and anti-Dudayev's opposition begin to form popular militias in counterweight of the National Guards of Dudayev. The TSC begins an electoral drive for the general elections, fixed for November 17. At the same time, Ruslan Khasbultov is elected speaker of the Russian parliament. November 3, Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia states that he supports President Dudayev. November 8, Boris Yeltsin introduces the state of emergency in Chechnya-Ingushetia, and gives the order about the confiscation of firearms that the population possess. President Dudayev introduces the state of war and affirms to be invested of "powers of exception". He warns Moscow about the possibility of "terrorist acts, including bomb attacks against the nuclear power stations". Dudayev states to the AFP that Moscow is proclaimed a "disaster-stricken zone", in adding that "all the Caucasus is going to stand up [against the aggressor]". Planes transporting troops land in Khankala, military airfield of Grozny. On the next day, the National Guards of the NCChP block the Khankala's airfield, whereas about ten thousand demonstrators meet in the center of Grozny. They protest against the introduction of troops. Without using weapons, the Russian soldiers are transported, under the control of the National Guards, from Khankala to Vladikavkaz (Northern Ossetia). November 11, the Russian parliament cancels President Yeltsin's decree on the introduction of the state of emergency in Chechnya-Ingushetia.
The Chechen revolution's results are the arrival of General Dudayev and of the NCChP, dominated by radicals, to the power in Chechnya, the separation of Chechnya-Ingushetia, the creation of several armed formations (National Guards of the NCChP, militias of the anti-Dudayev's opposition), the failure of a democratic transition and weakening of the opposition to the Dudayev's regime following the Russian intervening. The success of Chechen radicals in general and of Jokhar Dudayev in particular can be explained by the superposition of several factors. These were President Yeltsin's weakness (he fought at the same time against the Soviet President Gorbachev and the Rutskoy-Khasbulatov's tandem), the neutrality of the Soviet Army (it didn't yet become the Russian army), the other Moslem minorities' radicalization (in Tatarstan, for example), and the intervening of Gorbachev (Soviet President personally opposed to the use of force in Grozny). In fall 1991 during the Chechen revolution, Gorbachev was still in power.

--HanzoHattori (talk) 23:52, 9 January 2008 (UTC)

--94.192.80.191 (talk) 00:04, 21 February 2010 (UTC)== Chechen losses ==

What's the source for "6,000"? --HanzoHattori (talk) 02:26, 4 January 2008 (UTC)

http://smallwarsjournal.com/documents/iskhanovinterview.pdf says 2,000 killed (a private estimate though). --HanzoHattori (talk) 04:24, 4 January 2008 (UTC)

Russian book on Russia/USSR military losses in XX century estimates only 2500-2700 Chechen fighters killed, which is strange because this book is almost "official", but this estimate isn't official at all. According to this 2005 Kavkaz Center article (sorry, it's on Russian, maybe they have it in English section), there were 3800 fighters killed and more than 7500 wounded during the first war. They also give Russian losses for 1994-1996 as up to 80 000 KIAs and 150-180 000 WIAs :) 195.248.189.182 (talk) 09:08, 4 January 2008 (UTC)


- I think it's important to remember that it's difficult to get accurate estimates regarding deaths/injuries in any Soviet/Post-Soviet Russian situation. For example, the Stalin era, and so on. Russia has never been open with those kind of figures. It's best to use the most standard source anyone can find and say 'current estimates stand at...', because, like many Russian conflicts, it's quite possible that we will never know. --94.192.80.191 (talk) 00:04, 21 February 2010 (UTC)

Comment[edit]

I'm not sure what do you mean by blatant crimes committed before Russian forces crossed the border (who committed them then - Dudayev's men?) but in any case war crimes were certainly committed after that. It's absolutely irrelevant who started everything first. I can remind you of the ethnic cleansing of non-Chechens in the early 90s, then one may remember deportation of 1944 or something even older. The info I've restored is sourced and undoubtedly relevant to the article. Alæxis¿question? 16:58, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

Eh, to quote myself:

Also, the first crimes against civilians were commited before they even first crossed the border in 1994, when the drunk soldaty killed several Ingush villagers, few fellow soldiers, and even the Ingush minister of health.[3] --HanzoHattori (talk) 00:54, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

They were extremally demoralized to begin with. And CA's revelations are bull. --HanzoHattori (talk) 17:26, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

And, btw, as of use of vodka, they drunk.... much. There were incidents of them drinking before going into combat. They were mostly drunk in their APCs when they went in the New Year into Grozny - even their generals ordered them to attack during a libation to celebrate Grachev's birthday. There was actually an Internal Troops brigade which was known as ."always drunk" (the 205th). Guerrila warfare tactics are usually always the same, no revelations there. But having a drunk army, THIS is something unusual. --HanzoHattori (talk) 17:42, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

omg, what all this has to do with the question we're discussing?
What's wrong with the word 'fugitive'? According to my Collins dictionary it is 1) a person who flees 2) a thing that is elusive or fleeting 3) fleeing, esp from arrest or pursuit 4) not permanent; fleeting; transient 5) moving or roving about. Here the word is used in its first meaning (to flee is 'to run away from', if you're interested). If it's the only problem you see here why have you reverted the whole edit then? Alæxis¿question? 17:55, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

Also, I never heard about anyone pretending to be Red Cross personnel in this war. I know only about the FSB sowing rumours the Red Cross are their spies (with deadly effect). --HanzoHattori (talk) 17:49, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

What you heard is also absolutely irrelevant here... Alæxis¿question? 17:55, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

Guys it may have been de facto independence but it was also full independence. It was a russian defeat, just like americans lost the war in Vietnam. There's many who don't want to admit that either, but it's stated here as well Vietnam War. - PietervHuis (talk) 01:04, 15 February 2008 (UTC)

NPOV[edit]

Looks like wikipedians do not like neutral point of view, right? Why people can't write "victory of Federal Forces" in article about Second Chechen War, but can write here "Chechen victory"? May be, it is Anti-Russian sentiment?
Why we can let be only text about Khasav-Yurt accord and de-facto independence of ChRI? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 88.192.82.185 (talk) 12:39, 16 February 2008 (UTC)

It's impossible to declare victory in a conflict that is still ongoing (second chechen war). The Chechens won the first war, maskhadov became their president which is what they wanted. Why not make itclear it was a chechen victory? May be, it is Islamophobia? - - PietervHuis (talk) 14:07, 16 February 2008 (UTC)

  • The war has been enden years ago, but no-one can declare a peace, because all the terrorist key people has been killed. It is a Chechen point of view. Yes, Federal Forces have been lost the war as such, but army still was there, so we can't just say "It was a victory".
    AND:

    Neutral point of view is a fundamental Wikipedia principle. NPOV is absolute and non-negotiable.

You don't sound very neutral yourself when you call rebels "terrorists". But all leaders who got killed were succeeded. Since when do you finish a war just by killing the leaders? So if Rebels kill Putin they've won the war? Weird reasoning. Umarov is still alive so a peace treaty could be signed. - PietervHuis (talk) 15:10, 16 February 2008 (UTC)

Pieter, actually the question of who won the 1CW isn't that simple (regardless of my own opinion). Although some sources would say about Chechen victory other are more vague. And rebels certainly didn't get all they wanted - Russia didn't recognise CRI as an independent country, for example. So I propose not to write about victories in both articles since the results of these conflicts are already summarised in the infoboxes. Alæxis¿question? 16:37, 16 February 2008 (UTC)

Russia DID recognize the CRI and Aslan Maskhadov. It's all in the Khasav-Yut accord. The victory seems pretty obvious for me, but I'll wait until others share their opinion instead of starting an edit-war - - PietervHuis (talk) 16:57, 16 February 2008 (UTC)

Again, Russia didn't recognise CRI as an independent country. Would you argue with this? Alæxis¿question? 20:27, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
No, in the Khasav-Yurt accord it was stated the status of Ichkeria would be discussed 5 years from the signing. However, Russia DID recognise the CRI as the legitimate government of Chechnya and so did every other country in the world. - PietervHuis (talk) 20:38, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
Are you sure about it? I'd love to see sources confirming your last sentence.
What I want to say is that Chechens didn't get everything they wanted. Besides Khasav-yurt agreement was seen by many as a truce rather than a genuine peace treaty (you can check it yourself easily). Alæxis¿question? 22:47, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
I understand that calling the First Chechen War a Chechen victory might offend certain people or maybe even hurt their pride but the plain and simple fact is that after the separatists' '96 offensive the position of the federal army in Chechnya could not be maintained and it had to be withdrawn under very unfavourable terms, whether or not the Chechens got everything they wanted in the Khasav-Yurt treaty does not even bear any relevance to this matter. On the infobox of the Second World War an allied victory is mentioned, in the infobox of the American Civil War a Union victory is mentioned. The First Chechen War was a clear Chechen victory and should be listed as such. If you disagree with this you may find comfort in the fact that any Chechen success in the First Chechen War was undone in the Second when their capitol city was shelled into oblivion for the second time in 6 years and their de facto independance was lost.ForrestSjap (talk) 21:17, 17 February 2008 (UTC)
Well, this is exactly my point. The 1CW was Chechens' victory just like the second one was their defeat. I'm arguing for the consistency here... Alæxis¿question? 22:05, 17 February 2008 (UTC)
The second war would be their defeat if the conflict was completely over and it's not.
That Russia recognised Maskhadov as the leader of Chechnya was inside the khasav yurt accord, the accord can be viewed online so you can check it out. On top of the accord a peace treaty between maskhadov and yeltsin was signed as well. - PietervHuis (talk) 23:24, 18 February 2008 (UTC)

What the hell is with this "Steve Crossin" guy?[edit]

He reverts everything I write!

I think he's going to undo this, too... --84.234.60.154 (talk) 13:01, 18 March 2008 (UTC)

Image copyright problem with Image:Budyonnovsk.jpg[edit]

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Where do you take this numbers?[edit]

"All units of the 131st 'Maikop' Motor Rifle Brigade sent into the city, numbering more than 1,000 men, were destroyed during the 60-hour fight in the area of the Grozny's central railway station, leaving only about 230 survivors (1/3 of them captured)."

"...more than 1,000 men..." is total number of 131st 'Maikop' Motor Rifle Brigade. In area of operations was 840. But take part in Battle of Grozny only 446. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Korvin.Pen'Dragon (talkcontribs) 12:40, 25 June 2008 (UTC)

Thanks for noticing this. Actually the book that is cited there says: "The entire Maikop Brigade, over 1000 men, had been wiped out in just sixty hours." This doesn't mean that all of the brigade's soldiers were killed. Btw, I couldn't find the number of survivors (230) there.
Could you please write the sources of your numbers? Alæxis¿question? 12:52, 25 June 2008 (UTC)
Sure. Main information I take from this. And aboun number of the brigade's soldiers who assist in Battle of Grozny this. All links to Ru resurses, but I think it will not be problem for You. Korvin.Pen'Dragon (talk) 07:49, 26 June 2008 (UTC)
Russian sources are obviously not worse than any other. However blogs aren't considered reliable (see WP:V#SELF) and so some other sources are needed... Alæxis¿question? 08:26, 26 June 2008 (UTC)
Mmmm... I don't think, that exists another source with such in-depth information. Maybe here or here. On last link it's possible to see official list of killed. Korvin.Pen'Dragon (talk) 14:48, 26 June 2008 (UTC)

POV language in Chechen declaration of independence[edit]

The way it was written, using only one Russian source to claim Kutsenko was pushed out of the window is definitely POV, considering other sources say he could have fallen out while trying to escape. Restored a NPOV version which mentions both possibilities, pushed or fell. Martintg (talk) 02:34, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

Yes, I definitely agree. The Pieter's version was more neutral and more carefully worded. Lokii, Please do not tell that I was "not involved". If you wish, I will be permanently involved here.Biophys (talk) 04:32, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

Tishkov book[edit]

I think we can use the book as a source. I have not read it but looked through the Amazon review [4]. The book is written by Valery Tishkov, who seems to be a respectable academics with reputation albeit working in Russia. Gorbachev has only written preface for it, he is also rather an opposition figure in 2000th Russia. The book is published by a respectable American publishing house specializing in academic publications. I see no obvious red flags here, it is certainly not worse then newspapers and dubious websites used as source Alex Bakharev (talk) 23:29, 6 September 2008 (UTC)

Not really, Alex. Not only is the book written with the help of Mikhail Gorbachev, the main author himself Valery Tishkov himself is a member of the Public Chamber of Russia set up by Vladimir Putin himself. This book is full exceptional claims, and the one adressed in this article is one of them. Tishkov's work had been criticised before for writing politically motivated works not close to scientific truth.[5] Tishkov also claimed that the 2003 referendum in Chechnya was an "accurate reflection of Chechen opinion" even though they were described by international observers as deeply flawed.[6] We really need better sources for that per WP:REDFLAG. For regular statements and events, sure. But not exceptional claims. Grey Fox (talk) 23:55, 6 September 2008 (UTC)
I think this kind of ends it: Tishkov was a minister himself under Boris Yeltsin, also at the time of the First Chechen War.[7] Don't worry though, I don't deny that discrimination happened during the rule of Dudayev. I'll add other sources for that too. My problem is the number "tens of thousands". I've read quite a couple of books and articles about this period of history now, and while information is often contradictory, most tent to agree that many Russians also fled during the war, and that their houses were destroyed by Russian bombardments killing thousands of their own civilians. I'll try to add proper sources soon. Grey Fox (talk) 00:22, 7 September 2008 (UTC)
I have added a few more sources. If you have any contradistinction data please add them too. According to [8] 300 thousand plus of russophones were either killed or dispalced between 1989 and 2006 almost achieving Hitler's dream of pure Aryan population in the region. I think we have got enough displaced people to fill "tens of thousand" mark for the pre first war, during the first war and between the wars period. Alex Bakharev (talk) 03:21, 7 September 2008 (UTC)
The article about supposed genocide is extremely dubious, it also completely fails to mention the bombing of grozny which killed thousands of ethnic Russians and destroyed their homes. Besides where are the mass graves? If genocide did happen it would have been covered by human rights groups, but it's not. Memorial only speaks of discrimination. This is an exceptional claim and not an exceptional source so we'd better just stick with Memorial.
Anyway, here is some other information:
"Apprehensive of the increasing influence of Islam, many ethnic Russians simply left, an estimated 19,000 in 1991 alone." Unity Or Separation: Center-periphery Relations in the Former Soviet Union, By Daniel R. Kempton, Terry D. Clark
"Again, Chechnya was not an isolated case, rather an extreme version of events taking place in many newly independent republic of the collapsed Soviet Union – where an estimated 25 ethnic-Russians became minorities and foreigners overnight. They left in droves from civil war and poverty in Tajikistan, they suffered political and linguistic discrimination in the Baltic republics. Of course, little did those Russians fleeing Chechnya know that they were only the first wave of refugees. The second would come in 1994 when Moscow sent the army in and the trapped ethnic-Russians suddenly found themselves being bombed by their so-called protectors. By the end of the war in 1996, the Russian community had almost vanished. As a result the anti-Russians aggression was not only a tragedy for the ethnic-Russians, but left the Chechen economy debilitated." Allah's Mountains: Politics and War in the Russian Caucasus By Sebastian Smith —Preceding unsigned comment added by Grey Fox-9589 (talkcontribs) 17:11, 7 September 2008 (UTC)


Admittedly, I am new to Wikipedia and this article, but not to the academic study of the Chechen wars or to the scholarly controversies surrounding it. While I would agree that Tishkov's position and scholarship is not without flaw, his book cannot be rejected wholesale simply because he was at one point a member of the Russian government. The point that the claim he made and to which I referred is apparently not backed up beyond his text, though, is taken. Nonetheless, apropos of the criticism by Vakhit Akaev [9] I would like to suggest that Akaev read Tishkov's book in manuscript before publication (Tiskhov 2004: 7) and that his review was published under the auspices of the Jamestown Foundation, itself not an apolitical institution. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Aytta2 (talkcontribs) 12:43, 7 September 2008 (UTC)
Welcome to wikipedia Aytta2. Tishkov was a minister under Boris Yeltsin. Boris Yeltsin himself ordered the invasion of Chechnya which included the large amount of atrocities. That makes it a primary source, which isn't good enough for WP:REDFLAG. I don't know exactly what he wrote, but I've read publications before of him which often contained exceptional claims. I'm not sure what country you're in, but being a minister under a dubious president is extremely damaging here. A minister here had to resign because people found out she was a minister under Dési Bouterse. Our future queen Princess Máxima of the Netherlands's father was a minister under Jorge Rafael Videla which caused a lot of controversy, and he was not allowed to attain her marriage in the Netherlands because of that. Tishkov himself was a minister under Boris Yeltsin during the First Chechen War. It's not a neutral and/or reliable source, otherwise we could write this article completely based on the memoirs of Russian government officials.
I think the problem is fixed now, Alex added a source from a respected human rights group which carries the same information. I don't agree with the other sources though. The first is from Izvestia which is government controlled. I don't know about the second Russian source, but that one speaks about "genocide" even which is extremely redflag and the writer isn't notable. So I propose to just use the memorial source and the two other sources I published above. Grey Fox (talk) 17:00, 7 September 2008 (UTC)
Cheers. I agree that the problem is fixed, yet would like to point out that Tishkov's book is not in any way a memoir; it is a work of scholarship (anthropology) written by a prominent academic and "concerned citizen" who, yes, in 1992 was a government official under Yeltsin. But he has consistently condemned the violence on both sides. If you read the book you will soon find this: "The behavior of Yeltsin [and others] was incomprehensible... They opted for atrocities, revenge, and other ugly tactics... in principal it was criminal" (Tishkov 2004: 74). -- Aytta2 (talk) 09:42, 8 September 2008 (UTC)
I would enjoy reading Tishkov's books but still take his claims with a grain of salt. Maybe he did criticize Yeltsin, but it didn't prevent him from participating in his government, and in 2005 he again joined the Russian government. If he really cared that much about human rights in Chechyna he wouldn't. I'm glad things seem solved now. Grey Fox (talk) 19:43, 8 September 2008 (UTC)

Sokolov-Mitrich's works[edit]

I can't understand why his works are removed from the article. The edit summary reads 'sokolov mitrich is criticized by a human rights group as well as the government'. First, how and by whom was he criticised? Was he criticised for this book of for some other things? Alæxis¿question? 18:30, 8 September 2008 (UTC)

It's here Alaexis[10]. My point is that we can't just base exceptional claims on dubious and/or non-notable russian writers/journalists. Anyway there's quite enough sources now so there shouldn't be a problem anymore. Grey Fox (talk) 18:34, 8 September 2008 (UTC)
There he's criticised (and rather mildly, I'd say) for his article about ethnic problems in Yakutia. Imho it hardly has anything to do with Chechnya.
Yes, there are more sources now. So, why can't we add this one if it confirms what other ones (more credible in your opinion) say? Alæxis¿question? 18:52, 8 September 2008 (UTC)
It's not about Chechnya, but nevertheless about ethnic tensions. I'm not saying we can never use his citations, but we should be careful when it comes to exceptional claims. It's hard for me to read his entire work because I don't speak Russian, but it's more or less unnecessary to add his version of events when we already have them from respected academics and human rights organisations. It's also a matter of principles to not base this entire article on the work of Russian journalists (we want to strife for a well balanced article don't we). Grey Fox (talk) 18:59, 8 September 2008 (UTC)

"...resulted in Chechnya's de facto independence from Russia as the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria."[edit]

How can Chechnya's de facto independence be a result of the war? It had de facto independence before the war already. Offliner (talk) 18:04, 16 March 2009 (UTC)

On December 11, 1994, Russian forces launched a three-pronged ground attack towards Grozny. The main attack was temporarily halted by deputy commander of the Russian Ground Forces, Gen. Eduard Vorobyov, who then resigned in protest, stating that it is "a crime" to "send the army against its own people."[17] Many in the Russian military and government opposed the war as well. Yeltsin's adviser on nationality affairs, Emil Pain, and Russia's Deputy Minister of Defense Gen. Boris Gromov (esteemed commander of the Soviet-Afghan War), also resigned in protest of the invasion ("It will be a bloodbath, another Afghanistan," Gromov said on television), as did Gen. Borys Poliakov. More than 800 professional soldiers and officers refused to take part in the operation; of these, 83 were convicted by military courts and the rest were discharged. Later Gen. Lev Rokhlin also refused to be decorated as a Hero of Russia for his part in the war.

The Chechen Air Force (as well as the republic's civilian aircraft fleet) was completely destroyed in the air strikes of the very first few hours of the war, while around 500 people took advantage of the mid-December amnesty declared by Yeltsin for members of Dzhokhar Dudayev's armed groups. Nevertheless, Boris Yeltsin's cabinet's expectations of a quick surgical strike, quickly followed by Chechen capitulation and regime change, were misguided. Russia found itself in a quagmire practically instantly. The morale of the Russian troops, poorly prepared and not understanding why and even where they were sent, was low from the beginning. Some Russian units resisted the order to advance, and in some cases, the troops sabotaged their own equipment. In Ingushetia, civilian protesters stopped the western column and set 30 military vehicles on fire, while about 70 conscripts deserted their units. Advance of the northern column was halted by the unexpected Chechen resistance at Dolinskoye and the Russian forces suffered the first serious losses.[17] Deeper in Chechnya, a group of 50 Russian paratroopers surrendered to the local militia, after being deployed by helicopters behind enemy lines and then abandoned.

Yeltsin ordered the Russian Army to show restraint, but it was neither prepared nor trained for this. Civilian losses quickly mounted, alienating the Chechen population and raising hostility to the Russian forces, even among those who initially supported the attempts to unseat Dudayev. Other problems occurred as Yeltsin sent in freshly trained conscripts from neighboring regions rather than regular soldiers. Highly mobile units of Chechen fighters caused severe losses to Russia's ill-prepared, demoralized troops. The Russian military command then resorted to carpet bombing tactics and indiscriminate barrages of rocket artillery, causing enormous casualties among the Chechen and Russian civilian population.[18] On December 29, in a rare instance of a Russian outright victory, the Russian airborne forces seized the military airfield next to Grozny and repelled a Chechen armored counterattack in the battle of Khankala; the next objective was the city itself. With the Russians closing in on the capital, Chechens began to hastily set up defensive fighting positions and group their forces in the city. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 91.215.79.125 (talk) 17:07, 18 March 2010 (UTC)

Casualty figures[edit]

The casualty figures seem very unrealistic and either downplayed for the one side or just simply exaggerated for the other.

How did the Chechens secure their independence when loosing more than half their combatants and the Russian forces loosing something below 10% ? this doesn't make any sense and I think figures from different sources, maybe allready provided in the casualties section should be displayed too so that people can draw their own logical picture with the different estimates. TheMightyGeneral (talk) 08:21, 8 March 2014 (UTC)