United Malays National Organisation

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United Malays National Organisation
Malay name Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu
President Najib Tun Razak
Chairperson Badruddin Amiruldin
Secretary-General Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor
Spokesperson Ahmad Maslan, Head of Information
Founder Onn Jaafar (1895–1962)
Woman Chief Shahrizat Abdul Jalil
Women's Youth Chief Mas Ermieyati Samsudin
Youth Chief Khairy Jamaluddin
Slogan Unite, Loyal, Serve
Bersatu, Bersetia, Berkhidmat (Malay)
Founded 11 May 1946
Headquarters Menara Dato' Onn, Putra World Trade Center, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Newspaper Utusan
Youth wing Pergerakan Pemuda UMNO
Women's Youth Wing Pergerakan Puteri UMNO
Woman wing Pergerakan Wanita UMNO
Membership  (2012) 3,386 274[1]
Ideology Ketuanan Melayu,[2]
Social conservatism,[3]
Economic liberalism[4]
Islamism[5][6]
Political position Right-wing[7]
National affiliation Barisan Nasional
Colors Red, white1
Parliament:
88 / 222
State Assemblies:
241 / 576
Website
www.umno-online.com

1. Red and white have been used since before independence.
Coat of arms of Malaysia.svg
This article is part of a series on the
politics and government of
Malaysia

The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO; Malay: Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu; Jawi: ڤرتوبوهن كبڠساءن ملايو برساتو) is Malaysia's largest political party and a founding member of the National Front coalition, which has played a dominant role in Malaysian politics since independence.

The UMNO emphasises as its foundation the struggle to uphold the aspirations of Malay nationalism and the dignity of race, religion and country.[8] The party also aspires to protect the Malay culture as the national culture and to uphold, defend and expand Islam.[9][10]

UMNO is widely considered as backbone of Alliance Party, ruling coalition since 1951 and its successor since 1973, Barisan Nasional.

History[edit]

After the British returned to Malaya in the aftermath of World War II, the Malayan Union was formed. However, the Union was met with much opposition due to its constitutional framework, which allegedly threatened Malay sovereignty over Malaya. A series of Malay congresses were held, culminating in the formation of the nationalist party, UMNO on 10 May 1946 at the Third Malay Congress in Johor Bahru, with Datuk Onn Jaafar as its leader. UMNO strongly opposed the Malayan Union, but originally did not seek political power. UMNO has no choice with continuing to play its supporting role to the British rulers. The British cooperated with UMNO leaders and helped to defeat the communist insurgency.

In 1949, after the Malayan Union had been replaced by the semi-autonomous Federation of Malaya, UMNO shifted its focus to politics and governance. The Malay people thus search for their birth-rights since the government of Malaya did not proclaim it openly, resulting in a confusing situation. However it is crucial that UMNO's struggle is apparently not racial based. As they also fought for other races once they are at the helm of the country.[11]

In 1951, Onn Jaafar left UMNO after failing to open its membership to non-Malay Malayans to form the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP). Tunku Abdul Rahman replaced Dato' Onn as UMNO President. That same year, the Radical Party won the first election in Malaya—the George Town municipal council election—claiming six out of the nine seats available. However, the following year, UMNO formed an agreement with the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) to avoid contesting the same seats in the Kuala Lumpur municipal council elections. UMNO and MCA eventually carried nine out of the twelve seats, dealing a crushing blow to the IMP. After several other successes in local council elections, the coalition was formalised as an "Alliance" in 1954.[12]

In 1954, state elections were held. In these elections, the Alliance won 226 of the 268 seats nationwide. In the same year, a Federal Legislative Council was formed, comprising 100 seats. 52 would be elected, and the rest would be appointed by the British High Commissioner. The Alliance demanded that 60 of the seats be elected, but despite the Tunku flying out to London to negotiate, the British held firm. Elections for the council were held in 1955, and the Alliance, which had now expanded to include the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), issued a manifesto stating its goals of achieving independence by 1959, requiring a minimum of primary school education for all children, protecting the rights of the Malay rulers as constitutional monarchs, ending the Communist emergency, and reforming the civil service through the hiring of more Malayans as opposed to foreigners.[13][14]

When the results were released, it emerged that the Alliance had won 51 of the 52 seats contested, with the other seat going to PAS (the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party, a group of Islamists that split from UMNO). The Tunku became the first Chief Minister of Malaya.[15]

Throughout this period, the Malayan Emergency had been on-going. The Malayan Races Liberation Army (MRLA), supported by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP), committed acts of terror such as tearing down farms, disrupting transportation and communication networks, attacking police stations, and so forth. Their stated goal was the end of colonialism in Malaya. The British declared the MCP, along with several left-wing political groups, illegal in 1948. In 1955, the Alliance government together with the British High Commissioner declared an amnesty for the communist insurgents who surrendered. Representatives from the Alliance government also met with leaders of the MCP in an attempt to resolve the conflict peacefully, as their manifesto in the election stated. Chin Peng, the MCP Secretary-General, insisted that the MCP be allowed to contest elections and be declared a legal political party as a pre-condition to laying down arms. However, the Tunku rejected this, leading to an impasse.[16]

In 1956, the Tunku led a group of negotiators, comprising Alliance politicians and representatives of the Malay rulers, to London. There, they brokered a deal with the British for independence. The date of independence was set as 31 August 1957 on the condition that an independent commission is set up to draft a constitution for the country. The Alliance government was also required to avoid seizing British and other foreign assets in Malaya. A defence treaty would also be signed.[17]

The Reid Commission, led by Lord William Reid, was formed to draft the constitution. Although enshrining concepts such as federalism and a constitutional monarchy, the proposed constitution also contained provisions protecting special rights for the Malays, such as quotas in admission to higher education and the civil service, and making Islam the official religion of the federation. It also made Malay the official language of the nation, although the right to vernacular education in Chinese and Tamil would be protected. Although the Tunku and the Malay rulers had asked the Reid Commission to ensure that "in an independent Malaya all nationals should be accorded equal rights, privileges and opportunities and there must not be discrimination on grounds of race and creed," the Malay privileges, which many in UMNO backed, were cited as necessary by the Reid Commission as a form of affirmative action that would eventually be phased out. These measures were included as Articles 3, 152 and 153 of the Constitution.[18][19]

As expected, independence was declared by the Tunku in Merdeka Stadium on 31 August 1957, marking a transition into a new era of Malayan and Malaysian politics.

Independence[edit]

In Malaya's first general elections in 1959, the Alliance coalition led by UMNO won 51.8% of the votes, resulting in 74 out of 104 seats, enough for an absolute two-thirds majority in Parliament, which would not only allow them to form the government again but amend the constitution at will. However, for the Alliance, the election was marred by internal strife when MCA leader Lim Chong Eu demanded his party be allowed to contest 40 of the 104 seats available. When the Tunku rejected this, many of Lim's supporters resigned, and ran in the election as independents, which cost the Alliance some seats.[20]

In 1961, the Tunku mooted the idea of forming "Malaysia", which would consist of Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei, all of which were then British colonies. The reasoning behind this was that this would allow the central government to control and combat communist activities, especially in Singapore. It was also feared that if Singapore achieved independence, it would become a base for Chinese chauvinists to threaten Malayan sovereignty. To balance out the ethnic composition of the new nation, the other states, whose Malay and indigenous populations would balance out the Singaporean Chinese majority, were also included.[21]

After much negotiation, a constitution was hammered out. Some minor changes had been made—for instance, the Malay privileges were now made available to all "Bumiputra", a group comprising the Malays and other indigenous peoples of Malaysia. However, the new states were also granted some autonomy unavailable to the original nine states of Malaya. After negotiations in July 1963, it was agreed that Malaysia would come into being on 31 August 1963, consisting of Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. Brunei pulled out after Parti Rakyat Brunei staged an armed revolt, which, though it was put down, was viewed as potentially destabilising to the new nation.[22]

The Philippines and Indonesia strenuously objected to this development, with Indonesia claiming Malaysia represented a form of neocolonialism and the Philippines claiming Sabah as its territory. The United Nations sent a commission to the region which approved the merger after having delayed the date of Malaysia's formation to investigate. Despite further protests from the Indonesian President, Sukarno, the formation of Malaysia was proclaimed on 16 September 1963. Indonesia then declared a "confrontation" with Malaysia, sending commandos to perform guerilla attacks in East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak). The confrontation was ended when a military coup replaced Sukarno with Suharto. The Philippines, which had withdrawn diplomatic recognition from Malaysia, also recognised Malaysia around the same time.[23]

To reflect the change of name to Malaysia, UMNO's coalition partners promptly altered their names to the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress. Several political parties in East Malaysia, especially Sarawak, also joined the Alliance to allow it to contest elections there.

In the 1963 Singapore state elections, the Alliance decided to challenge Lee Kuan Yew's governing People's Action Party (PAP) through the Singapore Alliance Party. UMNO politicians actively campaigned in Singapore for the Singapore Alliance, contending that the Singapore Malays were being treated as second-class citizens under the Chinese-dominated PAP government. All of the UMNO-backed Malay candidates lost to PAP candidates. UMNO Secretary-General Syed Jaafar Albar travelled to Singapore to address the Malay populace. At one rally, he called the PAP Malay politicians un-Islamic and traitors to the Malay race, greatly straining PAP-UMNO relations. The PAP politicians, who saw this as a betrayal of an earlier agreement with the Alliance not to contest elections in Malaysia and Singapore respectively, decided on running on the mainland in the 1964 general election. Although the PAP contested nine Parliamentary seats and attracted large crowds at its rallies, it won only one seat. The strain in race relations caused by the communal lines along which the political factions had been drawn led to the 1964 Race Riots in Singapore.

Alliance leaders also were alarmed at Lee's behaviour, which they considered unseemly for the Chief Minister of a state. They thought he was acting as if he were the Prime Minister of a sovereign nation. Finance Minister Tan Siew Sin of the MCA labelled Lee as the "greatest, disruptive force in the entire history of Malaysia and Malaya." Lee now seemed determined to press forward politically and continue contesting elections nationwide, with the formation of the Malaysian Solidarity Council —- a coalition of political parties which called for a "Malaysian Malaysia", duplicating the effort introduced earlier by Dato' Onn Ja'afar.

On 7 August 1965, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, seeing no alternative to avoid further bloodshed, advised the Parliament of Malaysia that it should vote to expel Singapore from Malaysia. Despite last-ditch attempts by PAP leaders, including Lee Kuan Yew, to keep Singapore as a state in the union, the Parliament on 9 August 1965 voted 126–0 in favour of the expulsion of Singapore.

Tunku opened his speech in Parliament with the words, "In all the 10 years of my leadership of this House I have never had a duty so unpleasant as this to perform. The announcement which I am making concerns the separation of Singapore from the rest of the Federation."[24][25] On that day, a tearful Lee Kuan Yew announced that Singapore was a sovereign, independent nation and assumed the role of prime minister of the new nation. His speech included this quote: "For me, it is a moment of anguish. All my life, my whole adult life, I have believed in merger and unity of the two territories." Hence, Singapore became the only country in the history of the modern world to gain independence against its own will. After the separation and independence of Singapore in 1965, the Singapore branch of UMNO was renamed the Singapore Malay National Organisation (Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Singapura).

Post-separation[edit]

After the separation of Singapore from the Federation, the Alliance leaders focused on continuing its policies. One involved the Malay language, which was the official language of Malaysia. UMNO sought to reduce the reliance on English in government affairs. In this, it was aided by PAS, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, which backed special rights for the Bumiputra, and the strengthening of Islam's position in public affairs. However, the PAP's Malaysian branch, which had now become Democratic Action Party (DAP), took a very strong stance against this, and continued the expelled PAP's call for a "Malaysian Malaysia". In 1968, the newly formed Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia or Gerakan, led by Lim Chong Eu, joined DAP.[26]

Matters came to a head in the 1969 general election. When polling closed on the mainland peninsula (West Malaysia) on 10 May, it emerged the Alliance had won less than half of the popular vote, although it was assured of 66 out of 104 Parliamentary seats available. Much of the losses came from the MCA, thus straining relations between the two parties. However, the Alliance was dealt an even larger blow on the state level, losing control of Kelantan, Perak, and Penang.[27]

The Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King) declared a national emergency after being advised by the national government. Parliament was suspended, with a National Operations Council (NOC) led by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak of UMNO, taking over the government. Further polling in East Malaysia as a continuation of the general election was also postponed indefinitely. Although the Cabinet still met under the Tunku as Prime Minister, his role was largely symbolic, with Tun Razak taking over the role of chief executive.[28]

UMNO backbencher Mahathir bin Mohamad, who had lost his Parliamentary seat in the election, wrote a letter to the Tunku, commenting his leadership. Mahathir organised a campaign with University of Malaya lecturer Raja Muktaruddin Daim, circulating his letter among the student body of local universities. Mass demonstrations broke out calling for "Malay sovereignty" and the Tunku's oustre. After rioting broke out in June, Home Affairs Minister Ismail Abdul Rahman and Tun Razak agreed to expel Mahathir and former Executive Secretary of UMNO Musa Hitam from the party for breaching party discipline.

The suspended elections in East Malaysia were held in 1970, and gave the Alliance government a solid two-thirds majority in Parliament again. On 31 August that year, the Tunku announced the national ideology—Rukunegara—and his planned retirement as Prime Minister in favour of Tun Razak. He also stated Parliament would be restored the following year.[29]

The New Economic Policy[edit]

After Tun Razak succeeded the Tunku in 1970, he began asserting UMNO's leadership in the Alliance more strongly. When the Tunku led the coalition, he had always consulted Alliance leaders regarding policy—if an Alliance leader objected, the policy was not passed. Under Tun Razak, UMNO was the base of the Alliance and thus the government. The NOC which he led until Parliament reconvened consisted of 7 Malays, one Chinese and one Indian.[30]

In Tun Razak's cabinet, the two most powerful men other than him were Ismail Abdul Rahman and Ghazali Shafie, who had declared the Westminster-style Parliamentary system inappropriate for Malaysia. Tun Razak also readmitted to the party "ultras" who had been expelled, like Mahathir and Musa Hitam. Mahathir gained notoriety after his expulsion from UMNO by authoring The Malay Dilemma, a book promptly banned from Malaysia, which posited that the Malays are the definitive people of Malaysia, and thus deserved special rights as the sovereign people of the nation. It also controversially argued that the Malays needed affirmative action to overcome deficiencies in their genetic stock.[31]

Hussein Onn, son of UMNO founder Dato' Onn Ja'afar, soon became a rising star in UMNO. After Ismail died suddenly of a heart attack in 1973, Hussein Onn succeeded him as Deputy Prime Minister. In the Cabinet reshuffle that promoted Hussein Onn, Mahathir was given the key post of Minister for Education.[32]

The Tun Razak government announced the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1971. Its stated goal was to "eventually eradicate poverty... irrespective of race" through a "rapidly expanding economy" which emphasised to increase the Malays' share in the national economy to a reasonable portion between all the races. The NEP targeted a 30 per cent Malay share of the economy by 1990. The government contended that this would lead to a "just society" ("Masyarakat Adil"), the latter slogan being used to promote acceptance of the policy. Quotas in education and the civil service that the Constitution had explicitly provided for were expanded by the NEP, which also mandated government interference in the private sector. For instance, 30% of all shares in initial public offerings (IPOs) would be disbursed by the government to selective Bumiputras. The old civil service hiring quota of 4 Malays for every non-Malay's was effectively disregarded in practice; between 1969 and 1973, 98% of all new government employees were Malay. Five new universities were opened under the NEP, two of which were targeted to focus on the poor Malays and Muslims citizens.[33]

Tun Razak also began shoring up the government by bringing in several former opposition parties into the fold of the Alliance. Gerakan, PPP, PAS, and several former opposition parties in East Malaysia joined the coalition, which was renamed as the National Front). The National Front was formally registered as an organisation in 1974, the same year in which a general election was held.[34]

There had been much internal conflict in the National Front regarding the election; in 1973, Lim Keng Yaik and several supporters of his aggressive pro-Chinese stance, left the MCA for Gerakan. This contributed to internal strife, as the MCA was no longer the sole representative of Chinese interests in the National Front.[35]

Discontent among student organisations in Malaysian universities soon posed a new problem for the UMNO-led government. The student movement were influenced by anarchist sentiments that their overseas counterpart. However, Mahathir in his capacity as Minister for Education issued a stern warning to university students and faculty not to become involved in politics. However, amidst allegations that farmers in rural states were starving due to government policies, massive student demonstrations were held in December 1974. These were false allegation as there were no known facts that any of the farmers or their families died because of starvation. Most of the demonstrators were Malays, and their ringleaders, which included Anwar Ibrahim—founder of Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (the Islamic Youth Movement of Malaysia, or ABIM)—were detained under the Internal Security Act, which effectively allows the government to detain anyone it sees as a threat to national security for an indefinite period. In 1975, Parliament passed amendments to the Universities and University Colleges Act (UUCA) which banned students from expressing support of or holding positions in any political party or trade union without written consent from the university's Vice-Chancellor. The act also banned political demonstrations from being held on university campuses. In 1976, however, mass demonstrations were held at the MARA Institute of Technology, protesting the UUCA. Mahathir then threatened to revoke the scholarships of the students, most of whom relied on public support to pay their way through university.[36]

BN was also challenged in Sarawak after the 1974 election, which saw the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) led by James Wong become tied with the DAP as the most important opposition party in Parliament, both of them holding nine seats each. SNAP had campaigned against BN on a platform of opposing Chief Minister Abdul Rahman Ya'akub's pro-Malay policies, charging them with alienating the rural indigenous natives of Sarawak, such as the Iban. SNAP had been expelled from the Alliance in 1965 for supporting increased autonomy for Sarawak which was impossible to attain as Sarawak has already state their claim prior to their agreement in joining the Federation of Malaysia. After the election results were released, Abdul Rahman ordered the detention of James Wong under the Sedition Act. SNAP elected a new leader, Leo Moggie, who secured the release of Wong and the entry of SNAP into BN in 1976.[37]

In Sabah, the Alliance and then National Front controlled the state government through the United Sabah National Organization (USNO), which strongly backed UMNO's pro-Malay and pro-Islam policies. In 1973, Islam was made the official Sabah state religion (the official religion of Sabah was originally Christianity, as permitted by the agreement signed before the merger), and usage of indigenous languages such as those of the Kadazan people was discontinued in favour of the Malay language. The USNO Chief Minister, Mustapha Harun, was also known for favouring political patronage as a means of allocating valuable timber contracts, and living an extravagant lifestyle, being ferried to his A$1 million Queensland home by jets provided with Sabahan public funds.[38]

In the 1974 election, Pekemas attempted to contest, eventually winning almost 40% of the vote. However, it failed to win any Parliamentary or State Assembly seats, with USNO holding onto the state government.[39]

In the 1999 general election, rocked by the arrest and trial of former UMNO deputy Anwar Ibrahim and the subsequent formation of the Barisan Alternatif opposition coalition, UMNO's share dipped to 54% of the vote and 102 out of 144 seats despite allegations of vote-rigging. But in the 2004 general election, UMNO had a landslide victory and almost recaptured Kelantan which has been ruled by the Opposition since 1990. This win is the biggest since Independence in 1957.

The Alliance (now known as the National Front) has constantly maintained its two-thirds majority in Parliament since 1969 until the recent 2008 general election, in which the loose coalition of 3 opposition parties, Parti KeADILan Rakyat, Democratic Action Party and Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, unofficially led by Anwar Ibrahim, got a majority in 5 states besides denying Barisan Nasional from their two-thirds majority.[citation needed]

UMNO Baru (New UMNO)[edit]

Mahathir Mohamad

On 24 April 1987, UMNO held its Annual General Assembly and triennial Party election. The then Prime Minister and party President, Mahathir Mohamad, faced his first party election in 12 years, having been elected unopposed since the 1975 UMNO election.

The politics of the Malays, particularly UMNO politics, had undergone a sea change in the first few years of the Mahathir stewardship, and the party presidency was challenged for the second time in 41 years. The first challenge was a dull affair in which Hussein Onn was opposed by a minor party official named Sulaiman Palestin. In fact, in the early 1950s, Tunku Abdul Rahman's presidency had also been challenged by C. M. Yusof, who later became the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, but Tunku was not properly considered an incumbent then, being only a care-taker president.

The 1987 contest was a vastly different matter. Mahathir was opposed by his very popular former Finance Minister, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. The press took to referring to Mahathir and his supporters as Team A, and Razaleigh's camp as Team B. Team B included then Deputy Prime Minister Tun Musa Hitam, who was also the incumbent Deputy President of UMNO seeking re-election, as well as Datuk Suhaimi Kamaruddin, the former head of UMNO Youth and president of the Belia 4B youth organisation.[40]

Team B was critical of Mahathir's policies, arguing that the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) had failed to benefit the poor Malays. It also criticised Mahathir's leadership style, alleging he acted unilaterally without consulting other leaders in UMNO and the Barisan Nasional. Team B was also perceived as less Islamist than Mahathir's faction.[41]

Mahathir claimed that the charges against him were groundless, and suggested that his opponents were fracturing Malay unity and were only motivated by greed.[41]

Eventually, Mahathir was returned to office. However, he was elected with such a small majority of 43 (761 against 718 votes) that questions were immediately raised about his mandate. Team B supporters, many of whom had been anticipating a victory of similar margins, suspected that the election had been fixed. The Team B candidate for Deputy President, Musa Hitam, had also been defeated by Ghafar Baba of Team A, while two of the three Vice-Presidents were Team A candidates. The Supreme Council comprised 16 Team A candidates and 9 Team B candidates.[42]

Allegations were made that several delegates who had voted were drawn from UMNO branches not properly registered. There were also several unproved allegations being bandied about that the balloting process had not been above board.[43]

Nevertheless, Razaleigh pledged to support Mahathir, provided that a "witch hunt" was not launched. However, Mahathir promptly purged the government cabinet of all Team B members, and launched similar reshuffles in state and local governments.[44]

On 25 June 1987, an appeal was filed by 12 of the UMNO delegates to have the assembly and the election of April 1987 declared null. After one of the delegates, Hussain bin Manap, withdrew unexpectedly in August from filing the appeal, the remaining litigants have since become famous as the "UMNO 11." Although Razaleigh and Musa Hitam were not among the plaintiffs, it was widely believed that Razaleigh was funding the appeal.[43]

After a series of interlocutory hearings over the discovery of documents that took more than seven months, the matter finally came before Justice Harun Hashim in the Kuala Lumpur High Court on 4 February 1988. The judge ruled that under the existing law he had no option but to find the party, UMNO, to be an unlawful society due to the existence of several unregistered branches—an illegal act under the Societies Act of 1966. The question of the Assembly itself being illegal therefore became academic.[45]

"'It is a very hard decision to declare UMNO unlawful,' said Justice Datuk Harun Hashim in his February 4 judgement. 'But the law was made by our Parliament and certainly UMNO was aware [of the Societies Act] because they were in the majority [in Parliament] at all times [when the law was made].' Under the 1966 Act, amended five times over the years, and most recently by Mahathir's government, each of the society's branches has to register separately with the Registrar...."[45]

The Tunku and former UMNO President Hussein Onn set up a new party called UMNO Malaysia, which claimed to be the successor to the old UMNO. UMNO Malaysia was supported mainly by members of the Team B faction from UMNO, but Mahathir was also invited to join the party leadership. However, the party collapsed after the Registrar of Societies refused to register it as a society without providing an explanation.[46]

Mahathir showed no interest in reviving UMNO, and instead he set in motion the machinery to form a new surrogate party, and in due course, registered a party formally called Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu (Baru) or UMNO (New) a week after UMNO Malaysia's registration was rejected. Eventually the suffix "(New)" was dropped, and UMNO (Baru) became both the de facto and de jure successor of UMNO (with the old UMNO's assets handed over). Most of its leaders, however, were selected from Team A of the old UMNO, with Team B ignored.[47]

Post-Mahathir[edit]

After Mahathir stepped down as President of UMNO in 2003, he was replaced by his designated successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who by virtue of his new position also became Prime Minister of Malaysia. Najib Tun Razak, the son of Tun Abdul Razak, took over the position as the Deputy President.

In the 11th Malaysian General Election in 2004, BN led by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as the President of UMNO had a landslide win. Top opposition leaders such as Karpal Singh and Lim Kit Siang of DAP were defeated. However, in the 12th Malaysian General Election in 2008, BN had performed badly and for the first failed to achieved a 2/3 majority in the Parliament. As a result, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi resigned both of his position as the President of UMNO and the Prime Minister. He was succeeded by his deputy Najib Tun Razak.

Under the leadership of Najib Tun Razak, UMNO has made a tremendous effort to reverse the effect of the 2008 political tsunami. The quota system in selecting the top post was abolished. The membership categories was also changed to lifetime membership for all members. Selection of election candidates has became much tougher, with priorities given to those who have the best chance to win regardless of post in UMNO, hence creating the term "winnable candidates". In the 13th general election, UMNO gained another nine seats to have 88 seats in parliament while BN lost 7 seats overall. This led to Prime Minister Najib Razak declaring this event as a "Chinese tsunami". Democratic Action Party won all Chinese majority seats they contested, except rural Labis, while "mixed seats" which have more than 30% Chinese elected Pakatan Rakyat[48] Analysts said the results left Najib's positions as UMNO's president and prime ministership untenable.[49] The party, on the other hand, only short a seat to match all the opposition seats combined.

Ideology[edit]

UMNO sees itself as Malay nationalist, moderate Islamist and conservative representing the Malays of Malaysia, although any Bumiputra (indigenous Malaysian, a category which includes people such as the non-Malay and usually non-Muslim Kadazan, Iban, Dayak, etc. of East Malaysia) may join the party. UMNO is generally regarded as the "protector and champion of ketuanan Melayu" (Malay supremacy), which states that Malays are the rulers of Malaysia or "masters of this land", as stated by former UMNO Youth Information Chief Azimi Daim in 2003.[50][51] The party's advocacy of the primacy of the rights of the Malays is sometimes viewed by non-Malays as coming at the expense of non-Malay rights.

But of late, many Malay politicians have strongly tried to revive the spirit of Malay nationalism and patriotism but with more emphasise on Malay unity and go back to Islam doctrine as to counter PAS claimed that the party is the one and only Islamic party in the country. Among the politicians involved are Ibrahim Ali, member of Parliament from Pasir MAS, Zulkifli Noordin, Member of Parliament from Kulim Bandar Baru and Naseron Ismail, chairman of Waris PEKEMBAR, a support group within UMNO fold who wanted more changes in the leadership and for UMNO members to fully uphold its Constitution while struggle for the Malay rights and continuity.

1Malaysia[edit]

1Malaysia is an on-going campaign announced by Prime Minister Najib Razak on 16 September 2008, calling for the cabinet, government agencies, and civil servants to more strongly emphasise ethnic harmony, national unity, and efficient governance. 1Malaysia has been incorporated into UMNO official ideology.[52]

1Malaysia strongly emphasises national unity, ethnic tolerance, and government efficiency. The eight values of 1Malaysia as articulated by Najib Razak are perseverance, a culture of excellence, acceptance, loyalty, education, humility, integrity, and meritocracy.[53]

Improving government efficiency is an important aspect of 1Malaysia. The use of Key Performance Indicators (KPIs), metrics and targets more typically used in private business, and National Key Result Areas (NKRAs) is thus naturally an important part of the 1Malaysia effort.Najib says, "The government is committed to carrying out a transformation programme as its main agenda based on approaches and philosophy of 1Malaysia – people first, performance now."[54]

Immediately after assuming the office of Prime Minister of Malaysia Dato Seri Najib Tun Razak introduced a series of KPIs to measure and improve the efficiency and quality of government services as well as realising the 1Malaysia concept. Najib said that KPIs were implemented to ensure "the people's satisfaction...whether they are satisfied with our service, whether we have solved their problems."[55]

Najib's announcement of the KPI effort was generally well received. Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said the KPI formula was a yardstick against which the people could measure the performance of Najib and the government. He said the KPIs would provide motivation for every minister to perform well.[56]

The KPIs provide a mechanism for the evaluation of ministries and other government agencies including performance reviews carried out every six months. Each ministry has been required to establish specific KPIs including that focus on policy outcomes over the traditional emphasis on inputs typically found in government performance assessments and planning. KPIs include detailed job descriptions and goals for ministers, deputy ministers, and some other senior government officials.[55]

Najib has identified six major policy areas in which KPIs will play an especially important role in improving the effectiveness of the Malaysian government. These are known as National Key Result Areas (NKRAs). The NKRAs include crime prevention, reducing government corruption, increased access to quality education, improvements in the standard of living for low income groups, upgrades to rural infrastructure, and improvements in public transportation.[57]

Najib also introduced a new cabinet position to support the Unity and Performance Minister in implementing the KPI system. Idris Jala, the former CEO of Malaysia Airlines, was appointed Minister Without a Portfolio and CEO of Performance Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu), to work with Dr. Koh Tsu Koon in training over 500 government officers to implement the KPI system. As CEO of Pemandu Idris will support the work of Koh, who is the minister in charge of National Unity and Performance Management.[58]

See also[edit]

Notes and references[edit]

  1. ^ "Sabah Umno has most members" The Star, 29 November 2012
  2. ^ "Malay supremacy policies unconstitutional"Free Malaysia Today,20 February 2012
  3. ^ Timothy J. Lomperis, September 1996, 'From People's War to People's Rule: Insurgency, Intervention, and the Lessons of Vietnam', page 212, ISBN 0807822736
  4. ^ Senkyr, Jan (2013), "Political Awakening in Malaysia", KAS International Reports (7): 73–74 
  5. ^ "Malaysia ruling party tightens embrace of Islam to gain support"Reuters, 6 December 2013
  6. ^ "UMNO wraps up general assembly with concrete strategies" Channelnewsasia, 8 December 2013
  7. ^ The Malaysian Insiders (4 September 2009). "UMNO lawmaker dies, by-election in Negri". My Sinchew. 
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