Ulysses S. Grant
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Ulysses S. Grant
Ulysses S. Grant (born Hiram Ulysses Grant; April 27, 1822 – July 23, 1885) was the 18th President of the United States (1869–1877). As commanding general, Grant led the Union Armies to victory over the Confederacy in the American Civil War, which ended in 1865 not long after Robert E. Lee surrendered to him at Appomattox. After the war, Grant served as peace time general, implementing Congressional Reconstruction, often at odds with President Andrew Johnson. Popularly elected twice, Grant served as president leading the Radical Republicans in their effort to remove the vestiges of Confederate nationalism and slavery, protect African-American citizenship, and defeat the Ku Klux Klan. Economically, Grant sponsored a deflationary policy and implemented a national gold standard. In foreign policy, Grant sought to increase American trade and influence, while remaining at peace with the world. During his second term the Panic of 1873 devastated the national economy, gold discovered in the Black Hills launched the Great Sioux War, while conservative white Southerners regained control of Southern state governments and Democrats took control of the federal House of Representatives. By the time Grant left the White House in 1877, his Reconstruction policies were being undone.
Grant graduated in 1843 from the United States Military Academy at West Point and served in the Mexican–American War. When the Civil War began in 1861, he rejoined the Union Army. In 1862, Grant took control of Kentucky and most of Tennessee, and led Union forces to victory in the Battle of Shiloh, earning a reputation as an aggressive commander. In December 1862, during the Vicksburg Campaign, Grant controversially issued General Orders No. 11 that expelled Jewish citizens from his Department of Tennessee military district in response to what he believed was an illicit cotton trade. Obeying President Abraham Lincoln's demand, Grant revoked the order twenty-one days later. Grant protected and incorporated displaced African American slaves into the Union war effort. In July 1863, after a series of coordinated battles, Grant defeated Confederate armies and seized Vicksburg, giving the Union control of the Mississippi River and dividing the Confederacy in two. After gaining Union military victory at Chattanooga in late 1863, President Lincoln promoted him to lieutenant general and commander of all the Union Armies. Grant confronted Robert E. Lee in a series of bloody battles in 1864, then trapped him at Petersburg, Virginia. During the siege, he coordinated a series of devastating campaigns launched by generals William Tecumseh Sherman, Philip Sheridan, and George Henry Thomas in other theaters. Finally, breaking through Lee's trenches, the Union Army captured Richmond in April 1865. Lee surrendered his depleted forces to Grant at Appomattox as the Confederacy collapsed. Most historians have hailed Grant's military genius.
After the Civil War, Grant served two terms as president and worked to stabilize the nation during the turbulent Reconstruction period that followed. He enforced civil rights laws and fought Ku Klux Klan violence. Grant encouraged passage of the Fifteenth Amendment, protecting African-American voting rights. He used the army to build the Republican Party in the South, based on black voters, Northern newcomers ("Carpetbaggers"), and native Southern white supporters ("Scalawags"), and for the first time in American history, African-Americans represented themselves in Congress. By the time Grant left office in 1877, Democrats in the South had regained control of state governments, while most blacks lost their political power for nearly a century. Although Grant's Indian peace policy reduced Indian violence and created the Board of Indian Commissioners, conflict continued that culminated in the Battle of the Little Big Horn. Throughout his presidency, Grant had to respond to Congressional investigations into federal corruption, including bribery charges against two of his Cabinet members. His Secretary of Treasury, Benjamin Bristow, shut down the Whiskey Ring in 1875.
Led by Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, the Grant administration settled reparations claims against Britain involving the Confederate warship Alabama in the U.S.'s favor. Grant avoided war with Spain over the Virginius Affair, but his attempted annexation of the Dominican Republic failed. His response to the Panic of 1873 gave some financial relief to New York banking houses, but was ineffective in stopping the five-year industrial depression that followed. In 1880, he made an unsuccessful bid for a third presidential term. His memoirs, written as he was dying, were a critical and popular success, and his death prompted an outpouring of national mourning. Until the 1990s, historians generally ranked Grant as nearly the worst president, primarily due to his defense of corrupt associates and his conservative response during the major depression after the Panic of 1873. While still ranked below average, his reputation among scholars has much improved because of greater appreciation for his commitment to civil rights, moral courage in his prosecution of the Ku Klux Klan, and enforcement of voting rights. Grant's Civil Rights Act of 1875, considered ambitious for his times, established equal justice for all citizens on account of race, color, religion, birth place, and political party affiliation. 
- 1 Early life and family
- 2 Military career, 1843–1854
- 3 Civilian life
- 4 Civil War
- 5 Peacetime general
- 6 1868 presidential campaign
- 7 Presidency 1869–1877
- 8 Post-presidency
- 9 Historical reputation
- 10 Memorials and Presidential library
- 11 See also
- 12 Notes
- 13 References
- 14 Sources
- 15 External links
Early life and family
Hiram Ulysses Grant was born in Point Pleasant, Ohio, on April 27, 1822, to Jesse Root Grant, a tanner and businessman, and Hannah (Simpson) Grant. Jesse Grant was a Whig with abolitionist sentiments. In the fall of 1823, the family moved to the village of Georgetown in Brown County, Ohio. Unlike his younger siblings, Grant was neither baptized nor forced to attend church by his Methodist parents; for the rest of his life, he prayed privately and never officially joined the denomination.  One of his biographers suggests that Grant inherited a degree of introversion from his reserved, even "uncommonly detached" mother. (She never visited the White House during her son's presidency.) He developed an unusual ability to work with, and control, horses in his charge, and became known as a capable horseman.
When Grant was 17, Congressman Thomas L. Hamer nominated him for a position at the United States Military Academy (USMA) at West Point, New York. Hamer mistakenly wrote down the name as "Ulysses S. Grant of Ohio", and he adopted this name. (According to Grant, the S. did not stand for anything, though Hamer had used it to abbreviate his mother's maiden name.) His nickname became "Sam" among army colleagues at the academy since the initials "U.S." also stood for "Uncle Sam". He stood 5 feet 1 inch (1.55 m) and weighed 117 pounds (53 kg) when he entered West Point. He later recalled "a military life had no charms for me" and that he had been lax in his studies, but he achieved above-average grades in mathematics and geology . Although he had a quiet nature, he established a few intimate friends at West Point, including Frederick Tracy Dent and Rufus Ingalls. Grant studied under Romantic artist Robert Walter Weir and produced nine surviving artworks. He also established a reputation as a fearless and expert horseman, setting an equestrian high-jump record that stood for almost 25 years. He graduated in 1843, ranking 21st in a class of 39. He was glad to leave West Point and planned to resign his commission after serving the minimum term of duty. Despite his excellent horsemanship, he was not assigned to the cavalry (assignments were determined by class rank, not aptitude), but to the 4th Infantry Regiment. He was a regimental quartermaster, managing supplies and equipment, with the rank of brevet second lieutenant.
Military career, 1843–1854
Grant was required to serve in the military for four years upon graduation from West Point taking his mandatory service to 1847. Grant's first assignment after graduation took him to the Jefferson Barracks near St. Louis, Missouri, in September 1843. It was the nation's largest military bastion in the West, commanded by Colonel Stephen W. Kearny. Grant was happy with his new commander, but looked forward to the end of his military service and a possible teaching career. He spent some of his time in Missouri visiting the family of his West Point classmate, Frederick Dent, and getting to know Dent's sister, Julia; the two became secretly engaged in 1844.
Amid rising tensions with Mexico, Grant's unit shifted to Louisiana that year as part of the Army of Observation under Major General Zachary Taylor. When the Mexican–American War broke out in 1846, the Army entered Mexico. Although quartermaster, and not in charge of any company, Grant participated in leading a cavalry charge at the Battle of Resaca de la Palma. The army continued its advance into Mexico. At Monterrey, he demonstrated his equestrian ability, carrying a dispatch through sniper-lined streets while mounted in one stirrup. President James K. Polk, wary of Taylor's growing popularity, divided his army, sending some troops (including Grant's unit) to form a new army under Major General Winfield Scott. Scott's army landed at Veracruz and advanced toward Mexico City. The army met the Mexican forces at the battles of Molino del Rey and Chapultepec outside Mexico City. At Chapultepec, Grant dragged a howitzer into a church steeple to bombard nearby Mexican troops. Scott's army entered the city, and the Mexicans agreed to peace not long after.
In his Memoirs, Grant wrote that he had learned about military leadership by observing the decisions and actions of his commanding officers, and in retrospect he identified his leadership style with Taylor's. At the time, he felt that the war was a wrongful one and believed that the South Western territorial gains from the war were designed to expand slavery. Under the Missouri Compromise slavery was permitted below the parallel 36°30′ north. Reflecting on the Mexican-American War, Grant wrote in 1883, "I was bitterly opposed to the measure, and to this day, regard the war, which resulted, as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." He also opined that the Civil War was punishment inflicted on the nation for its aggression in Mexico.
Grant chose to remain in the U.S. military after his mandatory service had expired in 1847. On August 22, 1848, Grant and Julia married after a four-year engagement. In all, they had four children: Frederick, Ulysses Jr. ("Buck"), Ellen ("Nellie"), and Jesse. Grant received assignments to several posts over the ensuing six years. His first post-war assignments took him and Julia to Detroit and then to Sackets Harbor, New York, the place where they were happiest. In the spring of 1852, he traveled to Washington, D.C., in a failed attempt to persuade Congress to absolve him of a $1,000 debt to the Army for goods gone astray while in his custody. That same year, his next assignment as quartermaster sent him west to Fort Vancouver in the Oregon Territory, initially landing in San Francisco during the height of the California Gold Rush. Julia could not go with him as she was eight months pregnant with their second child. The oceanic voyage to California was an ordeal due to transportation disruptions and an outbreak of cholera while traveling overland through Panama that caused 150 fatalities among the entourage. Grant arranged makeshift transportation and hospital facilities to take care of the sick.
Grant's tenor in the Pacific Northwest took place in the aftermath of the Cayuse War where the U.S. military was stationed to keep peace between settlers and Indians. To supplement a military salary inadequate to support his family, Grant attempted but failed at several business ventures. The failures confirmed Jesse Grant's belief that his son had no head for business, frustrating both father and son. In one case, Grant naïvely trusted a business partner who swindled him out of money. He grew unhappy separated from his family, and rumors began to circulate that he was drinking to excess.
Promoted to captain in the summer of 1853, Grant was assigned to command Company F, 4th Infantry, at Fort Humboldt in California. The commanding officer at Fort Humboldt, brevet Lieutenant Colonel Robert C. Buchanan, a strict disciplinarian, received reports that Grant became intoxicated off-duty while seated at the pay officer's table. In lieu of a court-martial, Buchanan gave Grant an ultimatum to sign a drafted resignation letter, and he resigned effective July 31, 1854, without explanation. The War Department stated on his record, "Nothing stands against his good name." After Grant's retirement rumors persisted in the regular army of his drinking. [a] Years later, he said, "the vice of intemperance (drunkeness) had not a little to do with my decision to resign." His father, again believing his son's only potential for success would be in the military, tried to get the Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, to repeal the resignation, to no avail.
At age 32, with no civilian vocation, Grant began to struggle through seven financially lean years. His father, Jesse, initially offered Grant a place in the Galena, Illinois, branch of the tannery business, on condition that Julia and the children stay with her parents in Missouri or with the Grants in Kentucky, for economic reasons. Ulysses and Julia were adamantly opposed to another separation and declined the offer. In 1854, he farmed on his brother-in-law's property near St. Louis, using slaves owned by Julia's father, but the farm failed. Two years later, he and his family moved to land sectioned on his father-in-law's farm, and built a family home he called "Hardscrabble". Julia hated the rustic house, which she described as an "unattractive cabin". During this time, he acquired a slave from Julia's father, a thirty-five-year-old man named William Jones. Having met with no success farming, the Grants left the farm when their fourth and last child was born in 1858. Grant freed his slave in 1859 instead of selling him, at a time when slaves commanded a high price and Grant needed money badly. For the next year, the family took a small house in St. Louis where he worked with Julia's cousin Harry Boggs, again without success, as a bill collector. In 1860, Jesse offered him the tannery job in Galena without conditions, and Grant accepted. The leather shop, "Grant & Perkins", sold harnesses, saddles, and other leather goods, and purchased hides from farmers in the prosperous Galena area. He moved his family to a rental house that year.
Grant was not politically active nor did he publicly endorse any candidate before the Civil War. His father-in-law was a prominent Missouri Democrat, which hurt Grant's bid to become county engineer in 1859, while his father was an outspoken Republican in Galena. In the 1856 election, Grant cast his first presidential vote for the Democrat, James Buchanan, saying he was really voting against John C. Frémont, the first Republican candidate. In 1860, he favored the Democratic presidential candidate Stephen A. Douglas over Abraham Lincoln, and Lincoln over the Southern Democrat, John C. Breckinridge. Lacking the residency requirements in Illinois at the time, he could not vote. By August 1863, after the fall of Vicksburg during the Civil War, Grant's political sympathies fully coincided with the Radical Republicans' aggressive prosecution of the war and emancipation of the slaves.
On April 12, 1861, the American Civil War began as Confederate troops attacked Fort Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina, forcing its surrender. Two days later, Lincoln put out a call for 75,000 volunteers. A mass meeting was called in Galena to encourage recruitment. Recognized as the sole military professional in the area, Grant was asked to lead the meeting and ensuing effort. Without any formal rank in the Union Army, Grant, proceeded to help recruit a company of volunteers and accompanied the regiment to Springfield, the capital of Illinois. Governor Richard Yates offered Grant a position recruiting and training volunteer units, which he accepted, but Grant wanted a field command in the regular Army. He made multiple efforts with contacts (including Major General George B. McClellan) to acquire such a position with no success. Meanwhile, he continued serving at the training camps and made a positive impression on the volunteer Union recruits. With the aid of his advocate in Washington, Illinois congressman Elihu B. Washburne, Grant was formally promoted to Colonel by Governor Yates on June 14, 1861, and put in charge of disciplining the unruly 21st Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment. Transferred to northern Missouri, Grant was promoted by President Lincoln to Brigadier General, supported again by Washburne, backdated to May 17, 1861. By the end of August 1861, Major General John C. Frémont assigned him to the District of Cairo in southern Illinois.
Prior to the attack on Fort Sumter, Grant had been disengaged concerning Southern succession.  The news of the Fort Sumter attack came as a shock in Galena while Grant shared the cities mounting excitement on the onset of war.  After a speech by his father's store attorney, John Rawlins, Grant found renewed energy, his life had purpose, and he believed in the cause of fighting for the Union.  Rawlins later became Grant's personal assistant and close friend during the war. Grant later recalled with apparent satisfaction that after that first recruitment meeting in Galena, "I never went into our leather store again." During this time, Grant quickly perceived that the war would be fought for the most part by inexperienced volunteers and not professional soldiers.
Belmont, Forts Henry and Donelson
Grant's troops first saw action in late 1861 after striking out from their base at Cairo, the strategic point where the Ohio River flows into the Mississippi, near the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers. The Confederacy had strategically set up Fort Henry (Tennessee River) and Fort Donelson (Cumberland River) adjacent to one another to protect trade and troop movements. Major General Leonidas Polk commanded the main Confederate Army stationed in Columbus, Kentucky. Frémont ordered Grant to make "demonstrations" against, but not attack, the Confederate Army at Belmont. After Lincoln relieved Frémont from command, Grant attacked Belmont taking 3,114 Union troops by boat on November 7, 1861. He initially took the camp, but his army was pushed back to Cairo by the reinforced Confederates under Brigadier General Gideon J. Pillow. A tactical defeat, the battle nonetheless instilled much-needed confidence in Grant and his volunteers. Following Belmont, he asked Major General Henry Halleck for permission to move against Fort Henry; Halleck agreed on condition that the attack be conducted with oversight by Union Navy Flag Officer Andrew H. Foote. Grant's troops, in close cooperation with Foote's naval forces, defeated Brig. Gen. Lloyd Tilghman and captured Fort Henry, nearly submerged by flood waters, on February 6, 1862. 
After Fort Henry fell, Grant ordered an immediate assault on Fort Donelson this time without Halleck's permission.  Grant had earlier been emboldened by Lincoln's General Order No. 1 that called for a general advance of all Union forces. On February 15 at nearby Fort Donelson, Grant and Foote met stiff resistance from the Confederate forces under Pillow. Reinforced by 10,000 troops, Grant's army totaled 25,000 troops against 12,000 Confederate troops. Foote's first approach was repulsed, and the Confederates attempted a breakout, pushing Grant's right flank into disorganized retreat eastward. He rallied his troops, resumed the offensive, retook the Union right, and attacked Pillow's left. Pillow ordered Confederate troops back into the fort and relinquished command to Brigadier General Simon Bolivar Buckner, who surrendered to Grant the next day. The Northern press repeated Grant's terms: No terms except an unconditional and immediate surrender.  He became a celebrity in the North, now nicknamed "Unconditional Surrender" Grant, and President Lincoln promoted him to major-general of volunteers.
Grant's capture of both Forts Henry and Donelson were the most significant Union victories into the Confederacy the North had yet seen. Encamped on the western side of the Tennessee River, Grant's Union army, known as the Army of the Tennessee, had increased to 48,894 troops. Grant met with Brigadier General William T. Sherman, and the two readied their troops to attack the Confederate stronghold of roughly equal strength at Corinth, Mississippi. The Confederates organized for the same attack, and moved first at dawn on April 6, 1862, with a full preëmptive attack on the Union Army at the Battle of Shiloh. The goal was to annihilate the western Union offensive in one massive assault. Over 44,000 Confederate troops, led by Generals Albert Sidney Johnston and P.G.T. Beauregard, attacked the five divisions of Grant's army bivouacked nine miles south at Pittsburg Landing. Aware of the impending Confederate attack, Union troops sounded the alarm and readied for battle. The Confederates struck hard and pushed the Union Army back towards the Tennessee River. At the end of the day, the Union Army was vulnerable and on the verge of being destroyed, had Beauregard's troops not been too exhausted to continue the fight. Avoiding panic, Grant and Sherman rallied their troops for a counterattack the next morning. With reinforcement troops from Major General Don Carlos Buell and Major General Lew Wallace's division, having missed the first day of battle, Grant succeeded in driving the Confederates back to the road from Corinth. Although he stopped short of capturing Beauregard's army, Grant was able to stabilize the Army of the Tennessee.
The battle was the costliest of the war to date, with total Union and Confederate casualties of 23,746, and minimal strategic advantage gained by either side. Nevertheless, Grant received high praise from many corners. He later remarked that the carnage at Shiloh had made it clear to him that the Confederacy would only be defeated by complete annihilation of its armies. Grant, however, received criticism for his decision to keep the Union Army bivouacked and not entrenched. Grant's superior officer, Major General Henry Halleck transferred command of the Army of the Tennessee to Brigadier General George H. Thomas and promoted Grant to the hollow rank of second-in-command of the western armies, effectively removing him from an active field command. As a result, Grant was again on the verge of resigning, until Sherman paid a visit to his camp. Sherman, whose experiences in the military had been similar to Grant's, convinced Grant to stay in the army. During Halleck's sluggish advance on Corinth—covering 19 miles in 30 days—the entire Confederate force there escaped; the 120,000-man Union Army was then broken up. When critics urged President Lincoln to remove Grant from command after Shiloh, Lincoln stated "I can't spare this man; he fights."  Charles A. Dana, an investigative agent for Secretary of War Edwin Stanton then, interviewed Grant and related to Lincoln and Stanton that Grant appeared "self-possessed and eager to make war." Lincoln reinstated Grant to his command of the Army of the Tennessee. Shiloh also marked the beginning of Grant's friendship with Sherman; the two would go on to develop a similar philosophy of total war against the Confederate armies and population.
Determined to take the strategic Confederate stronghold at Vicksburg, Mississippi, on the Mississippi River, Lincoln authorized Major General John A. McClernand to raise an army in his home state of Illinois for the purpose. Grant was very frustrated at the lack of direction he was receiving from Washington to move forward from his station in Memphis, and more aggravated to learn of this apparent effort to brush him aside by McClernand. In addition to implementing the Vicksburg campaign Grant was in charge of the cotton trade in his military district.  Grant had initially ordered that payment of Confederate cotton in his military district be only in U.S. greenbacks rather than gold and silver, however, this was revoked by Lincoln.  Grant believed that the gold and silver exchange for cotton was funding the Confederate war effort.  To circumvent Lincoln's veto Grant ordered that cotton brokers receive local permits in addition to licenses issued by Washington.  Both Grant and General William T. Sherman believed cotton speculators were mostly Jewish. Grant believed that a gold and silver cotton trade existed through enemy lines and that Jews could pass freely into enemy camps. On December 17, 1862 Grant issued General Orders No. 11 that expelled Jews, as a class, from Grant's Department of Tennessee military district, that included Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi. Immediately Grant received criticism and protest from the Jewish community and Northern press over the military order.  Lincoln demanded the order be revoked, and Grant rescinded it twenty-one days after issuance. Without admitting fault, Grant believed he had only complied with the instructions sent from Washington. Grant's biographer, Jean E. Smith, stated that Grant's order was "one of the most blatant examples of state-sponsored anti-Semitism in American history." Grant later expressed regret for this order in 1868; his attitude about Jews was otherwise undeclared.
In December 1862, with Halleck's approval, Grant moved to take Vicksburg by an overland route, aided by Charles Hamilton and James McPherson, in a joint effort with a water expedition on the Mississippi led by Major General Sherman. Grant had thus preëmpted his rival McClernand's move. Confederate cavalry raiders Brigadier General Nathan Bedford Forrest and Major General Earl Van Dorn stalled Grant's advance by disrupting his communications, while the Confederate army led by Lieutenant General John C. Pemberton concentrated and repulsed Sherman's direct approach at Chickasaw Bayou. McClernand afterwards attempted to salvage Sherman's effort to no avail, so at the end of the first day neither Grant nor McClernand had succeeded.
During the second attempt to capture Vicksburg, Grant made a series of unsuccessful movements along bayou and canal water routes. Finally, in April 1863, Grant marched Union troops down the west side of the Mississippi River and crossed east over at Bruinsburg using Rear Admiral David Porter's ships. Grant earlier had ordered two diversion battles that confused Pemberton and allowed Grant's army to cross the Mississippi. After a series of battles, including the capture of a railroad junction near Jackson, Grant went on to defeat Pemberton at the Battle of Champion Hill. Grant then assaulted the Vicksburg fortress twice and suffered serious losses. After the failed assault, Grant settled in for a siege lasting seven weeks. As the siege began, Grant lapsed into a two-day drinking episode. Pemberton surrendered Vicksburg to Grant on July 4, 1863. During the campaign, Grant assumed responsibility for African-American slaves in south-western Tennessee and northen Mississippi displaced by the ravages of the war and vulnerable to Confederate marauder attack.  Under the authority of the Confiscation Acts signed into law by President Lincoln, slaves could be used as unarmed auxilaries to support the Union Army. On December 17, 1862 Grant put Brigadier General John Eaton in charge of the slaves, who authorized them to work on abandoned Confederate plantations to support the Union war effort.  These protected African-American slaves were freed on January 1, 1863 under Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. 
The fall of Vicksburg gave the Union Army control over the entire Mississippi and split the Confederacy in two. Grant demonstrated that an indirect assault, coupled with diversionary tactics, was a highly effective strategy in defeating an entrenched army. Although the success at Vicksburg was a great morale boost for the Union war effort, Grant received much criticism for his decisions and his reported drunkenness. Lincoln again sent Dana to keep a watchful eye on Grant's alleged intemperance; Dana eventually became Grant's devoted ally, and made light of the drinking. The personal rivalry between McClernand and Grant continued over Vicksburg, but ended when Grant removed McClernand from command after he contravened Grant by publishing a military order.
Chattanooga and promotion
Lincoln put Grant in command of the newly formed Division of the Mississippi in October 1863, giving Grant charge of the entire western theater of war except for Louisiana. After the Battle of Chickamauga, Confederate General Braxton Bragg forced Major General William Rosecrans's Army of the Cumberland to retreat into Chattanooga (a central railway hub), surrounded the city, and trapped the Union army inside. Only Major General George H. Thomas and the XIV Corps kept the Army of the Cumberland from complete defeat at the Battle of Chickamauga. When informed of the ominous situation at Chattanooga, Grant relieved Rosecrans from duty and placed Thomas in charge of the besieged Army of the Cumberland. To stop the siege and go on the attack, Grant personally rode out to Chattanooga and took charge of the desperate situation. Lincoln sent Major General Joseph Hooker and two divisions of the Army of the Potomac to reinforce the Army of the Cumberland, but Confederate forces kept the two armies from meeting. Grant's first action was to open up a supply line to the Army of the Cumberland trapped in Chattanooga. Following a plan devised by Major General William F. Smith, that formed a "Cracker Line", Hooker's Army of the Potomac on Lookout Mountain supplied the Army of the Cumberland with food and weapons.
On November 23, 1863, Grant organized three armies to attack Bragg's troops on Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. The next day, Sherman and four divisions of the Army of the Tennessee assaulted Bragg's right flank. Thomas and the Army of the Cumberland overtook Confederate picket trenches at the base of Missionary Ridge. Hooker's forces took Lookout Mountain and captured 1,064 prisoners. On November 25, Sherman continued his attack on Bragg's right flank on the northern section of Missionary Ridge. In response to Sherman's assault, Bragg withdrew Confederate troops on the main ridge to reinforce the Confederate right flank. Seeing that Bragg was reinforcing his right flank, Grant ordered Thomas to make a general assault on Missionary Ridge. After a brief delay, the Army of the Cumberland, led by Major General Philip Sheridan and Brigadier General Thomas J. Wood, captured the first Confederate entrenchments. Without further orders, the Army of the Cumberland continued uphill and captured the Confederate's secondary entrenchments on top of Missionary Ridge, forcing the defeated Confederates into disorganized retreat. Although Bragg's army had not been captured, the decisive battle opened Georgia and the heartland of the Confederacy to Union invasion. Promoted to Lieutenant General, a rank before only held by George Washington and Winfield Scott, Grant's fame increased throughout the North.
Disappointed with Major General George Meade's failure to pursue Lee after the Confederate defeat at the Battle of Gettysburg, Lincoln made Grant commander of all Union Armies in March 1864. Grant gave the Department of the Mississippi to Sherman, and went east to Washington, D.C., to devise a strategy with Lincoln. After settling Julia into a house in Georgetown, Grant established his headquarters fifty miles away, near Meade's Army of the Potomac in Culpeper, Virginia. The Union strategy of a comprehensive effort to bring about a speedy victory consisted of coordinated Union offensives, attacking the rebel armies at the same time to keep the Confederates from shifting reinforcements within southern interior lines. Sherman would attack Atlanta and Georgia, while Meade would lead the Army of the Potomac, with Grant in camp, to attack Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. Major General Benjamin Butler was to attack and advance towards Richmond from the south, going up the James River. Depending on Lee's actions, Grant would join forces with Butler's armies and be fed supplies from the James River. Major General Franz Sigel was to capture the railroad line at Lynchburg, move east, and attack from the Blue Ridge Mountains. Grant knew that Lee had limited troop replacements and a war of attrition fought head to head on a battlefield without entrenchments would lead to Lee's defeat. Grant was riding a rising tide of popularity, and there were discussions in some corners that a Union victory early in the year could potentially open his candidacy for the presidency. Grant was aware of it, but had ruled it out in discussions with Lincoln; in any case, the possibility would soon vanish with delays on the battlefield.
Overland Campaign and victory
Sigel's and Butler's efforts sputtered, and Grant was left alone to fight Lee in a series of bloody battles of attrition known as the Overland Campaign. After taking the month of April 1864 to assemble and ready the Army of the Potomac, Grant crossed the Rapidan River on May 4 and attacked Lee in the Wilderness, a hard-fought three-day battle with many casualties. Rather than retreat as his predecessors had done, Grant flanked Lee's army to the southeast and attempted to wedge the Union Army between Lee and Richmond at Spotsylvania. Lee's army got to Spotsylvania first, and a costly battle began that lasted thirteen days. During the battle, Grant attempted to break through Lee's line of defense at the Mule Shoe, which resulted in one of the bloodiest assaults during the Civil War, known as The Battle of the Bloody Angle. Unable to break Lee's line of defense after repeated attempts, Grant flanked Lee to the southeast east again at North Anna, a battle that lasted three days. This time the Confederate Army had a superior defensive advantage on Grant. Grant then maneuvered the Union Army to Cold Harbor, a vital railroad hub that linked to Richmond, but Lee's men were able to entrench against the Union assault. During the third day of the thirteen-day battle, Grant led a costly assault on Lee's trenches. As news spread in the North, heavy criticism fell on Grant, castigated "the Butcher" by the Northern press, having taken 52,788 casualties in thirty days since crossing the Rapidan. Lee suffered 32,907 Confederate casualties, and was less able to replace them. When the two armies had fought to a stalemate, the generals took three days to reach a truce, so that the dead and dying could be removed from the battlefield. The costly June 3 assault at Cold Harbor was the second of two battles in the war which Grant later distinctly regretted. Unknown to Lee, Grant pulled out of Cold Harbor and moved his army south of the James River, freed Major General Butler from the Bermuda Hundred, and attacked Petersburg, Richmond's central railroad hub.
After Grant and the Army of the Potomac had crossed the James River undetected initially by Lee and rescued Butler's army from the Bermuda Hundred, Grant advanced the army southward to capture Petersburg. Confederate General P.G.T. Beauregard, in charge of Petersburg, was able to defend the city, and Lee's veteran reinforcements arrived. Grant forced Lee into a long nine-month siege of Petersburg, and the war effort stalled. Northern resentment grew as the war dragged on, but an indirect benefit of the Petersburg siege was found in preventing Lee from reinforcing armies to oppose Sherman and Sheridan. During the siege, Sherman was able to take Atlanta, a victory that advanced President Lincoln's reelection. Major General Sheridan was given command of the Union Army of the Shenandoah and directed by Grant to "follow the enemy to their death". Lee had sent General Jubal Early up the Shenandoah Valley to attack the federal capital and draw troops away from the Army of the Potomac, but Sheridan defeated Early, ensuring that strongly fortified Washington, would not be endangered by the Confederate Army advance. Grant then ordered Sheridan's cavalry to destroy vital Confederate supply farms in the Shenandoah Valley. When Sheridan reported suffering attacks by irregular Confederate cavalry under John S. Mosby, Grant recommended rounding up their families for imprisonment as hostages at Ft. McHenry.
Grant, having fewer troops to fight Lee due to Early's attack, approved of an alternative offensive to blow up part of Lee's Petersburg trenches from an underground tunnel, but the explosion created a crater from which Confederates could easily pick off Union troops below. The 3500 Union casualties outnumbered the Confederates' by three-to-one; although the plan could have been successful if implemented correctly, Grant admitted the tactic had been a "stupendous failure."  On August 9, 1864, Grant, who had just arrived at his headquarters in City Point, narrowly escaped death when Confederate spies blew up an ammunition barge moored below the city's bluffs. Rather than fight Lee on a full frontal attack as he had done at Cold Harbor, Grant continued to extend Lee's entrenchment defenses southwest of Petersburg, to capture vital railroad links. By August 21, the Union had captured the Wilmington and Weldon Railroad. As Grant continued to push the Union advance westward towards the South Side Railroad, Lee's entrenchment lines became overstretched and undermanned. After the Federal army rebuilt the City Point Railroad, Grant was able to use mortars to attack Lee's entrenchments.
Once Sherman reached the East Coast and Thomas dispatched Hood in Tennessee, Union victory appeared certain, and Lincoln resolved to attempt a negotiated end to the war with the Confederates. He enlisted Francis Preston Blair to carry a message to Confederate President Jefferson Davis. Davis and Lincoln each appointed commissioners, but the conference soon stalled. Grant contacted Lincoln, who agreed to personally meet with the commissioners at Fort Monroe. The peace conference that took place near Union controlled Fort Monroe was ultimately fruitless, but Grant had shown his willingness and ability to assume a diplomatic role beyond his normal military posture.
In March 1865, while Lincoln met at City Point with Grant, Sherman, and Porter, Union forces finally took Petersburg and captured Richmond in April. Lee's troops began deserting in large numbers; disease and lack of supplies also weakened Lee's forces. Lee attempted to link up with the remnants of Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston's defeated army, but Union cavalry forces led by Sheridan were able to stop the two armies from converging. Lee and his army surrendered to Grant at Appomattox Court House on April 9, 1865. Grant gave generous terms; Confederate troops surrendered their weapons and allowed to return to their homes with their mounts, on the condition that they would not take up arms against the United States. Within a few weeks, the Civil War was over.
On April 14, five days after Grant's victory at Appomattox, Lincoln was fatally shot by John Wilkes Booth and died the next morning. The assassination was part of a conspiracy that targeted a number of government leaders. Grant attended a cabinet meeting that day, and Lincoln had invited Grant and his wife to the theater, but they declined as they had plans to travel to Philadelphia. Many, including Grant himself, thought that Grant had been a target in the plot. Secretary of War Stanton, through Charles Dana, notified Grant of the President's death and summoned him to Washington. The following day, Grant hastily ordered the arrest of paroled Confederate officers. Major General Edward Ord, however, was able to narrow the existing threats in Washington by army intelligence and persuaded Grant to reverse his arrest orders.  Attending Lincoln's funeral on April 19, Grant stood alone and wept openly. He said of Lincoln, "He was incontestably the greatest man I have ever known." Regarding the new President, Andrew Johnson, Grant commented to Julia that he dreaded the change in administrations; he judged Johnson's attitude toward white southerners as one that would "make them unwilling citizens", and initially thought that with Johnson, "Reconstruction has been set back no telling how far."
Later in April, General Sherman, without consulting Washington, concluded an armistice agreement with Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston to effect the latter's surrender; politically allowing the existing Confederate North Carolina state government to remain in power; additionally granting citizen property rights that included keeping their slaves. Sherman believed this generous agreement consistent with Lincoln's recent statements to him at City Point. Stanton and Grant quickly surmised the terms were much too lenient. Stanton even declared so publicly with scorn for Sherman; Grant, concerned that his lead commander's mistake not be mishandled, requested a cabinet meeting to discuss the problem, and offered to personally deliver the message of repudiation to Sherman. Grant handled the matter adroitly and made the most of their friendship, conveying the message to Sherman and ultimately getting his consent to renegotiate the agreement by the terms set at Appomattox. 
Celebrations; honors; report on South
In May 1865, the Union League of Philadelphia purchased a house for the Grants in that city, but Grant's military work was in Washington. He attempted to commute for a time and return on the weekends, but he and Julia moved to Washington that October. They secured a place in Georgetown Heights, while Grant instructed Elihu Washburne that for political purposes his legal residence remained in Galena, Illinois. That year, Grant appeared at Cooper Union in New York where, as the New York Times described, "... the enhanced and bewildered multitude trembled with extraordinary delight." Further travels that summer with repeated enthusiastic receptions took the Grants to Albany, back to Galena, and throughout Illinois and Ohio.
In the Fall of 1865, President Andrew Johnson sent Grant on a fact-finding mission to the South. Afterwards, Grant filed a report to Johnson recommending continuation of a reformed Freedmen's Bureau, which Johnson opposed, but advising against the use of black troops in garrisons that he believed were encouraging an alternative to farm labor. Grant did not believe the people of the devastated South were ready for self-rule, and thought they required further U.S. military occupation. Grant stated that both whites and blacks in the South required protection by the U.S. federal government. Grant also warned of threats by disaffected poor people, black and white, and recommended that local decision-making be entrusted only to "thinking men of the South" (i.e., men of property). In this respect, Grant's first Reconstruction policy aligned with Johnson's policy of pardoning established southern leaders and restoring them to their positions of power. He joined Johnson in arguing that Congress should allow representatives from the South seated recognition. On July 25, 1866, Congress promoted Grant to the newly created rank of General of the Army of the United States.
Swing around the circle tour
After the Civil War ended, Grant was the most popular man in the country, even more then President Andrew Johnson.  When Johnson argued a moderate and speedy approach to Reconstruction, the Radical Republican controlled Congress strongly opposed and refused to admit delegates from the former Confederate states, as Johnson had planned.  Over Johnson's vetos, Congress renewed the Freedman's Bureau and passed the Civil Rights Act. During the next election, Johnson then took his case to the people, known as his "Swing Around the Circle" speaking tour, from August 27 to September 17, 1866.  Johnson pressured Grant to go on the tour, and Grant wishing to appear loyal, agreed to go with Johnson. Although personally jealous of Grant, Johnson sought to capitalize on Grant's popularity by having the general travel side by side with him. For most of the tour Grant remained by Johnson's side during Johnson's speeches. Johnson strongly advocated an immediate return of the former Confederate states into the Union without African American citizenship. On the tour Johnson publically castigated Radical Republican leaders including Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens.  Grant, however, believed that Johnson was purposefully agitating Southern and Northern conservative opinion and population to defy Congressional Reconstruction. Finding himself increasing at odds with Johnson, Grant privately confided in his wife that he thought Johnson's speeches were a "national disgrace".  Publically Grant continued his efforts to appear loyal to Johnson while not alienating Republican legislators essential to his future. Grant, believing that Johnson was about to declare Congress unconstitutional, and seat Congress with Southern white conservative delegates, ordered that Southern military arsenals be depleted and have the arms shipped to the North, to prevent hostile take over by Southern state governments. 
Balitmore and Congressional reconstruction
In 1866, an intraparty fight arose in Maryland that threatened to devolve into a riot. John Lee Chapman, the Radical Republican mayor of Baltimore, elected in 1862 in an election in which conservative voters claimed the police commissioners had turned them away from the polls. Four years later, Maryland's governor, Thomas Swann, a Johnson supporter, threatened to remove the commissioners and appoint his own, which Radicals believed would result in their own disenfranchisement. Grant was reluctant to send federal troops into a loyal state; instead he traveled to the city himself as a private citizen and arranged a settlement that would allow both groups' poll watchers to make sure there would be fair elections.
The Baltimore tumult was just the prelude to the conflict between Radicals and Conservatives over the Reconstruction of the South. Rejecting Johnson's vision for quick reconciliation with former Confederates, Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts which divided the southern states into five military districts run by the army to set up protection for the freedmen's constitutional and congressional rights. Military district governors, chosen exclusively by the President, were to lead transitional state governments in each district. Grant, who was to select the general to govern each district, preferred Congress's plan for enforcement of Reconstruction. Grant was optimistic Reconstruction Acts would help pacify the South. He carried out his duty under the Acts and instructed the generals to do likewise, further alienating Johnson; when Sheridan removed public officials in Louisiana who impeded Reconstruction, Johnson was especially displeased and sought Sheridan's removal. Grant stayed the middle course and recommended a rebuke, but not a dismissal. Throughout the Reconstruction period, Grant and the U.S. military protected the rights of more than 1,500 African-Americans elected to political office by overturning the first black codes in 1867. 
Mexico and Canada
Grant, as commanding general, immediately had to contend with Maximilian of Mexico and the French army that had taken over Mexico with the help of Napoleon III. Most Americans, including Grant, felt this violated the Monroe Doctrine. Johnson told Grant to put military pressure on the French to leave Mexico by sending 50,000 troops to the Texas border under Sheridan. Grant told Sheridan to do whatever he could, within the bounds of neutrality, to force Maximilian's abdication and convince the French Army to leave Mexico. Sheridan sent 60,000 rifles to Benito Juárez, the ousted leader of Mexico. In a cabinet meeting, Johnson suggested Grant be assigned to the Mexican frontier as a way of removing him from the political mainstream. Grant immediately recognized the nature of this proposal and refused. As a compromise, Grant sent Sherman (now promoted to Lieutenant General) in his place. By 1866, the French Army completely withdrew from Mexico; Juárez executed Maximilian in 1867.
After the Civil War, thousands of Irish veterans joined the Fenian Brotherhood whose intention was to invade and hold Canada hostage in exchange for Irish independence. In June 1866, Johnson sent Grant to Buffalo, New York, to assess the situation. He ordered the Canadian border closed to prevent Fenian soldiers from crossing over at Fort Erie and that more weapons be confiscated. In June 1866, the United States Army arrested 700 Fenian troops at Buffalo, and the Fenians gave up on their attempt to invade Canada.
President Johnson had for some time wished to replace Secretary of War Stanton, who sympathized with Congressional Reconstruction. Stanton was initially appointed by President Lincoln during the Civil War. To keep Grant under his control as a potential political rival Johnson asked Grant to take the post. Grant's reply was a recommendation against the move, in light of the Tenure of Office Act, which required Senate approval of any removal of a cabinet appointment. Johnson forced the issue by making Grant an interim appointment during a Senate recess. Grant relented and agreed to accept the post temporarily, lest he be rendered politically irrelevant. Grant stated he had accepted the position until Johnson could find a permanent replacement. Stanton, knowing he had the Senate protection, vacated the office until the Senate would reconvene. 
Later, when the Senate reinstated Stanton, Johnson requested that Grant refuse to surrender the office to Stanton and let the courts resolve the matter. Grant however told Johnson in private meeting that violating the Tenor of Office Act was a federal offense and upon trial and conviction resulted in a fine up to $10,000 or a five year imprisonment. Grant, believing he had no other legal alternatives, returned the office back over to Stanton. This action, however, incurred Johnson's wrath during a Cabinet meeting immediately afterwards; Johnson directly accused Grant in front of other Cabinet members for allegedly breaking his promise to remain Secretary of War. Grant disputed that he had ever made such a promise although Cabinet members testified he had done so.  On January 14, 1868, newspapers friendly to Johnson, and possibly leaked by Johnson himself, published a series of articles trying to discredit Grant over returning the War Department to Stanton, stating Grant had been deceptive in the matter. This public humiliation infuriated Grant, who defended himself in a written response to President Johnson. When Grant's response became public; he increased his national popularity among Radical Republicans and emerged from the controversy unscathed. Although Grant favored Johnson's impeachment, he took no active role in the later impeachment proceedings against Johnson which, in part, centered on Johnson's removal of Stanton. In contrast, none of the Republican leaders involved directly benefited politically in their unsuccessful attempt to remove Johnson. 
1868 presidential campaign
Grant entered the 1868 campaign season with increased popularity among the Radical Republicans following his abandonment of Johnson. The Republicans chose Grant as their presidential candidate on the first ballot at the 1868 Republican National Convention in Chicago, he faced no significant opposition. In his letter of acceptance to the party, Grant concluded with "Let us have peace," which became his campaign slogan. For vice president, the delegates nominated House Speaker Schuyler Colfax. Grant's General Orders No. 11 and antisemitism became an issue during the 1868 presidential campaign. Grant sought to distance himself from the order, saying "I have no prejudice against sect or race, but want each individual to be judged by his own merit." As was common practice at the time, Grant remained at his home in Galena during the campaign,[b] and left most of the active campaigning and speaking on his behalf to his campaign manager William E. Chandler and others.
The Democrats nominated former New York Governor Horatio Seymour. The Democrats' campaign focused mainly on ending Reconstruction and returning control of the South to the white planter class, which alienated many War Democrats in the North. The Democrats attacked Reconstruction and the Republican Party's support of African-American rights, while deriding Grant having called him captain of the "Black Marines". In the general election of that year, Grant won by 300,000 votes out of 5,716,082 votes cast. Grant received an electoral college landslide, getting 214 votes to Seymour's 80. When he assumed the presidency, Grant had never before held elected office and, at the age of forty-six, was the youngest person elected president to date. Grant was the first president elected after the nation had outlawed slavery and given citizenship to former slaves. Implementation of these new rights was slow to come; in the 1868 election, the black vote counted in only sixteen of the thirty-seven states, nearly all in the South.
Grant's presidency began with a break from tradition, as Johnson declined to ride in Grant's carriage or attend the inauguration at the Capitol. In his Inaugural Address, Grant advocated the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment and said he would approach Reconstruction "calmly, without prejudice, hate or sectional pride." Grant took an unorthodox approach to his cabinet choices, declining to consult with the Senate and keeping his choices secret until he submitted them for confirmation.  In his effort to create national harmony, Grant purposely avoided choosing Republican Party leaders. Out of personal loyalty, Grant appointed his friends Elihu B. Washburne to the State Department and John A. Rawlins as Secretary of War. Washburne served only twelve days before resigning over claims of ill-health; the plan having been designed to give him greater diplomatic clout when Grant appointed him Minister to France. Grant then appointed Hamilton Fish, a conservative New York statesman, as Secretary of State. Fish would be Grant's most successful appointment. Grant promoted Sherman to his own former post as Commanding General. Rawlins, however, issued orders that reduced Sherman's authority; after Grant refused to overturn Rawlins's orders, his relationship with Sherman became strained. Rawlins died in office; Grant later appointed William W. Belknap as his replacement. Belknap and Congress continued to restrict Sherman's military authority.
Grant selected several non-politicians to his cabinet, including Adolph E. Borie and A.T. Stewart, with limited success. Borie served briefly as Secretary of Navy, replaced by George M. Robeson, while Stewart was lawfully prevented from becoming Secretary of Treasury by a 1789 statute and by Senator Charles Sumner's and Senator Roscoe Conkling's opposition to amend the law. In place of Stewart, Grant appointed George S. Boutwell, known for his integrity, as Secretary of Treasury. Grant's other cabinet appointments—Jacob D. Cox (Interior), John Creswell (Postmaster General), and Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar (Attorney General)—were well-received and uncontroversial. To break from Washington, in 1869, Grant and his family, having been invited by wealthy backers, vacationed for the first time in what became known as the "summer capital" and "the resort of presidents", Long Branch, New Jersey, where Grant returned often throughout his life.  To ensure his family's privacy, at the request of Julia, Grant barred the general public from entering the White House grounds. 
Later Reconstruction and civil rights
Reconstruction of the South continued as Grant took office in 1869. By 1870, the four remaining former Confederate states were successfully restored into the United States. He lobbied Congress to pass the Fifteenth Amendment, guaranteeing that no state could prevent someone from voting based on race, and believed that its passage would secure freedmen's rights. To enforce the new amendment, Grant relied on the army and the newly created Justice Department. In 1870, Grant signed a bill proposed by Thomas Jenckes of Rhode Island establishing the Department of Justice, to make sure federal laws would be enforced in the South when state courts and prosecutors were reluctant to do so. Where the attorney general had once been only a legal adviser to the president, he now led a cabinet department dedicated to enforcing federal law, including a solicitor general to help him. Under Grant's first attorney general, Ebenezer R. Hoar, the administration was not especially aggressive in prosecuting white Southerners who terrorized their black neighbors, but Hoar's successor, Amos T. Akerman, was more zealous. Alarmed by this rise in terror by the Ku Klux Klan and other groups, Congress investigated. With Grant's encouragement, Congress passed the Enforcement Acts in 1870 and 1871 that expanded federal authority. The Acts made depriving any persons of their civil rights a federal offense and authorized the president to use the U.S. military to enforce the laws. In May 1871, Grant ordered federal troops to help marshals in arresting Klansmen. That October, on Akerman's recommendation, Grant suspended habeas corpus in part of South Carolina and sent federal troops to enforce the law there. Through Akerman's and his replacement George Henry Williams' prosecutions, the Klan's power collapsed, and by 1872, elections in the South saw African-Americans voting in record numbers.
That same year, Grant signed the Amnesty Act, which restored political rights to former Confederates. After the collapse of the Klan in 1872, conservative whites formed armed groups such as the Red Shirts in South Carolina and the White League. Unlike the Ku Klux Klan, they were not secret. They used violence and intimidation against African-Americans done to take control from state governments away from Republicans. The Panic of 1873 and the ensuing depression contributed to public fatigue, and the North grew less concerned with reconstructing the South. Grant began to favor a more limited use of troops, lest they create the impression that he was acting as a military dictator; he was also concerned that increased military pressure in the South might cause white supremacists in the North to bolt from the Republican Party. In 1874, Grant was able by proclamation to peaceably end the Brooks-Baxter War in Arkansas. However, the same year, in Louisiana Grant sent troops and three warships to New Orléans to stop violence, that included the Colfax Massacre, over the disputed election of Governor William Kellogg two years earlier. By 1875, Democratic "Redeemer" politicians retook control of all but three Southern states. As violence against black Southerners escalated once more, Edwards Pierrepont (Grant's fourth attorney general) told Governor Adelbert Ames of Mississippi that the people were "tired of the autumnal outbreaks in the South," and declined to directly intervene, rather Pierrepont sent an emissary to negotiate a peaceful election. Grant signed an ambitious Civil Rights Act of 1875, which expanded federal law enforcement by prohibiting discrimination on account of race in public lodging, public transportation, and jury service. The law was rarely enforced, however, and it did not stop the rise of white supremacist forces in the South. In the Election of 1876, the remaining three Republican governments in the South fell to Redeemers, and the ensuing Compromise of 1877 marked the end of Reconstruction.
Grant's attempts to give justice to Native Americans marked a radical reversal of what had long been the government's policy of Indian removal. He appointed Ely S. Parker, a Seneca Indian and member of Grant's wartime staff, as Commissioner of Indian Affairs. "My efforts in the future will be directed," Grant said in his second inaugural address, "by a humane course, to bring the aborigines of the country under the benign influences of education and civilization ... Wars of extermination ... are demoralizing and wicked." Grant's "Peace Policy" (also called the "Quaker Policy") aimed to replace entrepreneurs serving as Indian agents with missionaries. In 1869, Grant signed an appropriations bill that established a Board of Indian Commissioners to oversee spending and reduce corruption in the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Two years later, in 1871, Grant signed a bill ending the Indian treaty system; the law now treated individual Native Americans as wards of the federal government, and not dealing with the Indian tribes as sovereign entities. Grant wished the Indian tribes be protected on reservations and educated in European-style farming and culture, abandoning their hunter-gatherer way of life. Considered liberal-minded then, although unpopular today, the Peace Policy would see fulfillment years later in the Dawes Act of 1887. The Policy showed some success in reducing conflict with fewer battles between Indians and whites on the western frontier, but the increased slaughter of the buffalo, encouraged by Grant's subordinates, caused renewed conflict with the Plains Indians in a few years. The Sioux and other Plains tribes accepted the reservation system, but encroachments by whites in search of gold in the Black Hills led to renewed war by the end of Grant's second term. The war ended the growing understanding that had developed between Grant and Sioux Chief Red Cloud.
Under Major Generals Oliver Otis Howard and George Crook, Grant's policy had greater success in the Southwest. Howard, the former head of the Freedmen's Bureau, negotiated peace with the Apache in 1872, convincing their leader, Cochise, to move the tribe to a new reservation, and ending a war started the year before. In Oregon, relations were less peaceful, however, as war with the Modocs erupted in April 1873. The Modocs refused to move to a reservation and killed the local army commander, Major General Edward Canby. Although Grant was upset over Canby's death, he ordered restraint, disregarding Sherman's advice to seek revenge or exterminate the tribe. The U.S. Army led by Sherman captured, tried, sentenced to death, and hanged the four Modoc warriors in October 1873 responsible for Canby's murder. Grant sent the rest of the Modoc tribe to the Indian Territory.
During the Great Sioux War, started by gold discovery in the Black Hills, Grant came into conflict with Colonel George Armstrong Custer after Custer testified in 1876 about corruption in the War Department under Secretary William W. Belknap. Grant had Custer arrested for breach of military protocol and barred him from leading an upcoming campaign against the Sioux. Grant finally relented and let Custer fight under Brigadier General Alfred Terry. Sioux warriors led by Crazy Horse killed Custer at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, the most famous defeat for the U.S. Army in the Indian wars. Two months later, Grant castigated Custer in the press, saying "I regard Custer's massacre as a sacrifice of troops, brought on by Custer himself, that was wholly unnecessary – wholly unnecessary." Custer's death shocked the nation, while Grant's Peace Policy yielded to militarism; Congress appropriated funds for 2,500 more troops, the U.S. Army constructed two more Western forts and took over the Indian agencies barring Indians from purchasing rifles and ammunition. 
Even before Grant became president, some annexationists in American politics desired control over the Caribbean islands. William H. Seward, U.S. Secretary of State under Lincoln and Johnson, having purchased Alaska ("Russian North America") in far northwestern North America from the Russian Empire and attempted to buy the Danish West Indies in the Caribbean Sea from the Danes, began negotiations to purchase the two former European colonies on the island of Hispaniola with the eastern two-thirds, Spanish-speaking Dominican Republic and the French-speaking, western one-third of Haiti; however the early anti-imperialist Republican controlled Congress rejected the plan. Negotiations to again annex just the Dominican Republic, renewed under President Grant, led by Orville E. Babcock, a confidant who had served on Grant's staff during the Civil War. Grant was initially skeptical, but at the urging of the Admiral David Porter, who wanted a naval base at Samaná Bay, and Joseph W. Fabens, a New England business person employed by the Dominican government, Grant examined the matter and became convinced of its wisdom. Grant sent Babcock to consult with Buenaventura Báez, the pro-annexation Dominican president, to see if the proposal was practical; Babcock returned with a draft Treaty of Annexation in December 1869. Grant believed in peaceful expansion of the nation's borders and thought acquisition of the majority-black island nation would allow new economic opportunities for African Americans in the United States; ease race relations in the South, clear slavery yet remaining from Brazil and Cuba, and increase American naval power in the Caribbean Sea. Secretary of State Hamilton Fish dismissed the idea, seeing the island as politically unstable and troublesome. Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts opposed annexation because that would decrease the number of autonomous nations run by Africans in the western hemisphere. He and other senators also objected for another reason—they did not wish to add more blacks to the overall American population. Grant personally lobbied Senators to pass the treaty, going so far as to visit Sumner at his home. Fish added to the effort out of loyalty to the administration, but to no avail; the Senate refused to pass the treaty. Sumner's role in leading the opposition led to political enmity between him and Grant. After the Dominican Republic initiative failed, Grant convinced Fish to stay in the Cabinet and gave him greater authority to run the State Department.
Grant and Fish were more successful in their satisfaction of the Alabama claims, a dispute between Great Britain and the United States. The dispute stemmed from the damage done to American shipping during the Civil War by the five warships and commerce-raiders built for the Confederacy in British shipyards including, most famously, the "C.S.S. Alabama", (others included the "C.S.S. Shenandoah", "C.S.S. Florida"). American claims included that Britain had violated neutrality by recognition of Confederate belligerency. When the war ended, the United States demanded retribution, which the British refused to pay. Negotiations continued fitfully, a sticking point being the claims of "indirect damages" as opposed to the discussion to the harm directly caused by the five ships. Sumner opposed the third-party negotiated Johnson-Clarendon Convention settlement, that was rejected by the Senate, believing that England should directly pay $2 billion in gold or, alternatively, have Canada ceded to the United States. Fish convinced Grant that peaceful relations with Britain were more important than acquisition of more territory, and the two nations agreed to negotiate along those lines. Grant's message to Congress averted recognition of Cuban belligerency against Spain and allowed Secretary Fish to finish negotiations with Britain. A commission in Washington produced a treaty whereby an international tribunal would settle the damage amounts; the British admitted regret, but not fault.[c] The Senate approved the Treaty of Washington, which also settled disputes over fishing rights and maritime boundaries, by a 50–12 vote in 1871.
In 1873, an international crisis occurred in the Caribbean that drew Grant's and Fish's attention, when a Spanish destroyer took captive a merchant ship, Virginius, flying the U.S. flag, carrying war materials and men to aid the Cuban insurrection. Cuban insurgents who owned the Virginius had secretly registered the ship in the United States through an American operative. The passengers and crew, including eight United States citizens, were trying to illegally travel to Cuba to help overthrow the government. Spanish authorities executed the prisoners, and many Americans called for war with Spain. Fish, with Grant's support, worked to reach a peaceful resolution. Spain's President, Emilio Castelar y Ripoll, expressed regret for the tragedy and agreed to decide reparations through arbitration; Spain surrendered the Virginius and paid a cash indemnity of $80,000 to the families of the executed Americans. The administration's diplomacy was also at work in the Pacific as, in December 1874, Grant held a state dinner at the White House for the King of Hawaii, David Kalakaua, who was seeking Hawaiian sugar importation duty-free to the United States. Grant and Fish were able to produce a successful free trade treaty in 1875 with the Kingdom of Hawaii, incorporating the Pacific islands' sugar industry into the United States' economic sphere.
Gold standard and the Gold Ring
Soon after taking office, Grant took steps to return the nation's currency to a more secure footing. During the Civil War, Congress had authorized the Treasury to issue banknotes that, unlike the rest of the currency, were not backed by gold or silver. The "greenback" notes, as they were known, were necessary to pay the unprecedented bills the government racked up in fighting the war, but they also caused inflation and forced gold-backed money out of circulation; Grant determined to return the national economy to pre-war monetary standards. Many in Congress agreed with Grant, and they quickly passed the Public Credit Act of 1869, which guaranteed that bondholders would be repaid in gold, not greenbacks. Grant charged Treasury Secretary George S. Boutwell with rationalizing the treasury Department and improving tax collection. To strengthen the dollar, Boutwell, backed by Grant, sold gold from the Treasury each month and bought back high-interest Treasury bonds issued during the war; this had the effect of reducing the deficit, but deflating the currency.
These actions had a large impact on the nation's small gold market, and gold speculators tried to make a profit by anticipating how much gold Boutwell would sell in a given week. Abel Corbin, Grant's brother-in-law, sought to use his connection with the president to gain inside information for himself and his associates, Jay Gould, a Wall Street trader and railroad magnate, and his partner Jim Fisk. This group of collaborators was later called the "Gold Ring." Corbin convinced Grant to appoint Daniel Butterfield as assistant Treasurer, and Gould soon made Butterfield his informant. Meanwhile, Gould and Fisk began to quietly stockpile gold. Gould convinced Corbin that a high gold price would be prosperous for the nation, and Corbin passed this theory on to Grant. The conspirators believed they had convinced the president, and they continued to stockpile gold, hoping to sell into a rising market. After consulting with New York business person Alexander Turney Stewart in early September, Grant stopped the sale of Treasury gold, believing a higher gold price would help Western farmers. By mid September, however, Grant started to become suspicious of Corbin, particularly when Corbin tried to drive a wedge between Grant and Boutwell. The gold price continued to rise as the conspirators bought ever more. The rising price began to affect the wider economy, and Grant, seeing that the increase was unnatural, told Boutwell to sell gold, thereby reducing its price. Boutwell did so the next day, on September 22, 1869, later known as Black Friday. The sale of gold from the Treasury defeated Gould's corner on the market as the gold price plummeted, relieving the growing economic tension. Gould and Fisk managed to escape without much harm to themselves. A New York bank collapsed, and trading dried up for months; a general recession did not follow, however, and the economy resumed its post-war recovery.
In February 1873, Grant signed into law the Coinage Act of 1873, that effectively ended the legal basis for bimetallism (that is the use of both silver and gold as money), and established the gold standard in practice. The Coinage Act of 1873 discontinued the standard silver dollar and established the gold dollar as the monetary standard. Angry critics who wanted more money in circulation to raise prices later denounced the move as the "Crime of 1873" claiming the law caused deflation and helped bankers while hurting farmers.
Grant's personal reputation suffered from the continued scandals caused by his many corrupt appointees and personal associates. In addition to the Gold Ring, corruption in the New York Customs House added to reformers' negative impressions of the administration. The Crédit Mobilier scandal, where a railroad company bribed many members of Congress, did not involve Grant, but did ensnare Vice President Colfax and added to the general sense of dishonesty in Washington. The Democrats, however, had their own Tammany Hall scandal in New York that politically helped Grant and the Republicans.  To reach out to reformers, Grant encouraged Congress to create the Civil Service Commission in 1871, chaired by reformer George W. Curtis, which had the power to propose reforms.  Grant accepted and implemented the Civil Service Commission's reform recommendations on January 1, 1872.  Congress, however, refused to fund the Civil Service Commission in 1875 or pass legislation to enforce its recommendations. Grant remained quiet on Civil Service reform after the election. There was further division within the party between the faction most concerned with the plight of the freedmen and that concerned with the growth of industry. During the war, both factions' interests had aligned, and in 1868 both had supported Grant. Since his first Presidential election Grant sided with both capital and civil rights interests that alienated many intellectual party leaders. 
Many of such men bolted in 1872, calling themselves the Liberal Republicans. Led by Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts and Senator Carl Schurz of Missouri, they publicly denounced the political patronage system that Sumner called "Grantism" and demanded amnesty for Confederate soldiers. The Liberal Republicans nominated Horace Greeley, another Republican who had come to dislike Grant and his policies. The rest of the Republican Party nominated Grant for reelection, with Henry Wilson of Massachusetts replacing scandal-ridden Colfax as vice-presidential nominee. The Democrats, seeking help from anti-Grant sentiment, quickly nominated Greeley as well. The fusion effort was unsuccessful, and Grant was easily reelected. The Liberal Republicans were unable to deliver many votes, and Greeley was only successful in areas the Democrats would have carried without him. A strong economy, debt reduction, lowered tariffs, repeal of the income tax, and Civil Service implementation helped Grant defeat the Liberal Republicans.  Grant won 56% of the poplar vote and an Electoral College landslide of 286 to 66.[d]
Panic of 1873, the Long Depression, and currency debates
At the end of his first term in early 1873, Grant signed the Coinage Act, making gold the only money standard in line with his hard money policy; this meant that dollars would be exchanged on demand for only gold. Grant's second term saw renewed economic turmoil. In September 1873, Jay Cooke & Company, a New York brokerage house, failed to fully sell a bond issue by Cooke's railroad, the Northern Pacific Railway, and collapsed as a result. The collapse sent ripples through Wall Street, and other banks and brokerages that owned railroad stocks and bonds found themselves ruined as well. On September 20, the New York Stock Exchange suspended trading for ten days. Grant, who knew little about finance, traveled to New York to consult leading businessmen and bankers for advice on how to curb the panic, which became known as the Panic of 1873. Grant believed that, as with the collapse of the Gold Ring in 1869, the panic was merely an economic fluctuation that affected bankers and brokers. He responded cautiously, instructing Treasury Secretary William Adams Richardson to buy $10 million in government bonds, thus injecting cash into the system. These purchases curbed the panic on Wall Street, but a five-year industrial depression, later called the Long Depression, nonetheless swept the nation. Eighty-nine of the nation's 364 railroads went bankrupt.
After the Panic, Congress debated an inflationary policy to stimulate the economy and passed what became known as the Inflation Bill on April 14, 1874. Many farmers and workingmen favored the bill, which would add $64 million in greenbacks to circulation, but some Eastern bankers opposed it because it would weaken the dollar. Grant unexpectedly vetoed the bill on the grounds that it would destroy the credit of the nation. Grant's veto placed him securely in the conservative faction of the Republican party, and was the beginning of the party's commitment to a strong gold-backed dollar. Grant later pressured Congress for a bill to further strengthen dollar by gradually reducing the number of greenbacks in circulation. After losing the House to the Democrats in the 1874 elections, the lame-duck Republican Congress did so. On January 14, 1875, Grant signed the Specie Payment Resumption Act into law. The Resumption Act required gradual reduction of the greatest value of greenbacks allowed to circulate and declared that specie payment resumption would begin in 1879. Grant appointed Richardson, himself involved in a scandal, to the Court of Claims and appointed Benjamin H. Bristow of Kentucky as his replacement. Bristow supported Grant's anti-inflationary hard money policy.
Gilded Age corruption and reform
Grant served as president during the Gilded Age, a time when the economy was open to speculation and western expansion that fueled corruption in government offices. Against the harsh public revelation of the railroad bribery scandal, which tarnished public perception, Grant also faced charges of misconduct in nearly all federal departments, especially in the Treasury and Interior departments, engaging his administration in constant conflict between corrupt associates and reformers. Although personally honest with his own money matters, Grant had difficulty in spotting corruption in others. He was protective of associates, whose persecutions he saw as unjust. Grant's military discipline produced a loyalty that shielded associates from attack at the cost of his own reputation, unless evidence of personal misconduct was overwhelming. No person linked any of the scandals together, except possibly Grant's personal secretary, Orville E. Babcock, who indirectly controlled many cabinet departments and delayed investigations. During Grant's first term, in addition to the Gold Ring, Grant had to respond to Congressional investigations into the Collectors Ring at the New York Custom House.
During Grant's second term in office, a congressional investigation exposed and made public corruption in the Treasury Department in the Sanborn incident, where Secretary of Treasury William A. Richardson hired John D. Sanborn (a friend of Congressman Benjamin Butler, the erstwhile Civil War general) as an independent tax collector on a percentage basis, also known as a moiety. Treasury officials were then privately instructed not to press for payment, so that accounts would become delinquent and Sanborn would get paid more when he "discovered" them. The Congressional investigation committee report condemned Secretary Richardson for permitting the aggressive tax collection system implemented by Sanborn but did not formally make any impeachment charges.  To prevent future unscrupulous actions, Grant signed the Anti-Moiety Act into law in 1874, abolishing the troublesome payment system.
In 1874, on becoming Treasury Secretary, the energetic Benjamin H. Bristow immediately made a series of reforms. Finding that millions of dollars in revenue were missing, Bristow discovered what became known as the Whiskey Ring—tax officials taking bribes in exchange for not taxing distillers.  Having obtained Grant's first endorsement, "Let no guilty man escape...", Bristow moved quickly in 1875 to raid and shut down corrupt distilleries, collapsing the Ring. Bristow obtained 238 indictments, leading to 110 convictions, and restored millions of tax dollars to the Treasury.  When Bristow's investigation implicated Babcock was part of the Whiskey Ring, Grant became defensive, believing Babcock was the innocent victim of a witch hunt. Grant denied immunity to minor Whiskey Ring conspirators in the Midwest. In 1876, Babcock was found not guilty at a trial in which Grant testified through a deposition on his behalf. After the trial, under public pressure, Grant dismissed Babcock from the White House.[e] Several convicted Whiskey Ring members were later pardoned by Grant.
The scandals increased as Congress began several investigations into corruption in the administration, the most notable of which regarded profiteering at western trading posts. The scheme involved Secretary of War William Belknap granting concessions for trading posts on western army bases in exchange for a cut of the profits. The accusations led to Belknap's resignation. Even after he resigned from office, the House of Representatives impeached Belknap; he was only saved from conviction in the Senate because many Senators believed their jurisdiction ended when Belknap left office. Congress also investigated and reprimanded Navy Secretary George M. Robeson in 1876 for taking bribes from naval contractors, but he was never formally impeached.
The Civil Service reform initiative had limited success, as Grant's cabinet implemented a merit system that increased qualified candidates and relied less on Congressional patronage. Grant's Secretary of Interior Columbus Delano, however, exempted the Interior Department from competitive examinations, while Congress refused to enact permanent Civil Service reform. Delano resign under pressure from the press, having allowed a spoils system of land and patent frauds and ignored Interior department officials' award of surveying contracts to his son, who got paid without doing any of the contracted work. Grant appointed Zachariah Chandler, who succeeded Delano and cleaned up corruption in the Interior Department. Grant appointed reformers Edwards Pierrepont and Marshall Jewell as Attorney General and Postmaster General, respectively, who supported Bristow's investigations.  In 1875, Pierrepont cleaned up corruption among the U.S. Marshals and U.S. Attorneys in the South. Grant suggested other reforms as well, including a proposal that states should offer free public schooling to all children, although he also endorsed the Blaine Amendment, which would have forbidden government aid to schools that have any religious affiliation.
Grant appointed four Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. In 1869, after Robert C. Grier retired from the bench and Congress's restoration of a ninth seat on the court, Grant filled the first two vacancies.[f] Grant first appointed former Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and Attorney General Ebenezer R. Hoar. Neither man would take his seat: Stanton was confirmed, but died before he took office; Hoar was widely disliked in the Senate, which defeated his nomination 24–33. Following a cabinet discussion, Grant submitted two more names to the Senate: William Strong and Joseph P. Bradley. Strong was a former justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania who retired to take up a private practice in Philadelphia. Bradley, a New Jersey lawyer, also had a successful private practice. Both men were railroad lawyers, and their appointment led to accusations that Grant intended them to overturn Hepburn v. Griswold, decided on the same day Grant sent their nominations to the Senate. That case, which was unpopular with business interests, held that the federal debt incurred before 1862 be paid in gold, not greenbacks. Nonetheless, the Senate confirmed both Strong and Bradley and the following year the Supreme Court reversed the Hepburn case.
After Grant's reelection, Justice Samuel Nelson retired from the bench and another Supreme Court seat opened up. Grant nominated Ward Hunt, a New York state judge, to replace him. The Senate confirmed Hunt in 1873 and, like Nelson, Hunt upheld Reconstruction legislation. He served on the court until 1882. In May 1873, Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase died suddenly. After several months, Grant offered the seat to Conkling. Conkling declined, as did Senator Timothy Howe of Wisconsin. Grant unsuccessfully tried to enlist Hamilton Fish for the job and considered nominating Caleb Cushing, as well, before submitting the name of his attorney general, George Henry Williams. The Senate had a lackluster view of Williams's performance at the Justice Department and refused to act on the nomination. Grant stuck to his choice, but after no action Williams asked that his name be withdrawn in January 1874. Fish suggested nominating Hoar again, but Grant instead chose Cushing. Cushing was an eminent lawyer and respected in his field, but emergence of his wartime correspondence with Jefferson Davis doomed his nomination. Grant finally turned to Morrison Waite, a respectable (if little-known) Ohio lawyer who had worked on the Alabama claims arbitration. The Senate unanimously approved the nomination two days later, on January 21, 1874. Although uncontroversial during his tenure on the Court, Waite authored two decisions (United States v. Reese and United States v. Cruikshank) that did much to undermine Reconstruction-era laws that protected the rights of black Americans. 
Election of 1876
By 1876, the collected scandals of the last eight years and the Democratic gains in the House led many in the Republican party to repudiate Grant. Bristow was among the leading candidates to replace him, suggesting that a large faction desired an end to "Grantism" and feared that Grant would run for a third term. Ultimately, Grant did not run, but neither was Bristow the nominee, as the convention settled on Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio, a reformer. The Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tilden of New York, however, voting irregularities in three Southern states caused the election that year to remain undecided for several months.  Grant told Congress to settle the matter through legislation, without blaming either party. Grant mobilized troops in Louisiana and South Carolina, who kept the peace. Grant assured both sides that he would not use the army to force a result, except to curb violence, and agreed to form an Electoral Commission to decide the matter. The result was the Compromise of 1877: the Electoral Commission elected Hayes, but the last troops were withdrawn from Southern capitals. The Republicans had won, but Reconstruction was over.
After leaving the White House, Grant and his family stayed with friends in New York, Ohio, and Philadelphia for two months, before setting out on a tour of the world. The trip, which would last two years, began in Liverpool in May 1877, where enormous crowds greeted the ex-president and his entourage. Travelling to London, the Grants dined with Queen Victoria at Windsor Castle, and Grant gave several speeches in the city. They next traveled to Belgium, Germany, and Switzerland, before returning to England. The Grants spent a few months with their daughter Nellie, who had married an Englishman and moved to that country several years before. Returning to the continent, Grant and his wife journeyed on to France and Italy, spending Christmas 1877 aboard USS Vandalia, a warship docked in Palermo. After a winter sojourn in the Holy Land, they visited Greece before returning to Italy and a meeting with Pope Leo XIII. Travelling to Spain and then to Germany again, Grant met with Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, and the two men discussed military matters.
After another visit to England and then to Ireland, the Grants left Europe by ship, sailing through the Suez Canal to India. They visited Bombay, Lucknow, Varanasi, and Delhi, being welcomed in each city by the colonial officials. After India, they toured Burma, Siam (where Grant met King Chulalongkorn,) Singapore, and Vietnam. Traveling on to Hong Kong, Grant began to change his mind on the nature of colonization, believing that the British rule was not "purely selfish" but also good for the colonial subjects. Leaving Hong Kong, the Grants entered China proper, seeing the cities of Canton, Shanghai, and Peking. He declined to ask for an interview with the Guangxu Emperor, a child of seven, but did speak with the head of government, Prince Gong, and Li Hongzhang, a leading general. They discussed China's dispute with Japan over the Ryukyu Islands, and Grant agreed to help bring the two sides to agreement. After crossing over to Japan and meeting the Emperor Meiji, Grant convinced China to accept the Japanese annexation of the islands, and the two nations avoided war.
By then the Grants had been gone two years, and were homesick. They crossed the Pacific and landed in San Francisco in September 1879, greeted by cheering crowds. After a visit to Yellowstone National Park, they returned at last to Philadelphia on December 16, 1879. The voyage around the world had captured popular imagination, and Republicans—especially those of the new Stalwart faction excluded from the Hayes administration—saw Grant in a new light. The Republican nomination for 1880 was wide open after Hayes, the incumbent President, had forsworn a second term and many Republicans thought that Grant was the man for the job. 
Third term attempt
The Stalwarts, led by Grant's old political ally, Roscoe Conkling, saw the ex-president's renewed popularity as a way for their faction to regain power. Opponents denounced his violation of the two-term rule that had been the norm since George Washington. Grant said nothing publicly, but privately he wanted the job and encouraged his men. Elihu B. Washburne urged him to run; Grant demurred, saying he would be happy for the Republicans to win with another candidate, though he preferred James G. Blaine to John Sherman. Even so, Conkling and John A. Logan began to organize delegates in Grant's favor. When the convention convened in Chicago in June, there were more delegates pledged to Grant than to any other candidate, but he was still short of a majority vote to capture the nomination.
At the convention Conkling nominated Grant's name with an elegant speech, Conklings' most famous line being: "When asked which state he hails from, our sole reply shall be, he hails from Appomattox and its famous apple tree." With 370 votes needed for nomination, the first ballot had Grant at 304, Blaine at 284, Sherman at 93, and the rest scattered to minor candidates. Subsequent ballots followed, with roughly the same result; neither Grant nor Blaine could win. After thirty-six ballots, Blaine's delegates deserted him and combined with those of other candidates to nominate a compromise candidate: Representative James A. Garfield of Ohio. The 306 votes Grant received on the last ballot was not enough to secure the nomination. A procedural motion made the vote unanimous for Garfield who accepted the nomination. 
Grant gave speeches for Garfield, but declined to criticize the Democratic nominee, Winfield Scott Hancock, a general who had served under Grant in the Army of the Potomac. Garfield managed to win the popular vote by a narrow margin, however, he solidly won the Electoral College-214 to 155. After the election, Grant gave Garfield his public support, and pushed him to include Stalwarts in his administration. 
Grant's world tour, although successful, was costly. When he returned to America, Grant had depleted most of his savings and needed to earn money and find a new home. George William Childs and Anthony Joseph Drexel, wealthy friends of Grant, bought him a home on Manhattan's Upper East Side. To make an income, Grant, Jay Gould, and former Mexican Finance Secretary Matías Romero chartered the Mexican Southern Railroad, which planned to build a railroad from Oaxaca to Mexico City. At the same time, Grant used his influence to convince Chester A. Arthur, who had succeeded Garfield as president in 1881, to negotiate a free trade treaty with Mexico. Arthur and the Mexican government agreed, but the United States Senate rejected the treaty in 1883. The railroad was similarly unsuccessful, falling into bankruptcy the following year.
At the same time, Grant's son Ulysses Jr. ("Buck") had opened a Wall Street brokerage house with Ferdinand Ward. Regarded as a rising star, Ward, and the firm, Grant & Ward, was initially successful. In 1883, Grant joined the firm and invested $100,000 of his own money. Success attracted more investors, who bought securities through firm, whereupon Ward used the securities as collateral to borrow money to buy more securities. Grant & Ward pledged that collateral to borrow more money to trade in securities on the firm's own account. The practice—called hypothecation—was legal and accepted; what was illegal was rehypothecation, the practice of pledging the same securities as collateral for multiple loans. Ward, having colluded with the bank involved, did this for many of the firm's assets. If the trades resulted in profit, then there would be no problem; if the trades went bad, however, multiple loans would come due, all backed up by the same collateral. Historians acknowledge that Grant was likely unaware of Ward's tactics, but it is unclear how much Buck Grant knew. In May 1884, enough investments went bad to convince Ward that the firm would soon be bankrupted. Ward told Grant of the impending failure, but suggested that this was a temporary shortfall. Grant approached businessman William Henry Vanderbilt, who gave Grant a personal loan of $150,000. Grant invested the money in the firm, but that was not near enough to save the firm from failure. Essentially penniless, but compelled by a sense of personal honor, Grant repaid Vanderbilt with his Civil War mementos. Although the market value did not cover the loan, Vanderbilt insisted the debt paid in full. Forced to sell his home, the matter left Grant financially destitute.
Memoirs and death
Grant had forfeited his military pension when he assumed the presidency, but Congress restored him to the rank of General of the Army with full retirement pay in March 1885. Around the same time, Grant learned that he was suffering from throat cancer.[g] To restore his family's income, Grant wrote several articles on his Civil War campaigns for The Century Magazine at $500 each. The articles were well received by critics, and the editor, Robert Underwood Johnson, suggested Grant write a book of memoirs, as Sherman and others had successfully done.
Grant took up the project and asked his former staff officer, Adam Badeau, to check his work. Grant's son Fred assisted with references and proofreading. Century offered Grant a book contract with a 10% royalty, but Grant's friend, Mark Twain, made his own offer to Grant for his memoirs, proposing a 75% royalty. Grant ultimately decided on Twain's publishing company, Charles L. Webster and Co. Grant worked diligently on the memoir at his home in New York City, and then from a cottage on the slopes of Mount McGregor, finishing shortly before he died on July 23, 1885. The book, entitled Personal Memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant, was a success. In the end, Julia Grant received about $450,000, suggesting a royalty of about 30%. The memoir has been highly regarded by the public, military historians, and literary critics. Grant was a shrewd and effective writer, portraying himself in the persona of the honorable Western hero, whose strength lies in his honesty and straightforwardness. He candidly depicts his battles against both the Confederates and internal Army foes. Twain called the Memoirs a "literary masterpiece." In reviewing the favorable literary critique of Grant's book, including the analyses of Matthew Arnold and Edmund Wilson, author Mark Perry calls the Memoirs "the most significant work" of American non-fiction.
Grant died on July 23, 1885, at the age of 63. Sheridan, by now Commanding General of the Army, ordered a day-long tribute to Grant on all military posts, and President Grover Cleveland ordered a thirty-day nationwide period of mourning. After private services, the U.S. military in New York, under Adj. Gen. Richard C. Drum's command, placed Grant's body on a special funeral train and traveled via West Point to New York City, where a quarter of a million people viewed it in the two days before the funeral. Tens of thousands of men, many of them veterans from the Grand Army of the Republic or other veterans' organizations, marched with Grant's casket drawn by two dozen horses to Riverside Park. His pallbearers included Union generals Sherman and Sheridan, Confederate generals Simon Bolivar Buckner and Joseph E. Johnston, Admiral David Dixon Porter, and John A. Logan, the head of the Grand Army. His body was laid to rest in Riverside Park, first in a temporary tomb, and finally in a sarcophagus in a circular atrium at the General Grant National Memorial ("Grant's Tomb"), the largest mausoleum in North America. Attendance at the New York funeral topped 1.5 million. Ceremonies were held in other major cities around the country, and those who eulogized Grant in the press likened him to George Washington and Abraham Lincoln.
Few presidents' reputations have changed as dramatically as Grant's. Millions of people turned out for his funeral procession in 1885 and attended the 1897 dedication of his tomb demonstrating that at his death, Grant was popularly seen as "a symbol of the American national identity and memory." At the same time, however, commentators and scholars portrayed his as the most corrupt administration in American history. In the 1930s, biographer William B. Hesseltine noted that Grant's reputation deteriorated because his enemies were better writers than his friends. In 1931, Paxson and Bach in the Dictionary of American Biography praised Grant's military vision and his execution of that vision in defeating the Confederacy, but of his political career, the authors were less complimentary. Speaking specifically of the scandals, they wrote that "personal scandal has not touched Grant in any plausible form, but it struck so close to him and so frequently as to necessitate the vindication of his honor by admitting his bad taste in the choice of associates." William S. McFeely won the Pulitzer Prize for his critical 1981 biography that also focused on the failure of Grant's presidency to carry out lasting progress and concluded, "[h]e did not rise above limited talents or inspire others to do so in ways that make his administration a credit to American politics." John Y. Simon in 1982 responded to McFeely: "Grant's failure as President ... lies in the failure of the Indian peace policy and the collapse of Reconstruction ... But if Grant tried and failed, who could have succeeded?" Simon praised Grant's first term in office arguing that it should be, "remembered for his staunch enforcement of the rights of freedmen combined with conciliation of former Confederates, for reform in Indian policy and civil service, for successful negotiation of the Alabama Claims, and for delivery of peace and prosperity."  According to Simon, the Liberal Republican revolt, the Panic of 1873, and the North's conservative retreat from Reconstruction weakened Grant's second term in office, although his foreign policy under Hamilton Fish remained steady. 
Historians have taken a more favorable view since the 1990s, appreciating Grant's protection of African-Americans and his peace policy towards American Indians, even though those policies failed. Bruce Catton initiated reassessment of Grant's military career in the 1960s, shifting assessments of Grant as victor by brute force to that of successful and skillful strategist and commander. Grant's reputation restoration continued with Jean Edward Smith's 2001 biography, Grant. Smith argued that the same qualities that made Grant a success as a general carried over to his political life to make him, if not a successful president, than certainly an admirable one. Smith wrote that "the common thread is strength of character—an indomitable will that never flagged in the face of adversity ... Sometimes he blundered badly; often he oversimplified; yet he saw his goals clearly and moved toward them relentlessly." H.W. Brands, in his 2012 book, also praised Grant's skill as a general. In addition, as Eric Foner wrote, Brands gives "a sympathetic account of Grant's forceful and temporarily successful effort as president to crush the Ku Klux Klan, which had inaugurated a reign of terror against the former slaves." Brands writes favorably of Grant's military and political careers, alike, saying:
As commanding general in the Civil War, he had defeated secession and destroyed slavery, secession's cause. As President during Reconstruction he had guided the South back into the Union. By the end of his public life the Union was more secure than at any previous time in the history of the nation. And no one had done more to produce the result than he.
Memorials and Presidential library
Grant has several memorials in his honor, including the General Grant National Memorial in New York and the Ulysses S. Grant Memorial in Washington. There are smaller memorials in Chicago's Lincoln Park and Philadelphia's Fairmount Park. Named in his honor are Grant Park as well as a number of counties in western and midwestern states. From 1890 to 1940, the Department of Interior and the National Park Service called part of what is now Kings Canyon National Park, General Grant National Park, named for the General Grant sequoia. Grant has appeared on the front of the United States fifty-dollar bill since 1913, and appears on several stamps.
In May 2012, the Ulysses S. Grant Foundation, on the institute's fiftieth anniversary, selected Mississippi State University as the permanent location for Ulysses S. Grant's Presidential Library. Historian John Simon edited Grant's letters into a 32-volume scholarly edition published by Southern Illinois University Press.
- According to biographer McFeely, historians overwhelmingly agree that his drunkeness, although off duty, at the time was a fact, though there are no eyewitness reports extant.
- Residents of Galena gave Grant the home in 1865 as thanks for his war service. After his Presidential term ended in 1877, Grant visited the home occasionally. Maintenance of the home as a memorial to Grant started in 1904 and continues today.
- The international tribunal awarded the United States $15,500,000.
- Greeley died after election day but before the day the Electoral College voted, as a result, Greeley's Democratic opponents received his electoral votes. Grant attended Greeley's funeral service.
- McFeely, writing in 1981, believed that Grant knew of Babcock's guilt, while Smith, in 2001, believed the evidence against Babcock was circumstantial at best.
- Congress had changed the law in 1866 to remove one seat on the Court each time a justice retired, to prevent Andrew Johnson from nominating replacements for them. When Grant took office, there were eight seats on the bench. 
- Today, medical historians believed he suffered from a T1N1 carcinoma of the tonsillar fossa.
- Bonekemper 2004, pp. 271–82.
- Wilentz (January 25, 2010), The Return of Ulysses, pp. 1-2, viewed 06-30-2014
- Brands 2012b, p. 44.
- Civil Rights Act of 1875.
- Smith, pp. 21–22.
- Hesseltine, p. 4.
- Farina, pp. 13–14; Simpson 2000, pp. 2–3.
- Longacre, pp. 6–7.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 8, 10.
- McFeely 1981, p. 12; Smith, pp. 24, 83.
- McFeely 1981, p. 13.
- McFeely 1981, p. 16.
- Smith, pp. 26–28.
- McFeely 1981, p. 20; Longacre, p. 18.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 16, 19.
- Smith, pp. 26–28; Longacre, p. 24.
- Smith, pp. 28–29.
- Smith, pp. 30–33.
- Smith, pp. 35–37.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 32–33.
- Longacre, pp. 37–42; Brands 2012a, pp. 34–38.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 34–35.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 36–37.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 31, 37.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 20, 26.
- Smith, p. 73.
- McFeely 1981, p. 44.
- McFeely 1981, p. 46.
- Smith, pp. 76–77.
- McFeely 1981, p. 47.
- Smith, pp. 81–82.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 48–49.
- Smith, p. 86.
- Longacre, pp. 55–58.
- McFeely 1981, p. 55.
- Smith, pp. 87–88; Lewis, pp. 328–332.
- McFeely 1981, p. 57.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 58–60.
- Smith, pp. 94–95.
- McFeely 1981, p. 64.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 65–66; Farina, p. 11.
- McFeely 1981, p. 69.
- Brands 2012a, p. 95.
- Catton 1968, p. 8.
- Brands 2012, p. 123.
- Smith, p. 113.
- Brands 2012, p. 121.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 73–76, 80; Smith, pp. 107–108; Brands 2012, p. 121.
- McFeely 1981, p. 73.
- McFeely 1981, p. 80.
- Brands 2012a, p. 151.
- Smith, pp. 143, 147.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 92–94.
- Gott (2003), pp. 97–98.
- Smith, pp. 141–164.
- Smith, p. 147.
- Smith, p. 139.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 164–165.
- Smith, pp. 125–34.
- McFeely 1981, p. 111.
- McFeely 1981, p. 114.
- McFeely 1981, p. 115; Smith, pp. 167–205.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 186–187.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 190–192.
- Brands 2012, p. 188.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 117–21.
- Flood, pp. 128–129.
- Brands 2012a, p. 217.
- Brands 2012a, p. 216.
- Longacre, pp. 159–61.
- Karp, Abraham (1991). "Anti-Semitism in the United States: General Grant's Infamy". Retrieved 07-10-2014.
- McFeely 1981, p. 124.
- Smith, pp. 225–27.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 125–26.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 132–35.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 122–138; Smith, pp. 206–257.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 126-127.
- Hubbell, John T. (1980). "Abraham Lincoln and the Recruitment of Black Soldiers". University of Michigan Library: Michigan Publishing. Retrieved 07-10-2014.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 126–127.
- McFeely 1981, p. 127.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 128, 135.
- McFeely 1981, p. 136.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 139–51; Smith, pp. 262–71.
- Smith, pp. 258–281.
- McFeely 1981, p. 148.
- McFeely 1981, p. 156.
- McFeely 1981, p. 157.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 157–175; Smith, pp. 313–39, 343–68.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 162–63.
- McFeely 1981, p. 165.
- McFeely 1981, p. 169.
- Bonekemper 2011, pp. 41–42.
- McFeely 1981, p. 178-86.
- McFeely 1981, p. 179; Smith, pp. 369–95; Catton 1968, pp. 308-309.
- Catton 1968, p. 349.
- Catton 1968, p. 309.
- Catton 1968, p. 294.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 198–210.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 212, 219–20.
- McFeely 1981, p. 224.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 375–376.
- McFeely 1981, p. 225.
- Smith, pp. 409–412.
- McFeely 1981, p. 227–229.
- Smith, p. 419.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 232–33.
- McFeely 1981, p. 234.
- Brands 2012a, p. 390; Smith, p. 420; McFeely 1981, pp. 238–241.
- Brands 2012a, p. 390.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 238, 240.
- McFeely 1981, p. 240; Smith, p. 420.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 240–241.
- Smith, p. 434n.
- Brands 2012, p. 389.
- Brands 2012, pp. 392, 396.
- Brands 2012, p. 396.
- Smith, pp. 369–397.
- Brands 2012, p. 397.
- Brands 2012, p. 398.
- Brands 2012, pp. 397, 398.
- Brands 2012, pp. 398-399.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 254–256.
- Smith, pp. 432–433.
- Smith, pp. 434–435.
- Smith, pp. 436–439.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 259–261.
- Smith, pp. 421, 433.
- Smith, p. 421n.
- McFeely 1981, p. 257.
- Smith, p. 415.
- Smith, pp. 508–509; Hesseltine, pp. 229–230.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 262–64.
- Smith, pp. 448–451.
- McFeely 1981, p. 275.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 264–267.
- Smith, pp. 459–460.
- Grant Home, Galena State Historic Sites. Retrieved February 9, 2007.
- Ulysses S. Grant Home, NHL Database, National Historic Landmarks Program. Retrieved February 9, 2007.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 282–284.
- Smith, pp. 468–469.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 278, 283.
- McFeely 1981, p. 284.
- Patrick, p. 166.
- McFeely 1981, p. 286; Smith, pp. 465–66.
- Simon 2002, p. 247.
- Simon 2002, pp. 246–247.
- Flood, pp. 394–395.
- Smith, pp. 469–470.
- Perry, pp. 53–54.
- Brands 2012a, p. 512.
- Smith, pp. 543–545.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 368–369; Brands 2012a, pp. 467,470.
- Smith, p. 544-47.
- Rable, pp. 144–86.
- Smith, pp. 552–553.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 538–539.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 540–541.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 420–22.
- Brands 2012a, p. 553.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 418–19.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 308–309; Brands 2012a, p. 502.
- Smith, p. 535.
- Waltmann, p. 327.
- Smith, pp. 536–38; Brands 2012a, pp. 501–503.
- Brands 2012a, p. 501.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 501–503; McFeely 1981, pp. 436–437.
- Smith, p. 532-35.
- Donovan, pp. 115, 322–323.
- Ulysses Simpson Grant (2005). The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant: January 1 – October 31, 1876. SIU Press. p. 251.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 336–338; Brands 2012a, p. 452.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 336–338.
- Smith, pp. 500–502.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 455–456.
- Smith, p. 504.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 339–341.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 349–352.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 454.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 334–336.
- Simon 2002, p. 249.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 352–354.
- Smith, p. 508.
- Smith, pp. 509–511.
- Smith, pp. 512–515.
- Nevins, pp. 667–694.
- Kreiser, p. 19.
- McFeely 1981, p. 279.
- Smith, pp. 480–481.
- Smith, pp. 480–481; Ackerman (2011), pp. 90–91.
- Smith, p. 482.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 437–439.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 323–324.
- Brands 2012a, p. 437-43.
- Smith, pp. 486–489.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 445, 636.
- Smith, p. 490.
- McFeely 1981, p. 328.
- Shannon Venable (2011). Gold: A Cultural Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 66–68.
- Allen Weinstein, "Was There a 'Crime of 1873'?: The Case of the Demonetized Dollar," Journal of American History (1967)54#2 pp: 307–326. in JSTOR
- Brands 2012a, pp. 508–509.
- Patrick, p. 172.
- Simon 2002, p. 250.
- Smith, pp. 589–590; Patrick, p. 173.
- Patrick, p. 173.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 488–489.
- Brands 2012a, p. 494.
- McFeely 1981, p. 381.
- Brands 2012a, p. 495.
- McFeely 1981, p. 384.
- Brands 2012a, p. 499.
- Simpson 1998, pp. Chron. XXXV.
- Brands 2012a, p. 517.
- McFeely 1981, p. 393.
- Smith, pp. 576–79.
- Brands 2012a, p. 518.
- McFeely 1981, p. 391; Smith, pp. 375–77.
- McFeely 1981, p. 395.
- Smith, pp. 580–581.
- McFeely 1974, pp. 133–34.
- Woodward, pp. 53–108.
- Smith, p. 587.
- McFeely 1974, p. 133; Woodward, pp. 53–108.
- McFeely 1974, pp. 134, 144.
- Smith, p. 578.
- McFeely 1974, pp. 147–148.
- McFeely 1974, pp. 133–134.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 556–557; Kohn, p. 417.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 556–557.
- Kohn, p. 417.
- Smith, pp. 591–593.
- McFeely 1981, p. 415; Smith, p. 591.
- Brands 2012a, p. 560; Donovan, p. 104.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 435–436.
- McFeely 1974, p. 153.
- Smith, pp. 587–590; Simon 2002, p. 250.
- Smith, p. 586.
- Simon 2002, p. 250; Patrick, p. 172.
- Smith, pp. 584–585; Hesseltine, p. 366.
- Hesseltine, p. 374.
- Smith, pp. 570–571.
- Smith, pp. 506–507.
- McFeely 1981, p. 387.
- Smith, pp. 507–508.
- Smith, pp. 558–563.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 387–389.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 392–393.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 440–441; Patrick, p. 255.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 440–441.
- Smith, p. 598.
- Patrick, p. 263.
- Patrick, p. 264.
- Smith, p. 601; Patrick, p. 267.
- Smith, p. 604.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 448–449.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 454–455.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 581–583.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 460–465.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 466–467.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 585–586.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 471–473.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 590–591.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 591–592.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 593–594.
- Smith, pp. 612n–613n.
- Smith, p. 613.
- McFeely 1981, p. 477.
- Smith, pp. 614–615.
- Hesseltine, pp. 432–39.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 600–601.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 479–481.
- Brands 2012a, p. 602.
- Smith, p. 617.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 604–605.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 607–609.
- Brands 2012a, p. 611.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 486–489.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 488–91.
- Brands 2012a, p. 619.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 620–621.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 492–93.
- Smith, p. 625.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 622–626.
- Renehan & Lowry, pp. 377–383.
- McFeely 1981, p. 494.
- McFeely 1981, pp. 501–505.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 629–630.
- Wilson, pp. 131–73.
- Russell, pp. 189–209.
- Perry, pp. 234–235.
- McFeely 1981, p. 517.
- Brands 2012a, pp. 633–635.
- Waugh, pp. 215–259.
- Foner 2012.
- Waugh, p. 2.
- McFeely 1981, p. 521.
- Smith, p. 14.
- Paxson & Bach, p. 500.
- McFeely 1981, p. 522.
- Simon 1982, p. 221.
- Simon 2002, p. 253.
- Simon 1982, p. 220.
- Weigley, p. 1105.
- Smith, p. 15.
- Brands 2012a, p. 636.
- See website
- See Catalog. A search engine is at Ulysses S Grant Digital Collections at Mississippi State U
Biographical and political
- Ackerman, Kenneth D. (2011). The Gold Ring Jim Fisk, Jay Gould, and Black Friday, 1869. Falls Church, Virginia: Viral History Press, Inc. ISBN 978-1-61945-013-4.
- Brands, H. W. (2012). The Man Who Saved The Union Ulysses S. Grant in War and Peace. New York: Doubleday.
- Brands, H. W. (December 2012). "Presidents in Crisis Grant: Takes on the Klan". American History: 42–47.
- Bunting III, Josiah (2004). Ulysses S. Grant. New York: Times Books. ISBN 0-8050-6949-6.
- Hesseltine, William B. (1957) . Ulysses S. Grant: Politician. New York, New York: F. Ungar Pub. Co. ISBN 1-931313-85-7.
- Kohn, George C. (2000). The New Encyclopedia of American Scandal. New York: Facts On File, Inc. ISBN 0-8160-4420-1.
- Kreiser, Christine (2013). "Royal Visit". American History 47 (6): 19.
- Longacre, Edward G. (2006). General Ulysses S. Grant The Soldier And The Man. Cambridge, Massachusetts: First De Capo Press. ISBN 0-306-81269-X.
- Martinez, James Michael (2007). Carpetbaggers, Cavalry, and the Ku Klux Klan: Exposing the Invisible Empire During Reconstruction. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-5078-0.
- McFeely, William S. (1981). Grant: A Biography. Norton. ISBN 0-393-01372-3.
- McFeely, William S. (1974). Woodward, C. Vann, ed. Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct. New York, New York: Delacorte Press. ISBN 0-440-05923-2.
- Nevins, Allan (1936). Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration 2. New York: Dodd, Mead.
- Patrick, Rembert W. (1968). The Reconstruction of the Nation. New York: Oxford University Press.
- Paxson, Frederic Logan; Bach, Christian A. (1931). "Ulysses S. Grant". Dictionary of American Biography VII. New York: C. Scribner's Sons. pp. 492–501.
- Perry, Mark (2004). Grant and Twain. New York: Random House. ISBN 0-679-64273-0.
- Rable, George C. (2007). But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press.
- Renehan, A; Lowry, J C (July 1995). "The oral tumours of two American presidents: what if they were alive today?". J R Soc Med. 88 (7): 377–383. PMC 1295266. PMID 7562805.
- Rhodes, James Ford (1920). History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the McKinley-Bryan Campaign of 1896. 6 & 7.
- Sarna, Jonathan (2012). When General Grant Expelled the Jews. New York: Nextbook Press. ISBN 978-0-8052-4279-9.
- Simpson, Brooks D. (1991). Let Us Have Peace: Ulysses S. Grant and the Politics of War and Reconstruction, 1861–1868. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press.
- Simpson, Brooks D. The Reconstruction Presidents. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas.
- Simpson, Brooks D. (2000). Ulysses S. Grant: Triumph Over Adversity, 1822–1865. Boston, Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-395-65994-9.
- Simon, John Y. (2002). "Ulysses S. Grant". In Graff, Henry. The Presidents: A Reference History (7th ed.). pp. 245–260.
- Smith, Jean Edward (2001). Grant. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-84927-5.
- Waltmann, Henry G. (Winter 1971). "Circumstantial Reformer: President Grant & the Indian Problem". Arizona and the West 13 (4): 323–342. JSTOR 40168089.
- Waugh, Joan (2009). U.S. Grant: American Hero, American Myth. The University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-3317-9.
- Woodward, C. Vann (April 1957). "The Lowest Ebb". American Heritage 8 (3): 53–108.
- Ballard, Michael B. (2013). Grant at Vicksburg: The General and the Siege. Southern Illinois University Press.
- Bearss, Edwin C. (1991). The Vicksburg Campaign. Dayton, Ohio: Morningside. ISBN 0-89029-308-2.
- Bonekemper III, Edward H. (2004). A Victor, Not a Butcher: Ulysses S. Grant's Overlooked Military Genius. Washington, DC: Regnery. ISBN 0-89526-062-X.
- Catton, Bruce (1968). Grant Takes Command. Boston: Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-13210-1.
- Donovan, James (2008). A Terrible Glory Custer and the Little Bighorn --- The Last Great Battle of the American West. New York: Back Ray Books. ISBN 978-0-316-06747-8.
- Farina, William (2007). Ulysses S. Grant, 1861–1864: His Rise from Obscurity to Military Greatness. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Co. ISBN 978-0-7864-2977-6.
- Flood, Charles Bracelen (2005). Grant and Sherman The Friendship That Won The Civil War. New York, New York: Harper Perennial. ISBN 0-06-114871-7.
- Foote, Shelby. The Civil War: A Narrative (3 Vol. 1958–1974), comprehensive story of all the war's major campaigns and battles.
- Gott, Kendall D. (2003). Where the South Lost the War: An Analysis of the Fort Henry—Fort Donelson Campaign, February 1862. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books. ISBN 0-8117-0049-6.
- Korda, Michael (2004). Ulysses S. Grant: The Unlikely Hero. New York: Atlas Books/HarperCollins.
- Korn, Bertram W. (1951). American Jewry and the Civil War. New York: Jewish Publication Society of America.
- Lewis, Lloyd (1950). Captain Sam Grant. Boston: Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-52348-8.
- McWhiney, Grady (1995). Battle in the Wilderness: Grant Meets Lee. Fort Worth, Texas: Ryan Place Publishers.
- McDonough, James Lee (1977). Shiloh: In Hell Before Night. Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press.
- McDonough, James Lee (1984). Chattanooga: A Death Grip on the Confederacy. Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press.
- McPherson, James M. (1988). Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-503863-0. comprehensive coverage of all aspects of the war.
- Maney, R. Wayne (1994). Marching to Cold Harbor. Victory and Failure, 1864. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: White Mane Pub. Co.
- Matter, William D. (1988). If It Takes All Summer: The Battle of Spotsylvania. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press.
- Miers, Earl Schenck (1955). The Web of Victory: Grant at Vicksburg. New York: Knopf.
- Nevins, Allan. The War for the Union (4 vol 1959–71), comprehensive coverage of all aspects of the war.
- Rhea, Gordon C. (1994). The Battle of the Wilderness May 5–6, 1864. Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-1873-7.
- Rhea, Gordon C. (1997). The Battles for Spotsylvania Court House and the Road to Yellow Tavern May 7–12, 1864. Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-2136-3.
- Rhea, Gordon C. (2000). To the North Anna River: Grant and Lee, May 13–25, 1864. Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-2535-0.
- Rhea, Gordon C. (2002). Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 26 – June 3, 1864. Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-2803-1.
- Schenker, Carl R. (June 2010). "Ulysses in His Tent: Halleck, Grant, Sherman, and 'The Turning Point of the War'". Civil War History 56 (2).
- Simpson, Brooks D. (2009). After Shiloh: Grant, Sherman, and Survival. Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press.
- Steere, Edward (1960). The Wilderness Campaign. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Stackpole Co.
- Williams, Kenneth P. (1959). Lincoln Finds a General: A Military Study of the Civil War 5. New York: Macmillan.
- Williams, T. Harry (1962). McClellan, Sherman and Grant. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.
- Woodworth, Steven E. (2005). Nothing but Victory: The Army of the Tennessee, 1861 – 1865. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 0-375-41218-2.
State of the Union Addresses
- 1869 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1870 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1871 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1872 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1873 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1874 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1875 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
- 1876 State of the Union Message – Ulysses S. Grant
Civil Rights Act of 1875
- "Civil Rights Act of 1875". Washington D.C.: U.S. Statutes at Large, 43rd Congress, Session II, chapter 114, pages 335-337.
Papers of Ulysses S. Grant
- John Y., Simon (1967–2009). "The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant" 1–31. Mississippi State University Online Edition.
- Grant, Ulysses S. (1885). Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant. C.L. Webster & Co. many editions in paper and online; ends in 1865
- Bonekemper III, Edward H. (April 2011). "The butcher's bill: Ulysses S. Grant is often referred to as a 'butcher,' but does Robert E. Lee actually deserve that title?". Civil War Times 52 (1): 36–43.
- Foner, Eric (November 2, 2012). ""The Man Who Saved the Union: Ulysses Grant in War and Peace" by H. W. Brands (book review)". The Washington Post.
- Rafuse, Ethan S. (July 2007). "Still a Mystery? General Grant and the Historians, 1981–2006". Journal of Military History 71 (3): 849–74. doi:10.1353/jmh.2007.0230.
- Russell, Henry M. W. (Spring 1990). "The memoirs of Ulysses S. Grant: The rhetoric of judgment". Virginia Quarterly Review 66 (2): 189–209.
- Simon, John Y (Spring 1982). "Grant: A Biography by William S. McFeely (book review)". The Wisconsin Magazine of History 65 (3): 220–221. JSTOR 4635640.
- Simpson, Brooks D. (2000). "Continuous Hammering and Mere Attrition: Lost Cause Critics and the Military Reputation of Ulysses S. Grant". In Gallagher, Gary W.; Nolan, Alan T. The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-33822-0.
- Skidmore,, Max J. (February 2005). "The Presidency of Ulysses S. Grant: A Reconsideration". White House Studies 5 (2): 255–270.
- Wilson, Edmund (1962). Patriotic Gore: Studies in the Literature of the American Civil War. evaluation of Grant's Memoirs
- Weigley, Russell F. (October 2001). "Grant by Jean Edward Smith (book review)". The Journal of Military History 65 (4): 1104–1105. JSTOR 2677657.
- Wilentz, Sean (March 14, 2010). "Who's Buried in the History Books?". The New York Times. Retrieved April 11, 2011.
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|Source texts from Wikisource|
- "Ulysses S. Grant: A Resource Guide". Web Guides. Library of Congress. Retrieved March 25, 2014.
- "About Ulysses S. Grant". Ulysses S. Grant Presidential Library. Ulysses S. Grant Presidential Assoc. and Mississippi State University Libraries. Retrieved March 25, 2014.
- "Ulysses S. Grant". American Presidents: Life Portraits. C-SPAN. Retrieved March 25, 2014.
- "Ulysses S. Grant (1822–1885)". American President: A Reference Resource. Miller Center, University of Virginia. Retrieved March 25, 2014.
- Booknotes interview with Brooks D. Simpson on Ulysses S. Grant: Triumph Over Adversity, 1822–1865, July 16, 2000.
- Booknotes interview with Mark Perry on Grant and Twain: The Story of a Friendship That Changed America, July 18, 2004.