From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

To do[edit]

References: Sixth century, Radical movt., Wynne, Encyclopedia, Date, GC Pande



Correct Knowledge«৳alk»

Correct Knowledge

CK «৳alk»

CK «৳alk»

Correct Knowledge

Correct Knowledge«৳alk» 11:26, 6 September 2012 (UTC)


PROUT, Sarkar's socioeconomic and political theory, is summarized in the fifth chapter of Ananda Sutram. PROUT divides the society into four classes sudras (labourers), ksatriyas (military–minded individuals), vipra (intellectuals) and vaisyas (capitalists).[Footnote on Hindu varna system would be required here] Each of the four classes dominate society cyclically, for a period of time, in an infinite social spiral. To prevent any social class from clinging to political power, Sarkar proposed the concept of Sadvipras (etymologically sat – true, vipra – intellectual).

Sadvipras were supposed to be a classless group of intellectuals and spiritual elites who would apply varying degrees of force on the society to allow power to be transferred from one class to another. The resulting change would be revolutionary in case of great degrees of force or mildly transformative if lesser degree of force was used. Nevertheless, Sarkar felt that a sudra revolution (worker's uprising) would always be necessary to wrest power from the capitalists (vaishyas) whom he saw as "immoral anti–social" exploiters. Sarkar further thought that "in most cases [such] popular emancipation is blood soaked". The Sadvipras were to be organized into legislative, judicial and executive boards which would be governed by a Supreme Board. Sarkar saw all countries in the world as being in different stages of the social cycle. He therefore wanted to establish a global Sadvipra society from disgruntled middle class intellectuals and military minded people. Since the establishment of such a society on a global scale would take time, Sarkar also advocated "blind physical force" to establish rule of the Sadvipras.[There is more content on Paramilitary activity proposed by Sarkar and secret military pacts with other organizations. I am not sure how relevant it is to PROUT and social cycle theory itself, so I'm leaving it out for now.]

PROUT's economic model envisions a world where key industries or public utilities are non–profit, a decentralized industry run by sociolinguistic unions (samaj) provide people's bare minimum necessities, and most of the economic transactions are through producers' and consumers' cooperatives. It distinguishes itself from Communism by proposing an incentive based economy where surplus in the society is distributed to people who serve the society.


[1], [2], [3], [4], [5], [6], [7], [8], [9]

[10], [11], [12], [13], [14], [15], again

[16], [17], [18], [19], [20], [21]

flag march

He was an average student in school, but a keen debater.[1]

At 18 years of age, modi abandoned his home and set off for Himalayas to become a sanyasi (mendicant).[2][1] He returned two years later and started working in the staff canteen of Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation where he stayed till he became a full–time pracharak (propagandist) of the RSS.[1][3] After Modi completed RSS' level one training from Nagpur, which was required before taking up an official position in the sangh, he was given charge of ABVP. Vinod Jose, writing in The Open, describes Modi's reputation as "an efficient and dutiful organiser: if the leaders entrusted him with a task, they could be sure it would be completed".[1] Modi organized covert distribution of Sangh's pamphlets during emergency and participated in the nav nirman... During his years in RSS, Modi came in touch with vasant gajendragadkar and nathalal jaghda, leaders of the Jan Sangh who later founded BJP's Gujarat state unit.[3]

RSS deputed Modi to the BJP by RSS in 1987.[4][3] Between 1985–1992, a series of communal riots in Gujarat consolidated BJP's support among Hindus in the state. While Vaghela and Patel were the front runners in BJP, Modi rose to prominence after organizing Murli Manohar Joshi's Ekta yatra (journey for unity).[1] Modi's strategy scripted BJP's victory in Gujarat in 1995 state elections.[5][3] However, Modi's interference in governance despite not holding any constitutional post prompted Patel to ask for his transfer form BJP's state unit. Modi was shifted to Delhi as general secretary of the BJP.[5] Vaghela, who had threatened to break away from BJP in 1995, defected from the BJP after he lost the 1996 Lok Sabha elections. In 1998, Modi was promoted to the post of national secretary in the BJP.[1] While selecting candidates for 1998 state elections Modi sidelined Vaghela's loyalists and rewarded Patel's loyalists to end factional divisions within the party.[5]

Patel's failing health, allegation of abuse of power, poor administration, slide in BJP's seats in municipal elections and devastating earthquake of 2001 prompted BP's central leadership to look for a new Chief Minsterial candidate.[6][7][5] Modi who had aired his misgivings about Patel's administration was chosen as a replacement.[1] Advani however, did not want to ostracize Patel and was worried about Modi's lack of experience in governance. He therefore suggested that Modi should take over as the deputy Chief Minster in a government lead by Patel. told Vajpayee and Advain, "I am going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all" and declined the proposal. He was assigned the responsibility to prepare BJP for elections in Decemebr 2002 and was made the CM of Gujarat on 7 October 2001. Modi's ideas of governance revolved around privatisation and small government which stood at odds with RSS' "anti–privatisation, anti–globalisation postition".[6]

Zakia Jafri claimed that her husband had called many politicians and senior bureaucrats, yet no one answered his calls for help.[8] Her complaint alleged that 63 people including Modi had prevented police form reaching riot hit areas.[9] The probe by SIT could not establish that her husband had made these calls to the Chief Minister's office.[8] It found her claims to be unsubstatiated because some of the officers listed in her complaint were posted outside in Ahmedabad when riots took place, she took four years to file a complaint and senior officials could not be held liable for not personally visiting the riot–affected areas.[9][8]

Sanjiv Bhatt, police officer of the Gujarat cadre, in an affidavit filed in the Supreme Court (India), alleged that in a meeting of senior officials which he attended, Modi had instructed police officers to allow Hindu rioters "to vent their anger".[10] The SIT report found Bhatt's testimony to be unreliable because other officials present in the meeting denied that Bhatt had attended the meeting; he had refused to divulge any details about the meeting when SIT had first questioned him and the veracity of his evidence was impossible to verify nine years after the riots.[9][8] Modi's decision of bringing bodies of the 59 kar sevaks who had been burned in Godhra to Ahmedabad had been criticised for flaring up the riots.[citation needed] However, SIT found his decision to be justified.[9]

During his second term, Modi's emphasis shifted from Hindutva to economic development of Gujarat. Modi's decisions curtailed the influence of organizations of the sangh parivar such as the Kisan sabha, VHP, majdoor union which had become entrenched in Gujarat's polity in 1980s and 90s.[6]

Modi shunted out ______, ally of the VHP state chief and former snagh cowerker Praveen Togadia, from his cabinet ministry. When kisan sabha protested, Modi ordered a lathicharge to break their strike. His decision to demolish 200 temples to pave way for wider roads deepened rift with VHP.[11] Various organizations of the sangh were no longer consulted or kept in loop about Modi's admintrative decisions.[6]

Between 2002-07 Gujarat's investment climate improved, honesty quote.[6]

Narmada[6][citation needed]

Terror card in 2007-08[12]

Successive BJP governments under Patel and Modi supported NGOs and communities in creation of groundwater conservation projects. By 2007, ____ projects were constructed of which ____ were check dams. While, most check dams remained empty during the pre–monsoon season, they helped rechrge the acquifers. Between ___, 67 of 128 districts marked as ____ had groundwater tables restored. Tubewells, Bt cotton etc.

  1. ^ a b c d e f g Jose, Vinod K (1 March 2012). "The Emperor Uncrowned". The Caravan. pp. 2–4. Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  2. ^ Bhatt, Sheela (16 September 2011). "Why fasting is no big deal for Narendra Modi". Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  3. ^ a b c d Pathak, Anil (2 October 2001). "Modi's meteoric rise". The Times of India. Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  4. ^ "Biography, The CM: Common Man". 18 February 2012. Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  5. ^ a b c d Venkatesan, V. (13 October 2001). "A pracharak as Chief Minister". Frontline (New Delhi). Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  6. ^ a b c d e f Phadnis, Aditi (2009). Business Standard Political Profiles of Cabals and Kings. Business Standard Books. pp. 116–21. ISBN 978-81-905735-4-2. 
  7. ^ Bunsha, Dionne (13 October 2001). "A new oarsman". Frontline (Ahmedabad). Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  8. ^ a b c d Trivedi, Deepal (10 February 2012). "SIT failed to establish Zakia’s claim". Ahmedabad Mirror. Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  9. ^ a b c d Soni, Nikunj (10 February 2012). "Has SIT justified bringing bodies from Godhra to Ahmedabad?". Daily News and Analysis (Ahmedabad). Daily News and Analysis. Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  10. ^ Dasgupta, Manas (22 April 2011). "Gujarat police officer implicates Modi in riots". The Hindu (Ahmedabad/New Delhi). Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  11. ^ Umat, Ajay (9 February 2013). "Once Hindutva twins, Narendra Modi and PravinTogadia no longer conjoined". The Times of India (Ahmedabad). TNN. Retrieved 2013-04-11. 
  12. ^ Naqvi, Saba (22 December 2008). "When fear didn't enter the booth". Outlook. pp. 26–28. Retrieved 2013-04-11.