Votebank

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A votebank (also spelled vote-bank or vote bank) is a loyal bloc of voters from a single community, who consistently back a certain candidate or political formation in democratic elections. Such behaviour is often the result of an expectation of real or imagined benefits from the political formations, often at the cost of other communities.

Votebank politics is the practice of creating and maintaining votebanks through divisive policies. As this brand of politics encourages voters to vote on the basis of narrow communal considerations, often against their better judgement, it is considered[by whom?] inimical to democracy.

The term was coined in India, where the practice of votebank politics is rampant. Since then, it has gained currency in other Asian countries with a significant English-speaking population.

Vote bank is a derogatory term used to describe plurality in politics.

Origins[edit]

The term vote-bank was first used by noted Indian sociologist, M. N. Srinivas[1] (who also coined the terms Sanskritisation and dominant caste), in his 1955 paper entitled The Social System of a Mysore Village.[2] He used it in the context of political influence exerted by a patron over a client. Later, the expression was used by F. G. Bailey, a professor of anthropology at the University of California, San Diego, in his 1959 book Politics and Social Change,[3] to refer to the electoral influence of the caste leader. This is the usage that has since become popular.

Though the term originally referred to voting along caste lines, it was soon expanded to describe votebanks based on other community characteristics, such as religion and language.

By country[edit]

India[edit]

In India, votebanks tend to be along the lines of religion, caste or language. Various political parties rely on a core of supporters who vote along these lines.

Pakistan[edit]

Rajesh Krishnamachari, political scientist with South Asia Analysis Group, analyzed the presence of vote banks in Pakistani electorate. PML (N) concentrates on the centre-right constituency, PTI reaches out to the disaffected youth and PPP caters to both the liberal elite as well as the rural Sindhi voter. Two parties - ANP and MQM - tend to have a narrower base focusing on the Pashtun and Muhajir votes, respectively.[4]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Ralph Grillo; Rodney Needham (February 2000). "Obituary: M. N. Srinivas". Anthropology Today (PDF) 16 (1): 22. doi:10.1111/1467-8322.00007. ISSN 0268-540X. JSTOR 0268540x. [dead link]
  2. ^ Srinivas, M. N. et al. (1955). "The Social System of a Mysore Village". In McKim Marriott. Village India: studies in the little community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 1–35. 
  3. ^ Bailey, F. G. (1959). Politics and Social Change. Berkeley: University of California Press. 
  4. ^ Tembarai Krishnamachari, Rajesh. "Elections: Pakistan 2013 to India 2014", South Asia Analysis Group, Paper 5492, May 2013.

External links[edit]