Walter Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The Right Honourable
The Lord Moyne
DSO PC
Walter Guinness, Lord Moyne.jpg
Secretary of State for the Colonies
In office
8 February 1941 – 22 February 1942
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Preceded by The Lord Lloyd
Succeeded by Viscount Cranborne
Leader of the House of Lords
In office
8 February 1941 – 22 February 1942
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Preceded by The Lord Lloyd
Succeeded by Viscount Cranborne
Personal details
Born 29 March 1880 (1880-03-29)
Dublin, Ireland
Died 6 November 1944 (1944-11-07)
Cairo, Egypt
Nationality British
Political party Conservative
Spouse(s) Lady Evelyn Erskine
(1883-1939)
Lord Moyne, Secretary of State for the Colonies, entertaining recruits from Jamaica on their arrival in London for RAF training.

Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne DSO & Bar PC (29 March 1880 – 6 November 1944) was an Anglo-Irish politician and businessman. He served as the British minister of state in the Middle East until November 1944, when he was assassinated by the Jewish terrorist group Lehi. The assassination of Lord Moyne sent shock waves through Palestine and the rest of the world.[1]

Early life[edit]

Walter Guinness was born in Dublin, Ireland, the third son of the 1st Earl of Iveagh. His family homes were at Farmleigh near Dublin, and at Elveden in Suffolk. At Eton, Guinness was elected head of 'Pop', the club for prefects, and was appointed Captain of Boats.[2]

On 24 June 1903, he married Lady Evelyn Hilda Stuart Erskine (1883–1939),[3] third daughter of Shipley Gordon Stuart Erskine, 14th Earl of Buchan. The Earls of Buchan were an ancient family in the Scottish nobility. They had three children, Bryan, Murtogh and Grania.

Military career[edit]

Guinness volunteered for service in the Second Boer War, serving as a Captain in the 44th company of the Imperial Yeomanry.[4][5] According to Wilson, "they had a devil-may-care ethos and distaste for military discipline...they made lightning raids on Afrikaner positions; they skirmished ahead of advancing columns.". At the end of May 1900, led by Major-General Hamilton, they assaulted the ridge at Doornkop, though Guinness was wounded immediately after the battle in mopping-up at Witpoortjie.[6] For his war effort, he was Mentioned in Despatches and was awarded the Queen's South Africa Medal with four clasps. Following the war, he was promoted to the substantive rank of lieutenant in the Suffolk Imperial Yeomanry (the Duke of York´s Own Loyal Suffolk Hussars) on 12 March 1902,[7] and promoted to captain the following month (5 April 1902).[8]

During World War I, he served with distinction in the Suffolk Yeomanry in Egypt, and at Gallipoli. He was appointed a Brigade Major in the 25th division in 1916. In the fighting around Passchendaele, he was awarded the DSO in 1917, and a bar to it in 1918 during the German Spring Offensive, for personal bravery, which was rare for an elected politician.[9][10] He ended the war as a Lieutenant-Colonel attached to the 66th division. His laconic war diaries were published in 1987, edited by Professor Brian Bond.[11]

Early political career[edit]

In 1907, Guinness was elected to the London County Council and also to the House of Commons as Conservative member for Bury St Edmunds,[12] which he continued to represent until 1931. He took the conservative line on Home Rule for Ireland,[13] suffragism[14] and reform of the House of Lords.[15] In 1912, the editor of the magazine Guinness owned, The Outlook, broke the Marconi scandal, accusing Lloyd George and other Liberal ministers of share frauds. Other publications developed the story but it could not be proven after lengthy debate. When his role was debated, Guinness explained that he was on safari in Africa at the start, and that his editor’s target was inefficiency, not corruption.[16] He visited eastern Anatolia in 1913 and reported that Armenians were being armed secretly by Russia,[17][18]

World War I reduced Guinness's attendances and opponents accused him of cowardice for being in the House at all.[19] In a heated Armistice speech, he insisted that Germany pay full war reparations, that no ties be made with Russian bolshevism, and: “Since the days of Mahomet no prophet has been listened to with more superstitious respect than has President Wilson” (of the USA).[20] Irish political developments after 1916 were a concern as the Guinness business was in Dublin. During the Easter Rebellion the brewery first aid teams helped both sides. The Guinnesses were opposed to the Sinn Féin rebels, who hailed the Central Powers as 'gallant allies'. This had to change and by the time of the Treaty debates in 1922 which established the Irish Free State he said he preferred ‘a slippery slope to a precipice’ and voted in favour.[21] Despite their politics, during the Irish War of Independence and the Irish Civil War his family was popular enough to escape loss or injury. In 1922, the Chanak crisis caused the coalition Prime Minister Lloyd George to step down unexpectedly in favour of Andrew Bonar Law. Guinness’s comments on Turkey were a part of the debate; he had come to admire Atatürk, despite serving at Gallipoli and he was appointed Under-Secretary of State for War under Lord Derby. Hereafter, his pronouncements appear less dogmatic. He lost office when a Labour government came to power in January 1924, but the following month, Guinness was sworn of the Privy Council.

Though they had generally been political opponents in 1907-21, Guinness’s working political relationship with Winston Churchill started after the Conservative election victory in October 1924, when he was made Financial Secretary under Churchill, the new Chancellor. Together, they put the Pound sterling back on the gold standard; a point of pride, but not a policy that lasted for long. A ministerial vacancy enabled him to join the Cabinet as Minister of Agriculture from November 1925 until June 1929, where his main success was in increasing the sugar beet area. The first beet processing factory was built in his constituency, partly on the advice of Martin Neumann (a grandfather of Stephen Fry), who became a manager there.[22]

After the Conservative defeat in 1929, he had to retire from office. He did not stand for re-election in the 1931 election and was created Baron Moyne, of Bury St Edmunds in the County of Suffolk on 21 January 1932.[23]

Business and charitable interests[edit]

During his adult life, Moyne was a director of the brewing firm Guinness, established at the St. James's Gate Brewery by his great-great-grandfather Arthur Guinness in 1759.[24] The firm had been listed on the London Stock Exchange in 1886 by his father.[25]

Moyne also established British Pacific Properties in Vancouver, Canada.[26] There he commissioned the Lion's Gate Bridge, then the longest bridge in the British Empire, which was opened by King George VI in 1938.[27]

He was also a trustee of the two charitable housing trusts set up by his father, the Guinness Trust in London (established 1888)[28] and the Iveagh Trust in Dublin (estd.1890).[29] In 1927–28, he helped arrange the gift to the nation of Kenwood House which contains his father's art collection.

Yachts[edit]

Arpha[edit]

Main article: HMS Arpha

In 1926, Guinness bought the passenger ferry SS Canterbury from the Southern Railway. She was converted to a steam yacht and renamed Arpha. She was sold to Sark Motorships Ltd in 1938.

Roussalka[edit]

Main article: SS Brighton (1903)

In 1931, Guinness bought the passenger ferry SS Brighton from the Southern Railway. She was converted to diesel power and renamed Roussalka. On 25 August 1933, Roussalka was wrecked in Killary Bay but all on board were rescued.

Rosaura[edit]

Main article: SS Dieppe (1905)

In September 1933, Moyne purchased the passenger ferry SS Dieppe from the Southern Railway. She was converted to diesel power and renamed Rosaura. He used this boat for social cruises, including a voyage in September 1934 from Marseille on to Greece and Beirut with the Churchills as his guests of honour.[30] From December 1934, he ventured further to the Pacific, with Clementine Churchill as a guest, and brought the first living Komodo dragon back to Britain. He wrote two books about the cultures that he had encountered in thousands of miles of travel around the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic oceans. They are now quite rare: Walkabout; a Journey between the Pacific and Indian oceans (1936) and Atlantic Circle (1938).

The Rosaura explains Moyne's closer ties to Winston Churchill which were to result in his untimely death. In 1930, they agreed that the government policies of dropping the Pound sterling off the gold standard and de-rating to cope with the Great Depression were inadequate, along with proposals for dominion status for India. When the 1931 coalition government was formed, their criticisms meant that as former ministers they were now out in the political cold. From 1934, they also warned about Hitler's rise to power and German rearmament.[31]

His ties to Churchill were also strengthened through 'The Other Club', an informal dining club for politicians in London that Churchill had founded in 1911, which Moyne later joined. A rule was that members had to freely express their opinions. Moyne was there on 29 September 1938 when the bad news came of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's capitulation to Hitler at Munich. Also present were Brendan Bracken, Lloyd George, Bob Boothby, Duff Cooper, J.L. Garvin, editor of The Observer, and Walter Elliot. "Winston ranted and raved, venting his spleen on the two government ministers present and demanding to know how they could support a policy that was 'sordid, squalid, sub-human and suicidal'."[32] At that time, they still shared the minority view in parliament; the majority agreed with Moyne's cousin-in-law 'Chips' Channon MP, who recorded about Munich that 'the whole world rejoices whilst only a few malcontents jeer.'[33]

After the Munich crisis Churchill wrote an oft-repeated comment in a letter to Moyne: "Owing to the neglect of our defences and the mishandling of the German problem in the last five years, we seem to be very near the bleak choice between War and Shame. My feeling is that we shall choose Shame, and then have War thrown in a little later, on even more adverse terms than at present."[34]

Later political career[edit]

Though an elevation to the Lords ends many political lives, Moyne spent part of 1932 in the colony of Kenya overseeing its finances. In 1933, he chaired a parliamentary committee supervising English slum clearances, in light of his experience gained in his family's charitable trusts mentioned above. In 1934, he joined the Royal Commission examining Durham University as well as a 1936 committee investigating the British film industry.[35]

In 1938, Moyne was appointed chairman of the West Indies Royal Commission which was asked to investigate how best the British colonies in the Caribbean should be governed, after labour unrest. The Report and notes were published in 1939 and are held by the PRO at Kew, London.[36] Largely as a result of his travels and his work in the West Indies, Lord Moyne was appointed Colonial Secretary by his friend Winston Churchill, serving from 8 February 1941 to 22 February 1942. Just before he returned from the Caribbean, his wife Evelyn died on 21 July.[37]

From the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, Moyne sought the internment of Diana Mosley, his former daughter-in-law, who had left his son Bryan in 1932. She had remarried in 1936 in Berlin to the British fascist leader Sir Oswald Mosley, with Hitler and Goebbels as witnesses. File No KV 2/1363 at the PRO, Kew, is part of a collection released in 2004 on British right wing extremists. The PRO's on-line archivist notes that: “Diana Mosley was not interned on the outbreak of war, and remained at liberty for some time. There is a Home Office letter of May 1940 explaining the Home Secretary's decision not to intern her at that time, and then correspondence from her former father-in-law, Lord Moyne, which seems to have resulted in her detention the following month.” Moyne's friend Churchill had become Prime Minister on 10 May 1940. Moyne's last letter, dated 26 June 1940, is quoted in Anne de Courcy's book on Diana Mosley. Later that day her order of detention was signed by J.S. Hale, a principal Secretary of State.[38]

From September 1939, given Hitler's Invasion of Poland (1939), Moyne chaired the Polish Relief Fund in London and gave over his London house at 11 Grosvenor Place, in Belgravia near Buckingham Palace, for the use of Polish officers.[39] From the elevation of Churchill in May 1940, Moyne held several positions in the Churchill war ministry, starting with a Joint Secretaryship in the Ministry of Agriculture. In a cabinet reshuffle in February 1941, he took on his post in the Colonial Office and led the Churchill government's business in the House of Lords, with the honorific title of Leader of the House of Lords.[39]

Moyne was next appointed Deputy Resident Minister of state in Cairo from August 1942 to January 1944 and Resident Minister from then until his death. Within the British system at that time, this meant control over Persia, the Middle East and Africa. The main task was to ensure the defeat of the Axis forces in North Africa, principally the Afrika Korps, led by General Rommel. Another concern was the influence on Arab opinion of the Grand Mufti, a leader of a revolt in 1936–39, who had moved on to Berlin in 1941.

"Blood for trucks" proposal[edit]

Joel Brand, a member of the Jewish-Hungarian Aid and Rescue Committee, approached the British in April 1944 with a proposal from Adolf Eichmann, the SS officer in charge of deporting Hungary's Jews to Auschwitz. Eichmann's so-called "blood for trucks" (Blut Für Ware; literally "blood for goods") proposal was that the Nazis would release up to one million Jews in exchange for 10,000 trucks and other goods from the Western Allies.

Brand was arrested and taken to Cairo, where he was questioned for several months. Brand reported that during one of the interrogations an Englishman he did not know had asked him about Eichmann's proposal, then replied "What can I do with a million Jews? Where can I put them?". On leaving the room, Brand reported, his military escort had told him that the man who had made that remark was Lord Moyne.[40] Brand told this story to the Kastner libel trial in 1953,[41] but in his autobiography published in 1956, he added a caveat "I afterwards heard that the man with whom I spoke was not, in fact, Lord Moyne, but another British statesman. Unfortunately I have no means of verifying this."[42] Brand later testified in the Eichmann trial in 1961 that it was Moyne who said "What shall I do with those million Jews?"[43] The story of the remark, attributed to Moyne, is regularly quoted by historians. Historian Bernard Wasserstein believes that "the truth is that Brand almost certainly never met Moyne".[44] This is supported by Shlomo Aronson, who traces the remark to a comment made by the head of the Refugee Section of the Foreign Office, Alec Randall, which was later repeated by Moshe Shertok at a meeting which Brand attended.[45]

During Brand's incarceration, both Brand and Moyne were interviewed by Ira Hirschmann, who had been appointed by Roosevelt as the War Refugee Board delegate in Turkey. According to Hirschmann, Moyne suggested sending Brand back to Hungary with a noncommittal reply that would enable the Jews there to continue talks.[46] Moyne also supported a proposal to offer money to the Germans instead of trucks.[47] However, the British government did not adopt either proposal.

The Western Allies, while skeptical of the offer, at first seriously considered discussing the offer with the Germans, but changed their minds when their intelligence investigations concluded that it was a German trap to embarrass the US government and damage the alliance with the Soviets.[48]

The British released Brand in October 1944, about one month before Moyne's assassination, after which he joined the group Lehi which would commit the assassination.[49]

Long after the war, Brand commented: "I made a terrible mistake in passing this on to the British. It is now clear to me that Himmler sought to sow suspicion among the Allies as a preparation for his much desired Nazi-Western coalition against Moscow."[50]

Assassination[edit]

In the early afternoon of 6 November 1944, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim of the Jewish militant group Lehi waited for Moyne near his home in Cairo following a well-planned and much practised plan of action to assassinate Moyne.[51] They were hanged for the assassination in March 1945.[52]

Moyne arrived in his car with his driver, Corporal Fuller, his secretary, Dorothy Osmond, and his ADC, Major Andrew Hughes-Onslow. The ADC went to open the front door of the residence and the driver got out to open the door for Moyne. Hakim then pulled the car door open and shot Moyne three times, while Bet-Zuri killed the driver. The two assassins fled on their bicycles, pursued by an Egyptian motorcycle policeman who had been alerted by Major Hughes-Onslow. Hakim tried to shoot the policeman but he fired back and Hakim fell, wounded. The two were surrounded by an angry mob until they were extracted by the police. Moyne was rushed to hospital but died of his wounds that evening. As the principal witness at the trial, Major Hughes-Onslow became a marked man and was sent to Aden and then to Khartoum for his safety. He subsequently said: "No doubt Lord Moyne could have been regarded as a target for political assassination, but the shooting of the chauffeur was pure murder."[53][54]

According to Lehi leader Natan Yellin-Mor, the group's founder Ya'ir Stern had considered the possibility of assassinating the British Minister Resident in the Middle East as early as 1941 (before Moyne held the position).[55] Moyne's predecessor Richard Casey was deemed unsuitable because he was Australian.[56] When Moyne replaced Casey in 1944, planning for the operation began.

As well as being the highest British official within Lehi's reach, Moyne was regarded as personally responsible for Britain's Palestine policy. In particular, he was regarded as one of the architects of Britain's strict immigration policy, and to have been responsible for the British hand in the Struma disaster.[55] According to Bell, Lord Moyne was known to the underground as an Arabist who had consistently followed an anti-Zionist line.[57]

According to Yaakov Banai (Mazal), who served as the commander of the fighting unit of Lehi, there were three purposes in the assassination:[58]

  1. To show the world that this conflict was not between a government and its citizens like Britain tried to show but between citizens and a foreign rule.
  2. To prove that the conflict was between the Jewish People and the British Imperialism.
  3. To take the "War of Liberation" out of the Land of Israel and the Yishuv. The trial was not planned but the action had to capture a place in the world press and lead political thoughts.

Moyne's 1942 speech[edit]

Moyne's views were partly outlined in a speech about recruitment of Jews into the British Army in the House of Lords on 9 June 1942. Moyne said that:

The Government have already explained what has been done to arm the Jews for the legitimate purpose of self-defence, and we shall no doubt hear from the noble Lord, Lord Croft, to-day how that process has continued in the last few weeks; but is it not clear that Lord Melchett and the responsible leaders of the Jews in this country generally seek to be saved from Lord Wedgwood in his attempt to make political capital out of the natural desire of the Jews to do their utmost to defend the cause of freedom against Nazi tyranny?

In regard to the problems of settlement he said:

It must surely have a deplorable effect upon our Allies to be told by an ex-Cabinet Minister that the Palestine Administration do not like Jews, and that there are enough Anti-Semites in Great Britain to back up the Hitler policy and spirit. This suggestion is a complete reversal of the truth. If a comparison is to be made with the Nazis it is surely those who wish to force an imported régime upon the Arab population who are guilty of the spirit of aggression and domination. Lord Wedgwood's proposal that Arabs should be subjugated by force to a Jewish régime is inconsistent with the Atlantic Charter, and that ought to be told to America. The second principle of that Charter lays down that the United States and ourselves desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned; and the third principle lays down that they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of Government under which they will live.[59]

British policy in 1944 on immigration followed the White Paper of 1939. Charges against Moyne, amplified by Lehi propaganda,[60] included that Moyne was hostile to Jewish settlement in Palestine due his support of an Arab federation in the Middle East, and that he had made speeches containing antisemitic language, including one in the House of Lords where he suggested that Arabs should get sovereignty over Palestine as the Arab race was "purer" than the "mixed" Jewish race.[60][61][62] This opinion was supported by A.S. Yehuda of the New School for Social Research who wrote that Moyne taught the Arabs racism against Jews.[63] However, according to historian Bernard Wasserstein, both these charges are false.[60][62] Moyne believed in a federation of Palestine, Transjordan and Syria, but only conditional on the creation of a Jewish state.[60] Of racial purity, Wasserstein wrote "In fact, Moyne's speech, when placed in the context of his known views on matters of race can be shown to contradict this interpretation totally."[60] Moyne, an amateur anthropologist, believed that racially intermixed groups were more advanced than the "primitive" racially pure groups like the natives of New Guinea.[60]

Trial[edit]

After the assassination, Lehi announced:

"We accuse Lord Moyne and the government he represents, with murdering hundreds and thousands of our brethren; we accuse him of seizing our country and looting our possessions. We were forced to do justice and to fight".[64]

Bet-Zuri and Hakim initially gave false names, but their true identities were soon discovered. They were tried in an Egyptian court.

Eventually, the Lehi members were found guilty and on 11 January 1945, they were sentenced to death. Their appeals for clemency were dismissed, probably partly in response to pressure from Winston Churchill, who had been Moyne's ally and close personal friend.[65] They were hanged on 23 March 1945.

Aftermath[edit]

Although the group had been targeting British Mandate personnel since 1940, Moyne was the first high-profile British official to be killed by them (several failed attempts had been made to assassinate the British High Commissioner in Palestine, Sir Harold MacMichael). This was therefore the opening shot in the new Lehi campaign.

Jewish authorities in Palestine, fearful of British retribution, were quick to distance themselves from Lehi actions. On the news of Moyne's death, Chaim Weizmann, who later became the first President of Israel, is reported to have said that the death was more painful to him than that of his own son.[65]

British prime minister Winston Churchill, who once described himself as a "Zionist",[66] for the time being tempered his support for Zionism.[67][68] Moyne had been sent to Cairo because of their long personal and political friendship, and Churchill told the House of Commons:

If our dreams for Zionism are to end in the smoke of assassins' pistols and our labours for its future to produce only a new set of gangsters worthy of Nazi Germany, many like myself will have to reconsider the position we have maintained so consistently and so long in the past. If there is to be any hope of a peaceful and successful future for Zionism, these wicked activities must cease, and those responsible for them must be destroyed root and branch. [...] In Palestine the executive of the Jewish Agency have called upon the Jewish community—and I quote their actual words: 'To cast out the members of this destructive band, deprive them of all refuge and shelter, to resist their threats, and to render all necessary assistance to the authorities in the prevention of terrorist acts, and in the eradication of the terrorist organisation.' These are strong words, but we must wait for these words to be translated into deeds.[69]

He also added "I can assure the House that the Jews in Palestine have rarely lost a better or more well-informed friend" [70]

The Times of London quoted Ha'aretz's view that the assassins "have done more by this single reprehensible crime to demolish the edifice erected by three generations of Jewish pioneers than is imaginable."[71]

Moyne's parliamentary friend and cousin-in-law, Henry 'Chips' Channon M.P. told his diary:

"I went to sleep last night with strange emotions. Walter Moyne was an extraordinary man, colossally rich, well-meaning, intelligent, scrupulous, yet a viveur, and the only modern Guinness to play a social or political role... He was careful with his huge fortune, though he had probably about three millions."[72]

In November 1943, a committee of the British Cabinet had proposed a partition of Palestine after the war, based loosely on the 1937 Peel Commission proposal. The plan included a Jewish state, a small residual mandatory area under British control, and an Arab state to be joined in a large Arab federation of Greater Syria. The Cabinet approved the plan in principle in January 1944, but it faced severe opposition from the Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden among others. "Moyne's position differed from that of nearly all the British civil and military officials in the Middle East: the consensus of British official opinion in the area opposed partition and opposed a Jewish state; Moyne supported both."[73] The partition plan was before the Cabinet for final approval in the same week that Moyne was assassinated, but the assassination caused it to be immediately shelved and never resurrected. Moyne's successor in Cairo, Sir Edward Grigg, was opposed to partition.[74] Some historians, such as Wasserstein and Porath, have speculated that a Jewish state soon after the war had been a real possibility.[73][75]

The historian Brenner writes that the purpose of the attack on Moyne was also in order to show the efficacy of armed resistance and to demonstrate to the British that they were not safe in any place as long as they remained in Palestine. The assassination also seemed to have an impact on the Arab side, particularly in stimulating Egyptian nationalism. Brenner makes a comparison between Moyne’s death and the assassination of pro-British Ahmad Mahir Pasha. There were Lehi members who advocated the formation of a "Semitic Bloc" opposing foreign domination, and this made it possible for Arabs to actually join Lehi.[76]

In 1975, Egypt returned the bodies of Ben Zuri and Hakim to Israel in exchange for 20 prisoners from Gaza and Sinai.[77] They were laid in state in the Jerusalem Hall of Heroism, where they were attended by many dignitaries including Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and President Ephraim Katzir.[78] Then they were buried in the military section of Mount Herzl in a state funeral with full military honors.[78][79] Britain lodged a formal protest, but Israel rejected the criticism, referring to Ben Zuri and Hakim as "heroic freedom fighters".[80][81] In 1982, postage stamps were issued in their honour.[82]

Published books[edit]

  • —— (1936). Walkabout; a Journey between the Pacific and Indian oceans. London: W. Heinemann Ltd. p. 366 pp. OCLC 5351894. 
  • —— (1938). Atlantic Circle. Glasgow: Blackie & Son. pp. 200 pp incl. 80 photos. OCLC 5509205. 
  • —— (1987). Staff Officer: The Diaries of Walter Guinness (First Lord Moyne), 1914-1918. London: L. Cooper. ISBN 0-85052-053-3. 

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ http://www.etzel.org.il/english/ac07.htm The 'Hunting Season'. Accessed: 1 December 2009.
  2. ^ Wilson, D. A. (1998). Dark and light. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. p. 150. ISBN 0-297-81718-3. 
  3. ^ Lundy, Darryl (2006-03-09). "Lady Evelyn Hilda Stuart Erskine". thePeerage.com. Retrieved 2008-03-27. [unreliable source]
  4. ^ http://www.angloboerwar.com/imperial-yeomanry/2359-44th-company-12th-battalion 44th company IY, list of members
  5. ^ LORD ROBERTS' MENTIONS, September 4, 1901
  6. ^ Wilson (1998). pp. 153–154.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  7. ^ The London Gazette: no. 27415. p. 1736. 11 March 1902.
  8. ^ The London Gazette: no. 27422. p. 2283. 4 April 1902.
  9. ^ Wilson (1998). pp. 172–173.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  10. ^ Guinness, Jonathan (1997). Requiem for a Family Business. London: Macmillan. p. 41. ISBN 0-333-66191-5. 
  11. ^ Guinness, W. (1987). Brian Bond & Simon Robbins, ed. Staff Officer: The diaries of Walter Guinness 1914-1918. London: Leo Cooper. p. 256. ISBN 0-85052-053-3. 
  12. ^ http://www.burystedmundsconservatives.com/page/1/336/ pdf - has some results.
  13. ^ Hansard 5th series, 39, 1129
  14. ^ Hansard 5th 19, 116.
  15. ^ Hansard 5th 22, 311.
  16. ^ The Times, 1913-06-19.
  17. ^ The Times, 1913-12-31.
  18. ^ Davison, R. H. (April 1948). "The Armenian crisis, 1912-1914". New York: American Historical Review. OCLC 14285148. 
  19. ^ Hansard 5th, 84, 658, 1023, 2159.
  20. ^ The Times, 1919-02-13.
  21. ^ Hansard 5th, 153, 2330; The Times 1922-02-17.
  22. ^ Who Do You Think You Are? (British TV series) online notes; downloaded October 2011
  23. ^ The London Gazette: no. 33793. p. 563. 26 January 1932.
  24. ^ Dennison, S.R.; MacDonagh, O. (1998). Guinness 1886-1939 : from incorporation to the Second World War (the whole book). Cork: Cork University Press. ISBN 1-85918-175-9. 
  25. ^ Error Page at www.guinness.com
  26. ^ British Properties: West Vancouver Luxury Real Estate
  27. ^ Browne, L. (1996). Bridges : masterpieces of architecture. New York: Smithmark. p. 67. ISBN 0-7651-9942-4. 
  28. ^ [1] at www.guinnesstrust.org.uk
  29. ^ Aalen, F.H.A. (1990). The Iveagh Trust: The first hundred years 1890-1990. Dublin: Iveagh Trust. pp. 58–93. ISBN 0-9515942-0-6. 
  30. ^ Wilson (1998). pp. 223–226.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  31. ^ Wilson (1998). p. 206.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  32. ^ Wilson (1998). pp. 222, 227.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  33. ^ Channon, H.; James, R.R. (1967). Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon. London: Weidenfield & Nicolson. pp. 172–173. OCLC 53427734. 
  34. ^ Martin Gilbert, Churchill A Life Henry Holt & Company, New York, 1991; page 595.
  35. ^ Wilson (1998). p. 222.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  36. ^ Guinness, W.E. (1938–1945). "Moyne papers on West India Royal Commission". AIM25: Institute of Commonwealth Studies. GB 0101 ICS 56. 
  37. ^ Wilson (1998). p. 228.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  38. ^ de Courcy, A. (2004). Diana Mosley. London: Vintage. pp. 220–222, 367–368. ISBN 0-09-947027-6. 
  39. ^ a b Wilson (1998). p. 229.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  40. ^ Brand, J.; Weissberg-Cybulski, A. (1958). Advocate for the Dead - the Story of Joel Brand. London: Andre Duetsch. OCLC 1199641. 
  41. ^ Bauer, Y. (1978). The Holocaust in Historical Perspective. Canberra: Australian National University Press. 
  42. ^ Weissberg, pp. 167. According to Ben Hecht (Hecht, B. (1997). Perfidy. Jerusalem: Milah Press. p. 280. ISBN 0-9646886-3-8. ), Jewish Agency official Ehud Avriel had demanded that Brand "change the name of Lord Moyne and state that the man ... was another, unknown, British official."
  43. ^ "Eichmann Trial relevant transcript, Session 59". vex.net. 
  44. ^ Wasserstein (1980). p. 34.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  45. ^ Shlomo Aronson (2004). Hitler, the Allies, and the Jews. Cambridge University Press. pp. 229–230, 252–253. 
  46. ^ Bauer, Y. (1994). Jews for Sale?. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 194–5. ISBN 0-300-05913-2. 
  47. ^ Friling, T. (Winter 1999). "Nazi-Jewish negotiations in Istanbul in mid-1944". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13 (3): 405–436. doi:10.1093/hgs/13.3.405. OCLC 95792215. 
  48. ^ Shlomo Aronson (2004). Hitler, the Allies, and the Jews. Cambridge University Press. pp. 232–240. 
  49. ^ Bauer (1994). p. 194.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  50. ^ "Allied Rift Called Aim of '44 Nazi Ransom Plan'". New York Times. 1964-05-21. 
  51. ^ Raafat, Samir (8 June 2000). "My Historical Curiosity". Cairo Times. Retrieved 1 December 2009. 
  52. ^ Reid, Donald M. (1982). "Political Assassination in Egypt, 1910-1954". The International Journal of African Historical Studies 15 (4): 625–651. doi:10.2307/217848. Retrieved 14 January 2013. 
  53. ^ Source: Major Hughes-Onslow's son, journalist James Hughes-Onslow.[original research?]
  54. ^ Ben-Yehuda, N. (1993). Political assassinations by Jews a rhetorical device for justice. Albany: SUNY Press. p. 209. ISBN 0-585-09119-6. 
  55. ^ a b Ben-Yehuda (1993). p. 207.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  56. ^ Wasserstein, Bernard (1980). p. 33.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  57. ^ Bell, J Bowyer (1977). Terror Out Of Zion: Irgun Zvai Leumi, LEHI, and the Palestine underground, 1929-1949. New York: St. Martin’s Press. p. 92. ISBN 0-312-79205-0. 
  58. ^ Banai, Y; Eldad, I (1987). Ḥayalim almonim: sefer mivtseʻe Leḥi (Unknown Soldiers The Operation Book of Lehi) (in Hebrew). p. 276. OCLC 45473424. 
  59. ^ Josiah Wedgwood, 1st Baron Wedgwood (9 June 1942). http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1942/jun/09/recruitment-of-jews#S5LV0123P0-00335 |chapter-url= missing title (help). Parliamentary Debates (Hansard). United Kingdom: Hose of Lords. col. 208. 
  60. ^ a b c d e f Wasserstein, B (1980). "New light on the Moyne murder". Midstream 26: 30–38. 
  61. ^ Perlinger, Arie (2006). Middle Eastern terrorism. New York: Chelsea House. p. 37. ISBN 9780791083093. 
  62. ^ a b Wasserstein, B (1978–1980). "The assassination of Lord Moyne". Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England 27: 72–83. 
  63. ^ "Moyne Taught Arabs Racism, Says Prof. Yehuda". Canadian Jewish Chronicle. 2 February 1945. 
  64. ^ Hernon, Ian (2007). Assassin!: 200 years of British political murder. London: Pluto Press. p. 161. ISBN 9780745327167. 
  65. ^ a b Hecht, B.. Perfidy(1999). Jerusalem: Milah Press, pp. 280, footnote 195. ISBN 0-9646886-3-8; Wasserstein (1980), pp. 37.
  66. ^ The Last Romantic Zionist Gentile winstonchurchill.org
  67. ^ Cohen, M.J. (1985). Churchill and the Jews. London: Frank Cass. pp. 306–308, 340. ISBN 0-7146-3254-6. 
  68. ^ Wasserstein (1980). pp. 36–37.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  69. ^ W. S. Churchill, House of Commons, November 17, 1944: http://www.theyworkforyou.com/debates/?id=1944-11-17a.2242.1#g2242.2
  70. ^ Gilbert, M. (2007). Churchill and the Jews. London: Simon & Schuster Ltd. p. 225. ISBN 0-7432-9493-9. 
  71. ^ The Times, 1944-11-09
  72. ^ Channon, H.; James, R.R. (ed.) (1967). Chips: the diaries of Sir Henry Channon. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. pp. 396–397. OCLC 12190801. 
  73. ^ a b Wasserstein (1980). p. 36.  Missing or empty |title= (help)
  74. ^ Sofer, S.; Shefer-Vanson, D. (1998). Zionism and the Foundations of Israeli Diplomacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 37. ISBN 0-521-63012-6. 
  75. ^ Porath, Y. (1986). In Search of Arab Unity 1930-1945. London: Frank Cass. pp. 134–148. ISBN 0-7146-3264-3. 
  76. ^ Brenner, Y.S. (October 1965). "The 'Stern Gang' 1940-48". Middle Eastern Studies: 13. 
  77. ^ Mr Rabin leads Israel mourning for assassins, The Times, 1975-06-27, pp. 1.
  78. ^ a b Beit-Tzuri and Hakim are reinterred, Jerusalem Post, 1975-06-27, pp. 3.
  79. ^ Israel honours British minister's assassins, The Times, 1975-06-26, pp. 1.
  80. ^ The Daily Telegraph, 28 June 1975
  81. ^ Israel defends honours for Moyne killers, The Times, 1975-07-01, pp. 1.
  82. ^ Ben-Yehuda (1993). "small image of stamps here". p. 210. 

References[edit]

External links[edit]

Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
Frederick William Fane Hervey
Member for Bury St Edmunds
1907–1931
Succeeded by
Frank Heilgers
Political offices
Preceded by
Sir William Joynson-Hicks
Financial Secretary to the Treasury
1923–1924
Succeeded by
William Graham
Preceded by
William Graham
Financial Secretary to the Treasury
1924–1925
Succeeded by
Ronald McNeill
Preceded by
E.F.L. Wood
Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries
1925–1929
Succeeded by
Noel Buxton
Preceded by
The Lord Lloyd
Secretary of State for the Colonies
1941–1942
Succeeded by
Viscount Cranborne
Leader of the House of Lords
1941–1942
Party political offices
Preceded by
The Lord Lloyd
Leader of the Conservative Party in the House of Lords
1941–1942
Succeeded by
Viscount Cranborne
Peerage of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
New Creation
Baron Moyne
1932–1944
Succeeded by
Bryan Guinness