||This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page.
White nationalism is a political ideology that advocates a racial definition of national identity for white people. It has been argued that white separatism and white supremacism may be considered subgroups within white nationalism.
According to one view, white nationalism is a product of the modern centralized state's emergence in the West, like all nationalisms. The term originated as a self-description by some groups, primarily in the United States, to describe their belief in a racially defined collective identity of white people.
In recent years, the Internet has provided an expansion of audiences for white nationalism.
White nationalists argue that every nationality feels a natural affection for its own kind. They advocate racial self-preservation and claim that culture is a product of race. According to white nationalist Samuel T. Francis, it is "a movement that rejects equality as an ideal and insists on an enduring core of human nature transmitted by heredity." Jared Taylor, a white nationalist, claims that similar racial views were held by many mainstream American leaders before the 1950s.
According to Samuel P. Huntington, white nationalists argue that the demographic shift in the United States towards non-whites brings a new culture that is intellectually and morally inferior. They argue that with this demographic shift comes affirmative action, immigrant ghettos and declining educational standards. Most American white nationalists say immigration should be restricted to people of European ancestry.
White nationalists embrace a variety of religious and non-religious beliefs, including various denominations of Christianity, generally Protestant, although some specifically overlap with white nationalist ideology (Christian Identity, for example, is a family of white supremacist denominations), Germanic Neopaganism (e.g. Wotanism) and atheism.
Definitions of whiteness
Most white nationalists define white people in a restricted way. In the United States, it often—though not exclusively—implies European ancestry of non-Jewish descent. Some white nationalists draw on 19th-century racial taxonomy, which neither reached a consensus on racial categories nor is accepted by contemporary geneticists. Some white nationalists, such as Jared Taylor, have argued that Jews can be considered "white". Though most white nationalists oppose Israel and Zionism, several white nationalists (such as William Daniel Johnson) have expressed support for Israel.
Different racial theories, such as Nordicism and Germanism, define different groups as white, both excluding some southern and eastern Europeans because of a perceived racial taint. Pan-Aryanism defines whites as individuals native to Europe, the Americas, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, the Middle East and West Asia who are wholly of Caucasoid descent or are overwhelmingly from the following Caucasoid subraces, or any combination thereof: Indo-European ("Aryan"-including the [Iranian peoples, Indo-Aryan peoples), Old European (e.g. Basque), or Hamitic (in modern times supposedly confined to Berbers). Other white nationalists use the term Pan-Europeanism to include all European ethnic groups.
The White Australia policy was semi-official government policy in Australia until 1975. It restricted non-white immigration to Australia and allowed for the privileging of British migrants over all others.
The Barton Government, which won the first elections following Federation in 1901, was formed by the Protectionist Party with the support of the Australian Labor Party (ALP). The support of the Labor Party was contingent upon restricting non-white immigration, reflecting the attitudes of the Australian Workers' Union and other labor organizations at the time, upon whose support the Labor Party was founded. The first Parliament of Australia quickly moved to restrict immigration to maintain Australia's "British character", passing the Pacific Island Labourers Act and the Immigration Restriction Act before parliament rose for its first Christmas recess. The Immigration Restriction Act of 1901 limited immigration to Australia and required a person seeking entry to Australia to write out a passage of 50 words dictated to them in any European language, not necessarily English, at the discretion of an immigration officer. Barton argued in favour of the bill: "The doctrine of the equality of man was never intended to apply to the equality of the Englishman and the Chinaman." The passage chosen for the test could often be very difficult, so that even if the test was given in English, a person was likely to fail. The test enabled immigration officials to exclude individuals on the basis of race without explicitly saying so. Although the test could theoretically be given to any person arriving in Australia, in practice it was given selectively on the basis of race. This test was later abolished in 1958.
It is necessary that we should determine what are the ideals towards which every Australian would desire to strive. I think those ideals might well be stated as being to secure our national safety, and to ensure the maintenance of our White Australia Policy to continue as an integral portion of the British Empire. We intend to keep this country white and not allow its peoples to be faced with the problems that at present are practically insoluble in many parts of the world.
At the beginning of World War II, Prime Minister John Curtin (ALP) expressed support for White Australia policy: "This country shall remain forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race."
The Parliament of Canada passed the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 to bar all Chinese from coming to Canada with the exception of diplomats, students, and those granted special permission by the Minister of Immigration. Chinese immigration to Canada had already been heavily regulated by the Chinese Immigration Act of 1885 which required Chinese immigrants to pay a fifty dollar fee to enter the country (the fee was increased to one hundred dollars in 1900 and to five hundred dollars in 1903). Groups such as the Asiatic Exclusion League, which had formed in Vancouver, British Columbia on 12 August 1907 under the auspices of the Trades and Labour Council, pressured Parliament to halt Asian immigration. The Exclusion League's stated aim was "to keep Oriental immigrants out of British Columbia." 
The Canadian government also attempted to restrict immigration from India by passing an order-in-council on January 8, 1908, that prohibited immigration of persons who "in the opinion of the Minister of the Interior" did not "come from the country of their birth or citizenship by a continuous journey and or through tickets purchased before leaving their country of their birth or nationality." In practice this applied only to ships that began their voyage in India, as the great distance usually necessitated a stopover in Japan or Hawaii. These regulations came at a time when Canada was accepting massive numbers of immigrants (over 400,000 in 1913 alone – a figure that remains unsurpassed to this day), almost all of whom came from Europe. This piece of legislation has been called the "continuous journey regulation".
The Thule-Society developed out of the "Germanic Order" in 1918, and those who wanted to join the Order in 1917 had to sign a special "blood declaration of faith" concerning the lineage: "The signer hereby swears to the best of his knowledge and belief that no Jewish or coloured blood flows in either his or in his wife's veins, and that among their ancestors are no members of the coloured races." Heinrich Himmler, one of the main perpetrators of the Holocaust, said in a speech in 1937: "The next decades do in fact not mean some struggle of foreign politics which Germany can overcome or not ... but a question of to be or not to be for the white race ... ." As the Nazi ideologist Alfred Rosenberg said on the 29th of May 1938 on the Steckelburg in Schlüchtern: "It is however certain that all of us share the fate of Europe, and that we shall regard this common fate as an obligation, because in the end the very existence of White people depends on the unity of the European continent."
Following the example of anti-Chinese poll taxes enacted by California in 1852 and by Australian states in the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s, John Hall's government passed the Chinese Immigration Act 1881. This imposed a £10 tax per Chinese person entering New Zealand, and permitted only one Chinese immigrant for every 10 tons of cargo. Richard Seddon's government increased the tax to £100 per head in 1896, and tightened the other restriction to only one Chinese immigrant for every 200 tons of cargo.
The Immigration Restriction Act of 1899 prohibited the entry of immigrants who were not of British or Irish parentage and who were unable to fill out an application form in "any European language." The Immigration Restriction Amendment Act of 1920 aimed to further limit Asian immigration into New Zealand by requiring all potential immigrants not of British or Irish parentage to apply in writing for a permit to enter the country. The Minister of Customs had the discretion to determine whether any applicant was "suitable." Prime Minister William Massey asserted that the act was "the result of a deep seated sentiment on the part of a huge majority of the people of this country that this Dominion shall be what is often called a “white” New Zealand."
An interesting case of a well known opponent of non-British and non-European immigration to New Zealand is that of English-born Lionel Terry who, after traveling widely to South Africa, British Columbia and finally New Zealand and publishing a book highly critical of capitalism and Asian immigration, shot and killed an elderly Chinese immigrant in Wellington. Terry was convicted of murder in 1905 and sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to life incarceration in New Zealand psychiatric institutions.
A Department of External Affairs memorandum in 1953 stated: "Our immigration is based firmly on the principle that we are and intend to remain a country of European development. It is inevitably discriminatory against Asians – indeed against all persons who are not wholly of European race and colour. Whereas we have done much to encourage immigration from Europe, we do everything to discourage it from Asia."
In Paraguay, the New Australian Movement founded New Australia, a utopian socialist settlement in 1893. Its founder, William Lane, intended the settlement to be based on a "common-hold" instead of a commonwealth, life marriage, teetotalism, communism and a brotherhood of Anglophone white people and the preservation of the "colour-line." The colony was officially founded as Colonia Nueva Australia and comprised 238 adults and children.
In July 1893, the first ship left Sydney, Australia for Paraguay, where the government was keen to get white settlers, and had offered the group a large area of good land. The settlement had been described as a refuge for misfits, failures and malcontents of the left wing of Australian democracy. Notable Australian individuals who joined the colony included Mary Gilmore, Rose Summerfield and Gilbert Stephen Casey. Summerfield was the mother of León Cadogan, a noted Paraguayan ethnologist.
Due to poor management and a conflict over the prohibition of alcohol, the government of Paraguay eventually dissolved New Australia as a cooperative. Some colonists founded communes elsewhere in Paraguay but others returned to Australia or moved to England. Some 2000 descendants of the New Australia colonists still live in Paraguay.
In South Africa, white nationalism was championed by the National Party starting in 1948, as opposition to apartheid heated up. The Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, 1959 established homelands (sometimes pejoratively referred to as Bantustans) for ten different black African tribes. The ultimate goal of the National Party was to move all Black South Africans into one of these homelands (although they might continue to work in South Africa as "guest workers"), leaving what was left of South Africa (about 87 percent of the land area) with what would then be a White majority, at least on paper. As the homelands were seen by the apartheid government as embryonic independent nations, all Black South Africans were registered as citizens of the homelands, not of the nation as a whole, and were expected to exercise their political rights only in the homelands. Accordingly, the three token parliamentary seats that had been reserved for White representatives of black South Africans in Cape Province were scrapped. The other three provinces – Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and Natal – had never allowed any Black representation.
Coloureds were removed from the Common Roll of Cape Province in 1953. Instead of voting for the same representatives as White South Africans, they could now only vote for four White representatives to speak for them. Later, in 1968, the Coloureds were disenfranchised altogether. In the place of the four parliamentary seats, a partially elected body was set up to advise the government in an amendment to the Separate Representation of Voters Act.
During the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of 'resettlement', to force people to move to their designated "group areas". Millions of people were forced to relocate during this period. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programs, labour tenants on White-owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called 'black spots', areas of Black owned land surrounded by White farms, the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and 'surplus people' from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Cape (which was declared a 'Coloured Labour Preference Area') who were moved to the Transkei and Ciskei homelands. The best-publicised forced removals of the 1950s occurred in Johannesburg, when 60,000 people were moved to the new township of Soweto, an abbreviation for South Western Townships.
Until 1955 Sophiatown had been one of the few urban areas where Blacks were allowed to own land, and was slowly developing into a multiracial slum. As industry in Johannesburg grew, Sophiatown became the home of a rapidly expanding black workforce, as it was convenient and close to town. It could also boast the only swimming pool for Black children in Johannesburg. As one of the oldest black settlements in Johannesburg, Sophiatown held an almost symbolic importance for the 50,000 Blacks it contained, both in terms of its sheer vibrancy and its unique culture. Despite a vigorous ANC protest campaign and worldwide publicity, the removal of Sophiatown began on 9 February 1955 under the Western Areas Removal Scheme. In the early hours, heavily armed police entered Sophiatown to force residents out of their homes and load their belongings onto government trucks. The residents were taken to a large tract of land, thirteen miles (19 km) from the city center, known as Meadowlands (that the government had purchased in 1953). Meadowlands became part of a new planned Black city called Soweto. The Sophiatown slum was destroyed by bulldozers, and a new White suburb named Triomf (Triumph) was built in its place. This pattern of forced removal and destruction was to repeat itself over the next few years, and was not limited to people of African descent. Forced removals from areas like Cato Manor (Mkhumbane) in Durban, and District Six in Cape Town, where 55,000 coloured and Indian people were forced to move to new townships on the Cape Flats, were carried out under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Ultimately, nearly 600,000 coloured, Indian and Chinese people were moved in terms of the Group Areas Act. Some 40,000 White people were also forced to move when land was transferred from "White South Africa" into the Black homelands.
Before South Africa became a republic, politics among White South Africans was typified by the division between the chiefly Afrikaner pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments, with the legacy of the Boer War still a factor for some people. Once republican status was attained, Hendrik Verwoerd called for improved relations and greater accord between those of British descent and the Afrikaners. He claimed that the only difference now was between those who supported apartheid and those in opposition to it. The ethnic divide would no longer be between Afrikaans speakers and English speakers, but rather White and Black ethnicities. Most Afrikaners supported the notion of unanimity of White people to ensure their safety. White voters of British descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority "no" vote in Natal. Later, however, some of them recognized the perceived need for White unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonization elsewhere in Africa, which left them apprehensive. Harold Macmillan's "Wind of Change" pronouncement left the British faction feeling that Britain had abandoned them. The more conservative English-speakers gave support to Verwoerd; others were troubled by the severing of ties with Britain and remained loyal to the Crown. They were acutely displeased at the choice between British and South African nationality. Although Verwoerd tried to bond these different blocs, the subsequent ballot illustrated only a minor swell of support, indicating that a great many English speakers remained apathetic and that Verwoerd had not succeeded in uniting the White population.
The Black Homeland Citizenship Act of 1970 was a denaturalization law passed during the apartheid era of South Africa that changed the status of the inhabitants of the Bantustans (Black homelands) so that they were no longer citizens of South Africa. The aim was to ensure that white South Africans came to make up the majority of the de jure population.
The Naturalization Act of 1790 (1 Stat. 103) provided the first rules to be followed by the U.S. government in granting national citizenship. This law limited naturalization to immigrants who were "free white persons" of "good moral character." Major changes to this racial requirement for U.S. citizenship did not occur until the years following the Civil War. In 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment was passed to grant citizenship to Blacks born within the United States, but it specifically excluded untaxed Indians, as they were separate nations. However, citizenship for other non-Whites born in the United States was not settled until 1898 with United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, which concluded with an important precedent in its interpretation of the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This racial definition of American citizenship has had consequences for perceptions of American identity.
Throughout the 19th and early 20th century, racial definitions of the American nation were still common, resulting in race-specific immigration restrictions, such as the Chinese Exclusion Act. This particular brand of American nativism allowed even more recent European newcomers, such as the Irish, to unite with founding stock White Americans to halt non-European immigration. Groups such as the Asiatic Exclusion League, formed on 14 May 1905 in San Francisco, California by 67 labor unions and supported by labor leaders (and European immigrants) Patrick Henry McCarthy of the Building Trades Council of San Francisco, Andrew Furuseth and Walter McCarthy of the Sailor's Union, attempted to influence legislation restricting Asian immigration.
Following the defeat of the Confederacy, the Ku Klux Klan came into being as an insurgent group with the goal of maintaining the Southern racial system throughout the Reconstruction Era. Although the first appearance of the Klan was focused on maintaining the Antebellum South, its second incarnation in the 1915-1940's period was much more oriented towards white nationalism and American nativism with slogans such as "One Hundred Percent Americanism" and "America for Americans" where "Americans" were understood to be White and Protestant. The 1915 film Birth of a Nation is an example of an allegorical invocation of white nationalism during this time and its positive portrayal of the Ku Klux Klan is considered to be one of the factors in the emergence of the second Klan. This second Klan was founded in Atlanta, Georgia in 1915 and starting in 1921 it adopted a modern business system of recruiting. The organization grew rapidly nationwide at a time of prosperity. Reflecting the social tensions of urban industrialization and vastly increased immigration, its membership grew most rapidly in cities and spread out of the South to the Midwest and West. The second KKK called for strict morality and better enforcement of prohibition. Its official rhetoric focused on the threat of the Catholic Church, using anti-Catholicism and nativism. Some local groups took part in attacks on private houses and carried out other violent activities. The violent episodes were generally in the South.
The second Klan was a formal fraternal organization, with a national and state structure. At its peak in the mid-1920s, the organization claimed to include about 15% of the nation's eligible population, approximately 4–5 million men. Internal divisions, criminal behavior by leaders, and external opposition brought about a collapse in membership, which had dropped to about 30,000 by 1930. It finally faded away in the 1940s.
Starting in the 1960s, white nationalism grew in the United States as the conservative movement developed in mainstream society. Samuel P. Huntington argues that it developed as a reaction to a perceived decline in the essence of American identity as European, Anglo-Protestant and English-speaking.
The slogan "white power" was coined by American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell, who used the term in a debate with Stokely Carmichael of the Black Panther Party after Carmichael issued a call for "black power". Rockwell advocated a return to White control of all American institutions and violently opposed any minority advancement into White society. However, Rockwell was never an advocate for a separatist white nation-state.
Anti-racist organizations generally have argued that ideas such as white pride and white nationalism exist merely to provide a sanitized public face for white supremacy. Kofi Buenor Hadjor argues that black nationalism is a response to racial discrimination, while white nationalism is the expression of white supremacy. Other critics have described white nationalism as a "...somewhat paranoid ideology" based upon the publication of pseudo-academic studies.
Carol M. Swain argues that the unstated goal of white nationalism is to appeal to a larger audience, and that most white nationalist groups promote white separatism and racial violence. Opponents accuse white nationalists of hatred, racial bigotry and destructive identity politics. White supremacist groups have a history of perpetrating hate crimes, particularly against people of Jewish or African descent. Examples include the lynching of black people by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK).
Some critics argue that white nationalists — while posturing as civil rights groups advocating the interests of their racial group — frequently draw on the nativist traditions of the KKK and the British National Front. Critics have noted the anti-semitic rhetoric used by white nationalists, as highlighted by the promotion of conspiracy theories such as Zionist Occupation Government.
- American Third Position Party
- Aryan Guard
- Aryan Nations
- Australia First Party
- Australian Protectionist Party
- National Front (United Kingdom)
- British National Party
- British People's Party
- Canadian Heritage Alliance
- Creativity Alliance
- Creativity Movement
- Council of Conservative Citizens
- American Front
- European-American Unity and Rights Organization
- Heathen Front
- National Alliance (United States)
- National Vanguard
- Nationalist Alliance
- Nationalist Party of Canada
- Nazi Party (Germany)
- Patriotic Youth League
- Swedish Resistance Movement
- White Aryan Resistance
- White Nationalist Party
- Virginia Abernethy
- Gordon Lee Baum
- Louis Beam
- Don Black
- Thomas W. Chittum
- Craig Cobb
- Harold Covington
- Ian Stuart Donaldson
- David Duke
- James Edwards
- Matthew F. Hale
- Hinton Rowan Helper
- Seppo Lehto
- Adolf Hitler
- William Daniel Johnson
- Alex Linder
- Kevin B. Macdonald
- Tom Metzger
- Merlin Miller
- William Luther Pierce
- Thomas Robb
- Edgar Steele
- Kevin Alfred Strom
- Tomislav Sunić
- Jared Taylor
- Eugène Terre'Blanche
- Black nationalism
- Ethnic nationalism
- Know Nothing
- The Passing of the Great Race
- List of organizations designated by the Southern Poverty Law Center as hate groups
- List of white nationalist organizations
- White separatism
- Can Nationalism studies and ethnic, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies July 1, 2004
- "Patriotism in Black and White", The American Prospect (January 13, 2003)
- In its darkness, 'Kong' shows the human heart. Newsday (New York: December 15, 2005)
- "The Hispanic challenge", Foreign Policy (March 1, 2004)
- "White Nationalists Seek Respectability in Meeting of 'Uptown Bad Guys'", Newhouse News Service (April 4, 2000)
- Despite new leaders, and with them new tactics and new ideas, the goal of white separatists remains to convince Americans that racial separation is the only way to survive. National Public Radio (August 14, 2003)
- Dating the White Way Newsweek August 9, 2004
- The World's Religions: Continuities and Transformations. Taylor & Francis. Retrieved 2011–03–27. "A competing atheistic or panthestic white racist movement also appeared, which included the Church of the Creator/ Creativity (Gardell 2003: 129–134)."
- Mark Potok and Heidi Beirich (Summer 2006). "Schism Threatens White Nationalist Group". Intelligence Report. Retrieved July 20, 2010.
- "Racism colors judicial bid: Candidate Bill Johnson advocates deportation of ‘non-whites’".
- Kendall, Timothy. "Within China's Orbit: China through the eyes of the Australian Parliament". Australian Parliamentary Library. Retrieved 24 October 2011.
- "Policy Launch Speech: Stanley Bruce, Prime Minister" (PDF). Melbourne: The Age. 26 October 1925. p. 11. Archived from the original on 2006. Retrieved 24 January 2008.[dead link]
- Bowen, James; Bowen, Margarita (2002). The Great Barrier Reef: History, Science, Heritage. Cambridge University Press. p. 301. ISBN 0-521-82430-3. Retrieved 24 January 2008.
- "Abolition of the 'White Australia' Policy". Australian Department of Immigration. Retrieved 14 June 2006.
- Vancouver News-Advertiser, 7 September 1907.
- Rudolf von Sebottendorff, Bevor Hitler kam, 1933, page 42 (original: "Blutbekenntnis": "Unterzeichner versichert nach bestem Wissen und Gewissen, daß in seinen und seiner Frau Adern kein jüdisches oder farbiges Blut fließe und daß sich unter den Vorfahren auch keine Angehörigen der farbigen Rassen befinden.")
- "Die nächsten Jahrzehnte bedeuten nicht etwa irgendeine Auseinandersetzung außenpolitischer Art, die Deutschland bestehen kann oder nicht bestehen kann, sondern ... sie bedeuten das Sein oder Nichtsein des weißen Menschen, ... .", Sammelheft ausgewählter Vorträge und Reden (Collection of chosen Talks and Speeches), Franz Eher Nachfolger (main Nazi publishing house), Berlin, 1939, p. 145, "Wesen und Aufgabe der SS und der Polizei, 1937" (Nature and Purpose of the SS and the Police, 1937).
- "Trotzdem aber bleibt bestehen, daß wir alle unter dem gleichen Schicksal Europas stehen, und daß wir dieses gemeinsame Schicksal als Verpflichtung empfinden müssen, weil am Ende die Existenz des weißen Menschen überhaupt von dieser Einheit des europäischen Kontinents abhängt." Feier anläßlich des 450. Geburtstages von Hutten, 29.5.1938
- New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, 14 September 1920, p. 905.
- Quoted in Stuart William Greif, ed., Immigration and national identity in New Zealand: one people, two peoples, many peoples? Palmerston North: Dunmore, 1995, p. 39.
- "Cosme and New Australia colonies". National Library of Australia. Retrieved 2006-07-27.
- Australian Encyclopaedia Volume 2, p 191, Angus and Robertson Limited, 1926
- Eric Campbell (September 26, 2006). "Paraguay Aussies". Final Story, Series 16, Episode 12 (ABC Television).
- Paraguay Aussies - Peru. Journeyman Pictures / ABC. September 26, 2006.
- Apartheid-era party is ending its existence, The International Herald Tribune August 9, 2004
- Kani explores a post-apartheid world on stage. ABC Transcripts (Australia: May 11, 2005)
- Western, J (June 2002). "A divided city: Cape Town". Political Geography 21 (5): 711–716. doi:10.1016/S0962-6298(02)00016-1
- "From the Western Areas to Soweto: forced removals". Archived from the original on 17 January 2008. Retrieved 7 January 2008.
- "Toby Street Blues". Time Magazine. 21 February 1955
- Mandela, Nelson. p. 179. Missing or empty
- Muller (1975), p. 508.
- Booth, Douglas (1998). The race game: sport and politics in South Africa. Routledge. p. 89.
- Thompson, Paul Singer (1990). Natalians first: separatism in South Africa, 1909–1961. Southern Book Publishers. p. 167.
- Joyce, Peter (2007). The making of a nation: South Africa's road to freedom. Zebra. p. 118.
- Suzman, Helen (1993). In no uncertain terms: a South African memoir. Knopf. p. 35.
- Keppel-Jones, Arthur (1975). South Africa: a short history. Hutchinson. p. 132.
- Lacour-Gayet, Robert (1977). A history of South Africa. Cassell. p. 311.
- Thomas R. Pegram, One Hundred Percent American: The Rebirth and Decline of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s (2011), pp. 47-88.
- Jackson, Kenneth T. (1967; 1992 edition). The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915–1930. Oxford University Press.
- Lay, Shawn. "Ku Klux Klan in the Twentieth Century". The New Georgia Encyclopedia. Coker College.
- "Black Politics are in a Black Hole", Newsday (New York, January 14, 2005)
- "Bush and Kerry Show Opposing Faces of Two Different Americas. Business Day (South Africa: October 21, 2004)
- Moriz, Justin J. "Case 45: 'White Pride' vs. U.S. Patents and Trademarks Office". Adversity.net for Victims of Reverse Discrimination. 2005. Retrieved September 10, 2006.
- Hadjor, Kofi Buenor (1995). Another America: The Politics of Race and Blame. Haymarket Books. p. 100. ISBN 1-931859-34-5.
- Caliendo, S.M & McIllwan, C.D. (2011). The Routledge Companion to Race and Ethnicity. Taylor & Francis. pp. 233–235.
- Swain, Carol M. (2002). The New White Nationalism in America: Its Challenge to Integration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 16. ISBN 0-521-80886-3.
- McConnell, Scott (August/September 2002). "The New White Nationalism in America". First Things.
- Wise, Tim, "Making Nice With Racists: David Horowitz and The Soft Pedaling Of White Supremacy", Znet (December 16, 2002)
- Swain, C.M., The New White Nationalism in America: Its Challenge to Integration (Cambridge University Press, 2002) pp. 114-117
- "BNP: A party on the fringe". BBC News. August 24, 2001. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- Boler, M., Digital Media and Democracy: Tactics in Hard Times, (MIT Press, 2008) pp. 440-443.
- "Council of Conservative Citizens". Anti-Defamation League. 2005. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- "Nazis, racists join Minuteman Project". Southern Poverty Law Center. April 22, 2005. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- "National Alliance". Anti-Defamation League. 2005. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- "Anti-Immigration Groups". Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- "White Nationalism". Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- "New Century Foundation (American Renaissance)". Anti-Defamation League. 2005. Retrieved 2008-02-14.
- Josey, Charles Conant (1983 ). The Philosophy of Nationalism. Washington, DC: Cliveden Press. ISBN 1-878465-10-4.
- Levin, Michael E. (1997). Why Race Matters: Race Differences and What They Mean. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-95789-6.
- McDaniel, George (ed.) (2003). A Race Against Time: Racial Heresies for the 21st Century. Oakton, VA: New Century Foundation.
- Ankerl, Guy (2000). Coexisting Contemporary Civilizations,. Geneva, INUPRESS. pp. 150–156. ISBN 0-9656383-2-4.
- Robertson, Wilmot (1981). The Dispossessed Majority. Cape Canaveral, FL: Howard Allen. ISBN 0-914576-15-1.
- Robertson, Wilmot (1993). The Ethnostate. Cape Canaveral, FL: Howard Allen. ISBN 0-914576-22-4.
- Swain, Carol M. (2003). Contemporary Voices of White Nationalism in America. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. pp. 312 pages. ISBN 0-521-01693-2.