I Ching

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I Ching
Classic of Changes
I Ching Song Dynasty print.jpg
The I Ching
Author Fu Xi (trad.)
Country China
Media type Book
I Ching
Chinese name
Traditional Chinese
Simplified Chinese
Hanyu Pinyin Yìjīng
Literal meaning "Classic of Changes"
Korean name
Hangul 역경
Japanese name
Hiragana えききょう

The I Ching, also known as the Classic of Changes, Book of Changes, Zhouyi and Yijing, is one of the oldest of the Chinese classic texts.[1] The book contains a divination system comparable to Western geomancy or the West African Ifá system; in Western cultures and modern East Asia, it is still widely used for this purpose.

Traditionally, the I Ching and its hexagrams were thought to pre-date recorded history, and based on traditional Chinese accounts, its origins trace back to the 3rd and 2nd millennia BCE. Modern scholarship suggests that the earliest layers of the text may date from the end of the 2nd millennium BCE, but place doubts on the mythological aspects in the traditional accounts.[2] Some consider the I Ching the oldest extant book of divination, dating from 1,000 BCE and before.[3] The oldest manuscript that has been found, albeit incomplete, dates back to the Warring States period (475–221 BCE).[4]

During the Warring States Period, the text was re-interpreted as a system of cosmology and philosophy that subsequently became intrinsic to Chinese culture. It centered on the ideas of the dynamic balance of opposites, the evolution of events as a process, and acceptance of the inevitability of change.

The standard text originated from the Old Text version (古文經) transmitted by Fei Zhi (费直, c. 50 BCE-10 CE) of the Han Dynasty, which survived Qin’s book-burning. During the Han Dynasty this version competed with the bowdlerised new text (今文經) version transmitted by Tian He at the beginning of the Western Han. However, by the time of the Tang Dynasty the Old Text version became accepted as standard.

The divination text: Zhou yi[edit]

Oracle turtle shell

The text of the I Ching has its origins in a Western Zhou divination text called the Changes of Zhou or Zhou yi (Chinese: 周易; pinyin: Zhōuyì).[5] The Zhou yi, probably grounded in even older Shang dynasty analysis of oracle bones, contains references to events as early as 1070 BC.[6] According to Daniel Woolf, the I Ching reached a "definitive form" at the end of the 2nd millennium BCE,[7] and Richard Joseph Smith states that it had developed into something like its current form prior to 800 BC.[8] Recently discovered bamboo and wooden slips show that the Zhou yi still contained variations as late as the Spring and Autumn period.[8] It is possible that other divination systems existed at this time; the Rites of Zhou name two such systems, the Lianshan and the Guizang.[9]

Name and origins[edit]

The name Zhou yi means a book of "changes" (Chinese: ; pinyin: ) used during the Zhou dynasty. Medieval commentaries proposed that the word for "changes" could also mean "easy", as in a form of divination easier than the oracle bones, but there is no evidence for this. There is also a folk etymology that sees the character for "changes" as containing the sun and moon, the cycle of the day. In fact, the character is derived from an image of the sun emerging from clouds.[10]

The Zhou yi is attributed to the legendary world ruler Fu Xi. According to the canonical Great Commentary, Fu Xi, who lived around 2800 BC, observed the patterns of the world and created the eight trigrams (Chinese: 八卦; pinyin: bāguà), "in order to become thoroughly conversant with the numinous and bright and to classify the myriad things." The Zhou yi does not contain this legend and indeed says nothing about its own origins.[11] In later eras, the Great Commentary's story developed into a theory that attributed the text to the joint work of Fu Xi, King Wen of Zhou, the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius.[12]


The basic unit of the Zhou yi is the hexagram (卦 guà), a figure composed of six stacked horizontal lines (爻 yáo). Each line is either broken or unbroken. The received text of the Zhou yi contains all 64 possible hexagrams, along with the hexagram's name (卦名 guàmíng), a short hexagram statement (彖 tuàn),[note 1] and six line statements (爻辭 yáocí). The statements were used to determine the results of divination, but the reasons for having two different methods of reading the hexagram are not known, and it is not known why hexagram statements would be read over line statements or vice versa.[13] The book opens with the first hexagram statement, yuán hēng lì zhēn (元亨利貞). These four words, translated by James Legge as "originating and penetrating, advantageous and firm," are often repeated in the hexagram statements and were already considered an important part of I Ching interpretation in the 6th century BC.[14]

The names of the hexagrams, which might be deemed "tags", are usually words that appears in their respective line statements, but in five cases (2, 9, 26, 61, and 63) an unrelated character of unclear purpose. The names were most likely picked out of the line statements arbitrarily.[15] The line statements, which make up most of the book, are exceedingly cryptic. Each line begins with a word indicating the line number, "base, 2, 3, 4, 5, top", and either the number 6 for a broken line, or the number 9 for a whole line. Hexagrams 1 and 2 have an extra line statement, named yong.[16] Following the line number, the line statements fall into the categories of oracle, indication, prognostic or observation; each statement usually has two or three of these elements, and sometimes one or none.[17]


A bunch of 50 yarrow Achillea millefolium subsp. m. var. millefolium stalks, used for I Ching divination.

The earliest use of the Zhou yi was to perform divination with the stalks of the yarrow plant, but it is not known how this divination was originally carried out, or how specific lines were chosen.[18] Some sort of numerology was involved, with 6 and 8 designating broken lines, and 7 and 9 designating solid lines. The Great Commentary contains a late classic description of a process where various numerological operations are performed on a bundle of 50 stalks, leaving remainders of 6 to 9.[19]

The Zuo Zhuan and Guoyu contain the oldest descriptions of divination using the Zhou yi. The two histories, considered generally reliable today, describe more than twenty successful divinations conducted by professional soothsayers for royal families between 671 BC and 487 BC. The method of divination is not explained, and none of the stories employ predetermined commentaries, patterns, or interpretations. Only the hexagrams and line statements are used.[20] The authority of the Zhou yi was also cited for rhetorical purposes, without relation to any stated divination.[21]

In the Zuo Zhuan stories, individual lines of hexagrams are denoted by using the genitive particle zhi, followed by the name of another hexagram where that specific line had another form. In later years, the word zhi was interpreted as a verb meaning "moving to", an apparent indication that hexagrams could be transformed into other hexagrams. However, there are no instances of "changeable lines" in the Zuo Zhuan. In all 12 out of 12 line divinations quoted, the original hexagrams are used to produce the oracle.[22]

The classic: I Ching[edit]

In 136 BC, Emperor Wu of Han named the Zhou yi "the first among the classics", dubbing it the Classic of Changes or I Ching (Chinese: 易経; pinyin: Yìjīng). Emperor Wu's placement of the I Ching among the Four Books and Five Classics was informed by a broad span of cultural influences that included Confucianism, Daoism, Legalism, yin-yang cosmology, and Wu Xing physical theory.[23] The canonized I Ching became the standard text for over two thousand years, until alternate versions of the Zhou yi were found by archaeologists in the 20th century.[24]

Ten Wings[edit]

Part of the canonization of the Zhou yi bound it to a set of ten commentaries called the Ten Wings. The Ten Wings are of a much later provenance than the Zhou yi, and are the production of a different society. The Zhou yi was written in Early Old Chinese, while the Ten Wings were written in a predecessor to Middle Chinese.[25] Regardless of their historical relation to the text, the philosophical depth of the Ten Wings made the I Ching a perfect fit to Han period Confucian scholarship.[26]

Arguably the most important of the Ten Wings is the Great Commentary (Dazhuan), which dates to roughly 300 BC. The Great Commentary describes the I Ching as a microcosm of the universe and a symbolic description of the processes of change. By partaking in the spiritual experience of the I Ching, the Great Commentary states, the individual can understand the deeper patterns of the universe.[19] The other Wings provide different perspectives on essentially the same viewpoint, giving ancient, cosmic authority to the I Ching.[27]

The Ten Wings are attributed to Confucius. While there is little evidence for this, the association of the I Ching with Confucius bolstered interest in the text throughout the Han dynasty.[19] The I Ching was not included in the burning of the Confucian classics, and textual evidence strongly suggests that Confucius did not consider the Zhou yi a "classic". An ancient commentary on the Zhou yi found at Mawangdui portrays Confucius as endorsing it as a source of wisdom first and an imperfect divination text second.[28]


In the canonical I Ching, the hexagrams are arranged in an order dubbed the King Wen sequence after King Wen of Zhou, who founded the Zhou dynasty and supposedly reformed the method of interpretation. The sequence generally pair hexagrams with their upside-down equivalents, although in eight cases hexagrams are paired with their inversion.[29] Another order, found at Mawangdui in 1973, arranges the hexagrams into eight groups sharing the same upper trigram. Whichever of these arrangements is older, it is not evident that the order of the hexagrams was of interest to the original authors of the Zhou yi. The assignment of numbers, binary or decimal, to specific hexagrams is a modern invention.[30]

The following table numbers the hexagrams in King Wen order.

乾 (qián)
坤 (kūn)
屯 (zhūn)
蒙 (méng)
需 (xū)
訟 (sòng)
師 (shī)
比 (bǐ)
小畜 (xiǎo chù)
履 (lǚ)
泰 (tài
否 (pǐ)
同人 (tóng rén)
大有 (dà yǒu)
謙 (qiān)
豫 (yù)
隨 (suí)
蠱 (gŭ)
臨 (lín)
觀 (guān)
噬嗑 (shì kè)
賁 (bì)
剝 (bō)
復 (fù)
無妄 (wú wàng)
大畜 (dà chù)
頤 (yí)
大過 (dà guò)
坎 (kǎn)
離 (lí)
咸 (xián)
恆 (héng)
遯 (dùn)
大壯 (dà zhuàng)
晉 (jìn)
明夷 (míng yí)
家人 (jiā rén)
睽 (kuí)
蹇 (jiǎn)
解 (xiè)
損 (sǔn)
益 (yì)
夬 (guài)
姤 (gòu)
萃 (cuì)
升 (shēng)
困 (kùn)
井 (jǐng)
革 (gé)
鼎 (dǐng)
震 (zhèn)
艮 (gèn)
漸 (jiàn)
歸妹 (guī mèi)
豐 (fēng)
旅 (lǚ)
巽 (xùn)
兌 (duì)
渙 (huàn)
節 (jié)
中孚 (zhōng fú)
小過 (xiǎo guò)
既濟 (jì jì)
未濟 (wèi jì)


Han and Six Dynasties[edit]

During the Han dynasty, I Ching interpretation divided into two schools, originating in a dispute over minor differences between older and newer editions of the received text.[31] New Text criticism, more egalitarian and eclectic, sought to find symbolic and numerological parallels between the natural world and the hexagrams. Their commentaries provided the basis of the School of Images and Numbers. Old Text criticism, more scholarly and hierarchical, focused on the moral content of the text, providing the basis for the School of Meanings and Principles.[32] The New Text scholars freely integrated non-canonical commentaries into their work, as well as propagating alternate systems of divination such as the Taixuanjing.[33] Most of this early commentary, such as the image and number work of Jing Fang, Yu Fan and Xun Shuang, is no longer extant.[34]

With the fall of the Han, I Ching scholarship was no longer organized into systematic schools. The most influential writer of this period was Wang Bi, who integrated the philosophy of the Ten Wings directly into the central text of the I Ching, creating such a persuasive narrative that Han commentators were no longer considered significant. A century later Han Kangbo added commentaries on the Ten Wings to Wang Bi's book, creating a text called the Zhouyi zhu. The principal rival interpretation was a practical text on divination by the soothsayer Guan Lu.[35]

Tang and Song dynasties[edit]

At the beginning of the Tang dynasty, Kong Yingda was tasked with creating a canonical edition of the I Ching. Choosing the third-century Zhouyi zhu as the official commentary, he added to it a subcommentary drawing out the subtler levels of Wang Bi's explanations. The resulting work, the Zhouyi zhengi, became the standard edition of the I Ching through the Song dynasty.[36] By the 11th century, the I Ching was being read as a work of intricate philosophy, as a jumping-off point for examining great metaphysical questions and ethical issues.[37] Cheng Yi, patriarch of the Neo-Confucian Cheng-Zhu school, read the I Ching as a guide to moral perfection.[38]


Zhu Xi rejected both of the Han dynasty lines of commentary on the I Ching, proposing that the text was a work of divination, not philosophy. However, he still considered it useful for understanding the moral practices of the ancients, called "rectification of the mind" in the Great Learning. Zhu Xi’s reconstruction of I Ching yarrow stalk divination, based in part on the Great Commentary account, became the standard form and is still in use today.[39]

As China entered the early modern period, the I Ching took on renewed relevance in both Confucian and Daoist study. The Kangxi Emperor was especially fond of the I Ching and ordered new interpretations of it.[40]

Korean and Japanese[edit]

In 1557, the Korean Yi Hwang produced one of the most influential I Ching studies of the early modern era, claiming that the spirit was a principle (li) and not a material force (qi). Hwang accused the Neo-Confucian school of having misread Zhu Xi. His critique proved influential not only in Korea but also in Japan.[41] Other than this contribution, the I Ching was not central to the development of Korean Confucianism, and by the 19th century, I Ching studies were integrated into the silhak reform movement. [42]

In medieval Japan, secret teachings on the I Ching were publicized by Rinzai Zen master Kokan Shiren and the Shintoist Yoshida Kanetomo.[43] I Ching studies in Japan took on new importance in the Edo period, during which over 1,000 books were published on the subject by over 400 authors. The majority of these books were serious works of philology, reconstructing ancient usages and commentaries for practical purposes. A sizable minority focused on numerology, symbolism, and divination.[44] During this time, over 150 editions of earlier Chinese commentaries were reprinted in Japan, including several texts that had become lost in China.[45] In the early Edo period, writers such as Itō Jinsai, Kumazawa Banzan, and Nakae Toju ranked the I Ching the greatest of the Confucian classics.[46] Many writers attempted to use the I Ching to explain Western science in a Japanese framework. One writer, Shizuki Tadao, even attempted to employ Newtonian mechanics and the Copernican principle within an I Ching cosmology.[47] This line of argument was later taken up in China by Zhang Zhidong.[48]

Early European[edit]

Leibniz, who was corresponding with Jesuits in China, wrote the first commentary on the I Ching in 1703, arguing that it proved the universality of binary numbers and theism, since the broken lines, the "0" or "nothingness", cannot become solid lines, the "1" or "oneness", without the intervention of God.[49] This was criticized by Hegel, who proclaimed that binary system and Chinese characters were "empty forms" that could not articulate spoken words with the clarity of the Western alphabet.[50] In their discussion, I Ching hexagrams and Chinese characters were conflated into a single foreign idea, sparking a dialogue on Western philosophical questions such as universality and the nature of communication. In the 20th century, Jacques Derrida identified Hegel's argument as logocentric, but accepted without question Hegel's premise that the Chinese language cannot express philosophical ideas.[51]


After the Xinhai Revolution, the I Ching lost its canonical status in China, but it maintained cultural influence as China's most ancient text. Borrowing back from Leibniz, Chinese writers offered parallels between the I Ching and subjects such as linear algebra and logic in computer science, aiming to demonstrate that ancient Chinese cosmology had anticipated Western discoveries.[52] The psychologist Carl Jung took interest in the possible universal nature of the imagery of the I Ching, and he introduced an influential German translation by Richard Wilhelm by discussing his theories of archetypes and synchronicity.[53]


Main article: I Ching divination

The I Ching remains a widely used divination text today. One quite common form is yarrow stalk divination, as described in China's most ancient histories and in the 300 BC Great Commentary. From the Great Commentary's description, the Neo-Confucian Zhu Xi reconstructed a method of yarrow stalk divination that is still used throughout the Far East. In the modern period, Gao Heng attempted his own reconstruction, which varies from Zhu Xi in places.[19]

Another divination method, employing coins, had become common by the 18th century.[54]


The flag of South Korea, with Taegeuk in the centre with four trigrams representing Heaven, Water, Earth, and Fire (beginning top left and proceeding clockwise).
The flag of the Empire of Vietnam used Trigram Li – Fire.
The flag of South Vietnam used Trigram Qián - Heaven.
Main article: I Ching's influence

The I Ching has influenced countless Chinese philosophers, artists and even businesspeople throughout history. In more recent times, several Western artists and thinkers have used it in fields as diverse as psychoanalysis, music, film, drama, dance, eschatology, and fiction writing.

Use in national flags[edit]

The Flag of South Korea contains the Taiji symbol, or tàijítú, (yin and yang in dynamic balance, called taegeuk in Korean), representing the origin of all things in the universe. The taegeuk is surrounded by four of the eight trigrams, starting from top left and going clockwise: Heaven, Water, Earth, Fire. In addition, the Republic of Korea Air Force aircraft roundel incorporates the Taiji in conjunction with the trigrams representing Heaven.

The flag of the Empire of Vietnam used the Li (Fire) trigram and was known as cờ quẻ Ly (Li trigram flag) because the trigram represents South. Its successor the Republic of Vietnam connected the middle lines, turning it into the Qián (Heaven) trigram. (see Flag of the Republic of Vietnam).


There are hundreds of translations of the I Ching into English alone, to say nothing of translations and commentaries into almost every language of the world.[55] The following is only a selection.

  • Anthony, Carol K. and Moog, Hanna. (2002). I Ching: The Oracle of the Cosmic Way. Stow, MA: Anthony Publishing Company, Inc., ISBN 1-890764-00-0.
  • Balkin, Jack M. (2002). The Laws of Change: I Ching and the Philosophy of Life. New York: Schocken Books. ISBN 0-8052-4199-X.
  • Barrett, Hilary. (2010). Walking your path, creating your future. London: Arcturus Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-84837-453-9.
  • Benson, Robert G. (2003). I Ching for a New Age: The Book of Answers for Changing Times. New York: Square One Publishers.
  • Blofeld, J. (1965). The Book of Changes: A New Translation of the Ancient Chinese I Ching. New York: E. P. Dutton.
  • Cornelius, J. Edward and Cornelius, Marlene (1998). Yî King: A Beastly Book of Changes, Red Flame: A Thelemic Research Journal, Issue 5. Aleister Crowley's notes and comments.
  • Huang, Alfred (1998). The Complete I Ching: the Definitive Translation From the Taoist Master Alfred Huang. Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions.
  • Hua-Ching Ni (2nd ed. 1999). I Ching: The Book of Changes and the Unchanging Truth. Los Angeles: Seven Star Communications.
  • Karcher, Stephen (2002). I Ching: The Classic Chinese Oracle of Change: The First Complete Translation with Concordance. London: Vega Books. ISBN 1-84333-003-2. Multiple alternative translations.
  • Legge, James (1964). I Ching: Book of Changes, With introduction and study guide by Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai. New York: Citadel Press. Reprint of 1899 century translation. A "highly literal" translation which reflected 19th-century Chinese interpretations and remained the "standard English language version until the mid-twentieth century." [56] PDF (18.5 MB)
  • Lynn, Richard J. (1994). The Classic of Changes, A New Translation of the I Ching as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-08294-0.
  • McClatchie, Thomas (1876). A Translation of the Confucian Yi-king. Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press.
  • Pearson, Margaret (2011). The Original I Ching: An Authentic Translation of the Book of Changes. Rutland, VT: Tuttle Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8048-4181-8. Removes gender-based yin/yang abstractions added by later Chinese commentators that do not exist in the original.
  • Ritsema, Rudolf and Karcher, Stephen (1994). I Ching: The Classic Chinese Oracle of Change: The First Complete Translation with Concordance. Shaftesbury, Dorset, Element.
  • Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1996). I Ching, The Classic of Changes. Ballantine. New York: ISBN 0-345-36243-8. First English translation of the Mawangdui texts (c. 200 BCE).
  • Wilhelm, Richard and Baynes, Cary (1967). The I Ching or Book of Changes, With foreword by Carl Jung. 3rd. ed., Bollingen Series XIX. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press (1st ed. 1950). Very well respected.
  • Wu Wei (revised 2005). I Ching, The Book Of Answers. Malibu, CA: Power Press. ISBN 0-943015-41-3.
  • Cheng Yi (1988, 2003). I Ching: The Book of Change, Trans. by Thomas Cleary. Boston, London: Shambhala Publications. ISBN 1-59030-015-7.
  • Régis, P. Jean-Baptiste (1736). Y-King: Antiquissimus Sinarum Liber quem ex Latina Interpretatione. Stuttgart, Tübingen: Cotta, 1834, 1839.
Other languages
  • Bashar Abdulah's first Arabic translation [4] of the Chinese most important philosophical book "Book of Changes" or ICHING, by Dar Fadaat Publishing House, Amman Jordan, 2008. ISBN 978-9957-30-043-2

See also[edit]


  1. ^ The word tuan (彖) refers to a four-legged animal similar to a pig. It is not known why this word was used, and it is possible that it is a homonym for an unknown word. The modern word for a hexagram statement is guàcí (卦辭). (Rutt 1996, pp. 122–3)


  1. ^ Wilhelm, R. I Ching Introduction. English translation by Cary F. Baynes; HTML edition by Dan Baruth. Retrieved on: January 20, 2008.
  2. ^ Clark, Peter Bernard (2006). Encyclopedia of new religious movements. Psychology Press. p. 290. ISBN 0-415-26707-2. "I Ching was discovered and written down by a series of legendary culture heroes, Fu Hsi, King Wen...towards the end of the second millennium BCE, with commentaries later added by Confucius (551–479 BCE). Modern sinological scholarship suggests that the earliest layers of the text may indeed date from this period and that they did subsequently receive a Confucian reinterpretation. However, there is no evidence that any of the above mentioned culture heroes or sages had anything directly to do with it." 
  3. ^ Steininger, Hans (1971). Bleeker, C. J. and G. Widengren, ed. Historia Religionum, Volume 2 Religions of the Present. Brill Academic Publishers. p. 478. ISBN 90-04-02598-7. "Most probably the oldest extant book of divination in the world, dating back to 1,000 B.C. and before." 
  4. ^ Balkin, J. M. (2002). The laws of change: I ching and the philosophy of life. Schocken Books. p. 84. ISBN 0-8052-4199-X. 
  5. ^ Marshall 2001, p. 3-7; Smith 2012, p. 22; Nelson 2011, p. 377; Hon 2005, p. 2; Shaugnessy 1983, p. 105.
  6. ^ Marshall 2001, p. 50-66.
  7. ^ Woolf, Daniel (2011). A Global History of History. Cambridge University Press. p. 55. ISBN 0521875757. "Significant Chinese thinking about the past can be traced back to ancient canonical text such as the Yijing (or I Ching, 'Book of Changes'), which reached a definitive form about the end of the second millennium BC." 
  8. ^ a b Smith 2012, p. 22.
  9. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 26-7; Redmond & Hon 2014, p. 106-9; Shchutskii 1979, p. 98.
  10. ^ Shaugnessy 1983, p. 106; Marshall 2001, p. 12-5.
  11. ^ Redmond 2014, p. 54-5.
  12. ^ Shchutskii 1979, p. 133.
  13. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 122-5.
  14. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 126, 187-8; Shchutskii 1979, p. 65-6.
  15. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 118; Shaugnessy 1983, p. 123.
  16. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 129-30.
  17. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 131.
  18. ^ Smith 2012, p. 39.
  19. ^ a b c d Smith 2008, p. 27.
  20. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 173.
  21. ^ Smith 2012, p. 43.
  22. ^ Shaugnessy 1983, p. 97; Rutt 1996, p. 154-5; Smith 2008, p. 26.
  23. ^ Smith 2008, p. 31-2.
  24. ^ Smith 2008, p. 48-50.
  25. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 39.
  26. ^ Smith 2012, p. 48.
  27. ^ Smith 2008, p. 48.
  28. ^ Shchutskii 1979, p. 213; Smith 2012, p. 46.
  29. ^ Smith 2008, p. 37.
  30. ^ Rutt 1996, p. 114-8.
  31. ^ Smith 2008, p. 58.
  32. ^ Smith 2012, p. 76-8.
  33. ^ Smith 2008, p. 76-9.
  34. ^ Smith 2008, p. 57, 67, 84-6.
  35. ^ Smith 2008, p. 89-90, 98; Hon 2005, p. 29-30.
  36. ^ Hon 2005, p. 29-33.
  37. ^ Hon 2005, p. 144.
  38. ^ Smith 2008, p. 128.
  39. ^ Adler 2002, p. v-xi; Smith 2008, p. 229.
  40. ^ Smith 2008, p. 177.
  41. ^ Ng 2000b, p. 55-6.
  42. ^ Ng 2000b, p. 65.
  43. ^ Ng 2000a, p. 7, 15.
  44. ^ Ng 2000a, p. 22-25.
  45. ^ Ng 2000a, p. 28-9.
  46. ^ Ng 2000a, p. 38-9.
  47. ^ Ng 2000a, p. 143-5.
  48. ^ Smith 2008, p. 197.
  49. ^ Nelson 2011, p. 379; Smith 2008, p. 204.
  50. ^ Nelson 2011, p. 381.
  51. ^ Nelson 2011, p. 383.
  52. ^ Smith 2008, p. 205.
  53. ^ Smith 2008, p. 212.
  54. ^ Smith 2012, p. 121.
  55. ^ For discussions of the translations into English, see David Knechtges, "The Perils And Pleasures Of Translation: The Case Of The Chinese Classics" [1], a scholarly discussion and history of translations into Western languages, and Chapter 5, "The Westward Travels of the Changes, in Richard J. Smith, The I Ching: A Biography (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2012), a discussion for general readers.
  56. ^ Smith, The I Ching: A Biography p. 184-85.


  • Adler, Joseph A. (2002). Introduction to the study of the classic of change (I-hsüeh ch'i-meng). Provo, Utah: Global Scholarly Publications. ISBN 1592673341. 
  • Hon, Tze-ki (2005). The Yijing and Chinese politics: classical commentary and literati activism in the northern Song Period, 960 - 1127. Albany: State Univ. of New York Press. ISBN 0791463117. 
  • Marshall, S.J. (2001). The mandate of heaven: hidden history in the I Ching. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0231122985. 
  • Nelson, Eric S. (2011). "The Yijing and Philosophy: From Leibniz to Derrida". Journal of Chinese Philosophy 38 (3): 377–396. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6253.2011.01661.x. 
  • Ng, Wai-ming (2000a). The I ching in Tokugawa thought and culture. Honolulu, HI: Association for Asian Studies and University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 0824822420. 
  • Ng, Wai-ming (2000b). "The I Ching in Late-Choson Thought". Korean Studies 24 (1): 53–68. doi:10.1353/ks.2000.0013. 
  • Redmond, Geoffrey; Hon, Tze-Ki (2014). Teaching the I Ching. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199766819. 
  • Rutt, Richard (1996). The book of changes (Zhouyi): a Bronze Age document. Richmond: Curzon. ISBN 0700704671. 
  • Shchutskii, Julian (1979). Researches on the I Ching. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press. ISBN 0691099391. 
  • Shaugnessy, Edward (1983). The composition of the Zhouyi (Thesis). Stanford University. 
  • Smith, Richard J. (2008). Fathoming the cosmos and ordering the world : the Yijing (I ching, or classic of changes) and its evolution in China. Charlottesville, Va.: University of Virginia Press. ISBN 0813927056. 
  • Smith, Richard J. (2012). The I Ching: a biography. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691145099. 

External links[edit]