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Unauthorized elections to the Estates General of 1789 were held in the French colony of Saint-Domingue in 1789, coinciding with the elections in the rest of French territories. After being denied representation in the Estates General and the right to establish their own elected assembly within the colony, groups of planters organized in secret and elected 17 deputies. Upon arrival in Versailles, these deputies were granted "provisional" admittance as members of the Third Estate but were denied the right to vote.

Despite technically meeting the requirements to parcipate in the elections, free men of color were denied the right to vote in almost all the cases. The cahiers de doléances produced by the delegates explicitly opposed the integration of property-owning free men of color into the political life of the colony. The elected deputies were members of the Massiac Club, an alliance between planters and merchants dedicated to maintaining the system of slavery in the colony on the basis of laissez-faire economics. The club believed that the colonialists had the right to free commerce, which included the use of slaves. Its first president was Marquis de Gallifet, owner of some of the most prosperous sugar plantations in the Northern Province of the colony, though he soon resigned the post, apparently because of a stuttering problem.

Nine of the deputies were present at the Tennis Court Oath and were absorbed “provisionally” into the new National Assembly. However, their number of seats was reduced to six (two per province) from a proposed 20 after failing to argue that slaves should be included in the population count.

Background

The outcome of the Seven Years' War reduced French colonial possessions to an almost insignificant amount, especially compared to the possessions of its rivals. The war, fought over colonial issues, forced the French Crown to incur substantial debt, contributing to the financial crisis that eventually led to the king calling for an Estates General.^[1] Ironically, it was also a time of unprecedented prosperity, particularly in Saint-Domingue.^[1]^[2] With France's cession of its North American territories to the British, the Caribbean became the primary destination for Frenchmen seeking fortune in the Americas.^[2] Above all, investment in Saint-Domingue's sugar, coffee, and cotton plantations surged, nearly doubling the slave population from 1763 to 1789. By 1789, there were around 700,000 slaves in the French Caribbean colonies, equal to the slave population in the entire United States.^[1] By the time of the French Revolution, the colony made as much sugar as Jamaica, Cuba, and Brazil combined, and accounted for half of the world's coffee supply.^[3] The wealth generated by these colonies contributed significantly to the confidence and political participation of France's aristocratic and bourgeois elites in Metropolitan France.^[4]

Colonial issues were also central to intellectual and political debates of the period. Similar to the colonists in Britain's North American colonies, French colonists grew increasingly resentful of metropolitan rule following the Seven Years' War, particularly policies like the exclusif, which restricted trade to only the mother country. This discontent culminated in a major revolt in Saint-Domingue's western and southern provinces in 1768. This revolt, lead by the Council of Port-au-Prince, paralyzed the colony’s government for a full year. Later, concerns about the growing number of blacks arriving in France led to the 1777 Police des noirs edict, which aimed to prevent the development of a population of African descent in metropolitan France; thus injecting the issue of race into French political discourse. The influential "Histoire des deux Indes," first published in 1770, questioned whether liberty in Europe could survive if “despotism” flourished unchecked overseas. In the decades leading up to the Revolution, abstract denunciations of slavery were prevalent in French political discourse. Critics of arbitrary royal and ministerial authority warned that if the king’s subjects did not assert their rights, they would be no better than slaves. Meanwhile, some defenders of absolutism argued that the aristocratic parlements sought powers that would make them the masters of the rest of the population. In pre-revolutionary rhetoric, slavery was thus portrayed as the worst of evils. However, this broad application of the concept to conditions in France obscured the specific issue of colonial slavery. Obsessed with preventing themselves from being subjected to metaphorical chains, French pamphleteers seemed oblivious to the real chains binding the black population in the colonies. Nevertheless, the stigma attached to the word "slavery" drove defenders of colonial interests to avoid mentioning it whenever possible.^[5]

While white colonists grew increasingly frustrated with metropolitan France’s oversight and economic restrictions, leaders among the free people of color, inspired by the American Revolutionary War, dispatched Julien Raimond as an emissary to advocate for the abolition of racial distinctions between whites and free people of color, many of whom had served in the French forces during the war, gaining some sympathy in Versailles. This development alarmed white slave owners, who perceived ministerial control as a threat to the established racial hierarchy and the institution of slavery on the island.^[6]

Following reports of small slave uprisings in the plantations of the colony, reform-minded administrators in the Colonial Ministry in Paris issued royal edicts in 1784 and 1785 respectively. These edicts, intended to curb the autonomy of plantation managers to protect the economic interests of absentee proprietors and metropolitan merchants in their constant quarrels with estate managers and debtors, and to restrict the mistreatment of slaves, further outraged the colonial white population. When the Conseil supérieur du Cap français refused to register the ordinance, it ignited a conflict between the local administrators and Versailles, leading to the French government abolishing the rebellious court in January 1787.^[7]^[8] Its powers were then transferred to Port-au-Prince.^[8] This act, which foreshadowed attempts to abolish parlements in France, positioned colonists as victims of ministerial despotism, priming the colonies for unrest.^[7]

In the same year, while Martinique and Guadeloupe were granted the right to establish colonial assemblies, Saint-Domingue was excluded from this privilege.^[8]

In response to the abolition of the Conseil supérieur du Cap, a dispatch of a delegation headed by the well-known expert on colonial affairs, Moreau de Saint-Méry, was sent to France in the spring of 1788, where he contacted some of the wealthy absentee plantation owners residing in the capital. Prior to this, proposals were already circulating to grant the whites of Saint-Domingue control over their own affairs, such as the Essai sur l’administration des colonies (Essay on the Administration of the Colonies), which was reviewed in the Journal de Paris and the Mercure de France in March 1788.^[9]

In February 1788, Jacques-Pierre Brissot founded the Société des Amis des Noirs. Like its British counterpart, the society advocated for the abolition of the slave trade and the gradual elimination of slavery in the Americas. Although abolitionism in France never developed into a popular movement as it did in Britain and the United States, the group included several future revolutionaries, such as Lafayette, Mirabeau, and eventually Abbé Grégoire. Its primary goal was to mobilize public opinion to influence government policy through existing institutions. Despite its cautious tactics, the group's extensive publicity campaign attracted significant attention. However, domestic crises, such as the attempts to abolish the parlements, often diverted focus from colonial issues.^[10]^[11]

Campaign

The decision to call for an election of representatives to the Estates General, an ancient consultative body that hadn't been called in hundreds of years, on July 5 1788, presented an opportunity for both the Amis des Noirs and the plantation owners of Saint-Domingue. The Amis des Noirs sent an essay by Marquis de Condorcet to each of the hundreds of districts electing deputies. It expressed hope that the French nation would turn its attention to the slave trade and work to end its “crimes of violence,” to improve the lives of slaves condemned “to work without end and without hope, exposed to the arbitrary punishments of their masters, deprived of all social and natural rights, and reduced to the condition of domestic animals.” The society's efforts had a tangible impact, as 49 of the cahiers de doléances (lists of grievances that the king had invited each of the voting assemblies to create) contained criticisms of the slave trade or slavery. The Amis des Noirs also lobbied Jacques Necker, the king's liberal minister, to remove state subsidies for slave traders. Despite his family's wealth being connected to the Caribbean colonies, Necker opposed the slave trade. In his speech opening the Estates General in June 1789, Necker urged the assembly to consider the suffering of African slaves, describing them as "men like us in their thoughts and above all in their capacity to suffer," who were cruelly transported across the Atlantic in ship hulls.^[9]^[12]

In opposition to the Amis des noris, the Colonial Committee, a group of French planters, began to meet in Paris in July 1788. This initiative was led by Marquis Louis-Marthe Gouy d’Arsy, an ambitious absentee proprietor who had never visited Saint-Domingue but would dominate the committee's proceedings throughout its campaign. In its letter to the king, the group expressed their grievances about the abolition of the Conseil supérieur du Cap and requested representation in the Estates General, laying out the arguments the colonists would press until the final resolution of the issue by the National Assembly on July 4, 1789. The committee's letter to the king was a revised version of an earlier draft from April, which had included a staunch defense of the slave owners' absolute authority over their slaves. It is likely that this version was abandoned to avoid swaying public opinion against their cause.^[13]

Like the Amis des noirs, the Colonial Committee initially petitioned the king and his ministers. In particular, they sought to persuade César-Henri, comte de La Luzerne, the minister responsible for the colonies, to support their demand for deputies to the Estates-General. However, Gouy d’Arsy and his colleagues also realized the importance of influencing public opinion. To this end, they decided to conceal the true grounds of their complaints and instead limited their demands to call for justice and the colony’s representation in the Estates-General. By doing so, they aimed to align themselves with the rights-based rhetoric used by opponents of slavery and other "patriots" demanding representative government in France. In demanding the right to establish a colonial assembly and to send deputies to the Estates-General, the colonists explicitly associated themselves with the French provinces defying royal authority and forming their own estates during the summer of 1788. Recognizing the importance of newspapers, the group also began to hire pens to counteract their anti-slavery opinions as they lacked any writing talent. Jacques-Vincent Delacroix, a well-known pamphleteer, wrote their first pamphlet, Voeu patriotique d’un Américain sur la prochaine assemblée des Etats-généraux (The Patriotic Desire of an American for the Upcoming Assembly of the Estates-General). Later, they also tried to hire Count Mirabeau at a time when, desperate for money and determined to find some way to get himself elected to the upcoming assembly, he was pursuing a number of unsuccessful schemes that preceded his campaign for a seat in the Third Estate delegation from Provence. Although Mirabeau had previously circulated British anti-slavery tracts in his journal, Analyse des papiers anglois, he did not immediately reject the idea of defending the colonists. However, realizing that he would need to become a slave owner to represent them in the Estates-General, he likely decided to sever his ties with the group.^[14]

In the same meeting that Mirabeau was offered to represent the colonists in the Estates General, on October 25, the group debated colonial administrator Pierre-Victor Malouet’s desire to publish a pamphlet openly defending slavery. They decided to advise Malouet to hold off until the Estates-General had convened and granted representation to the colonies. Malouet replied by stressing the urgency of countering Condorcet’s pamphlet. He also advised the group to avoid raising colonial grievances that would be poorly received in France, specifically recommending that they refrain from criticizing the exclusif.^[15]

Some Saint-Domingue planters were apprehensive about seeking seats in the Estates-General, fearing that an assembly where they held only a minority voice might make decisions detrimental to their interests and bring the colonies under the control of the Estates-General, where anti-slavery forces could gain influence^[16] or make decisions without regard for their interest. In response, Gouy d’Arsy emphasized his view of the Estates-General as “the reunion of all the provinces” and argued that “it would be absurd to think that the provinces would only come together to deprive each other of what they each have so much interest in preserving." Consequently, the group decided to continue their efforts for national representation.^[17]

In late summer and fall of 1788, white colonists who supported Saint-Domingue's representation in the Estates-General began preparations to elect deputies, despite lacking authorization from the royal administration. Meanwhile, the Colonial Committee continued to lobby royal ministers and other influential figures. Marie-Charles du Chilleau, the colony’s governor-general, met with the committee in France but informed them that the Estates-General did not concern Saint-Domingue. On September 4, 1788, La Luzerne reported to the king that he doubted whether the Colonial Committee truly represented the views of most whites in the colony. He also noted that no other European country had granted its colonies such a privilege. His clinching argument was that if the king decided the question on his own, he would be usurping the powers of the Estates General. Consequently, on September 11, 1788, the royal council decided that the colonies would not be invited to send deputies to the upcoming Estates General as there was a lack of precedent. In response, the group prepared a petition emphasizing the economic importance of the colonies to France, arguing that "a kingdom like France cannot do without colonies, and their abandonment would be the greatest of all political misfortunes." Despite their efforts, the royal administration remained steadfast in its refusal to act in their favor and forbade the Nobles from considering the matter.^[18]

Election

With no other options left, the pro-representation faction within Saint-Domingue proceeded with its unauthorized plan and secretly elected deputies. In nearly all cases, free men of color, even those meeting the property requirements, were denied the right to vote. The cahiers de doléances produced by the delegates explicitly opposed the integration of property-owning free men of color into the political life of the colony. Some nominees, like Gouy, were absentee proprietors, while others were residents of the colony. By the beginning of April, the colonial delegates were en route to France.^[19]^[16]

The elected deputies were members of the Massiac Club, an alliance between planters and merchants^[20] dedicated to maintaining the system of slavery in the colony on the basis of laissez-faire economics. The club believed that the colonialists had the right to free commerce, which included the use of slaves.^[21] Its first president was Marquis de Gallifet, owner of some of the most prosperous sugar plantations in the Northern Province of the colony, though he soon resigned the post, apparently because of a stuttering problem.^[20]

References

^ ^a ^b ^c Kley 2011, p. 220–221.
^ ^a ^b DUBOIS 2009, p. 20.
^ DUBOIS 2009, p. 21.
^ Kley 2011, p. 221.
^ Kley 2011, p. 221–222.
^ Kley 2011, p. 222–223.
^ ^a ^b Kley 2011, p. 223.
^ ^a ^b ^c DUBOIS 2009, p. 31.
^ ^a ^b Kley 2011, p. 225.
^ Kley 2011, p. 223–225.
^ DUBOIS 2009, p. 72–73.
^ DUBOIS 2009, p. 73.
^ Kley 2011, p. 226–227.
^ Kley 2011, p. 227–229.
^ Kley 2011, p. 229.
^ ^a ^b DUBOIS 2009, p. 74.
^ Kley 2011, p. 229–230.
^ Kley 2011, p. 230–231.
^ Kley 2011, p. 231.
^ ^a ^b DUBOIS 2009, p. 75.
^ bdegail (2016-05-05). "The Club Massiac". A Colony in Crisis: The Saint-Domingue Grain Shortage of 1789. Retrieved 2024-06-07.

Works cited

Kley, Dale Van; Kaiser, Thomas (2011). From Deficit to Deluge: The Origins of the French Revolution. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804772815.
DUBOIS, Laurent (2009). Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution. Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674034365.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011220–221-1] Kley 2011, p. 220–221.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200920-2] DUBOIS 2009, p. 20.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200921-3] DUBOIS 2009, p. 21.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011221-4] Kley 2011, p. 221.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011221–222-5] Kley 2011, p. 221–222.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011222–223-6] Kley 2011, p. 222–223.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011223-7] Kley 2011, p. 223.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200931-8] DUBOIS 2009, p. 31.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011225-9] Kley 2011, p. 225.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011223–225-10] Kley 2011, p. 223–225.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200972–73-11] DUBOIS 2009, p. 72–73.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200973-12] DUBOIS 2009, p. 73.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011226–227-13] Kley 2011, p. 226–227.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011227–229-14] Kley 2011, p. 227–229.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011229-15] Kley 2011, p. 229.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200974-16] DUBOIS 2009, p. 74.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011229–230-17] Kley 2011, p. 229–230.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011230–231-18] Kley 2011, p. 230–231.

[FOOTNOTEKley2011231-19] Kley 2011, p. 231.

[FOOTNOTEDUBOIS200975-20] DUBOIS 2009, p. 75.

[21] (2016-05-05). "The Club Massiac". A Colony in Crisis: The Saint-Domingue Grain Shortage of 1789. Retrieved 2024-06-07.

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@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
-{{Infobox military conflict
+{{Infobox legislative election
+| election_name      = Estates General of 1789 election in Saint-Domingue
-| conflict    = Avignon–Comtat Venaissin War
-| width       =
+| country            = Kingdom of France
-| partof      = [[French Revolution]]
+| flag_year          =
-| image       = Comtat venaissin.png
+| next_election      = 1793
-| image_size  =
+| elected_members    =
-| alt         =
+| election_date      = 1789
+| seats_for_election = 17
-| caption     = Territories of Avignon and Comtat Venaissin
-| date        = 12 June 1790–19 June 1791
+| turnout            =
-| place       = [[Avignon]] and [[Comtat Venaissin]], [[Papal States]]
+| ongoing            = no
+| first_election     = yes
-| territory   = Avignon and Comtat Venaissin merged
-| result      = Avignon-allied victory
+| noleader           =
-| combatants_header =
+| nopercentage       =
+| heading1           =
-| combatant1  =  {{flagicon image|Grandes Armes d'Avignon.svg}} Revolutionary Avignon municipal government<br>{{Flagicon image|Flag of France (1790–1794).svg}} [[Kingdom of France]]
-| combatant2  = [[Papal States]]
+| party1             = [[Massiac Club]]
+| leader1            = Marquis de Gallifet
-* {{flagicon image|Flag of Comtat Venaissin.svg}} [[Comtat Venaissin]]
+| colour1            =
-Union of St. Cecilia (from 1791)
+| percentage1        =
-| commander1  = {{flagicon image|Grandes Armes d'Avignon.svg}} Chevalier Patrice {{KIA}}<br>{{flagicon image|Grandes Armes d'Avignon.svg}} Jourdan Coupe-tête{{efn|name=Jourdan|Jourdan's full name was actually Mathieu Jouve dit Jourdan but adopted the surname Coupe-tête (meaning "Head-Cutter") because he claimed to have cut off [[Bernard-René Jourdan de Launay|Governor Delaunay]]'s head after the [[Storming of the Bastille|Bastille was taken]]}}<br>{{flagicon image|Grandes Armes d'Avignon.svg}} [[Jean Duprat (mayor)|Jean Duprat]]<br>{{flagicon image|Grandes Armes d'Avignon.svg}} Minveille
+| seats1             = 17
-| commander2  = [[Pope Pius VI]]<br>{{flagicon image|Flag of Comtat Venaissin.svg}} [[Philippe Casoni]]
-| commander3  =
+| last_election1     = new
-| units1      =
+| results_sec        =
-| units2      =
+| map                =
-| units3      =
+| map_upright        =
+| map_alt            =
-| strength1   = {{flagicon image|Grandes Armes d'Avignon.svg}} 3,000-15,000<br>{{Flagicon image|Flag of France (1790–1794).svg}} 6,000
+| map_caption        =
-| strength2   = {{flagicon image|Flag of Comtat Venaissin.svg}} several thousand
-| strength3   =
-| casualties1 =
-| casualties2 =
-| casualties3 =
-| notes       =
-| campaignbox =
 }}
-Following the unanimous declaration of the various district assemblies of [[Avignon]] on June 12 1790 to unite with [[Kingdom of France|France]], war broke out between the Revolutionary municipal government of Avignon and the more conservative [[Comtat Venaissin]] which still pledged loyalty to the [[Papal States]]. With the support of French troops placed under its control, the revolutionary Avignon forces laid siege to [[Carpentras]], ending the government of the Comtat. However, hardline counter-revolutionary regions of the Comtat under the name the "Union of [[Sainte-Cécile-les-Vignes|St. Cecilia]]" continued fighting until June 1791.
+Unauthorized elections to the Estates General of 1789 were held in the French colony of Saint-Domingue in 1789, coinciding with the elections in the rest of French territories. After being denied representation in the Estates General and the right to establish their own elected assembly within the colony, groups of planters organized in secret and elected 17 deputies. Upon arrival in Versailles, these deputies were granted "provisional" admittance as members of the Third Estate but were denied the right to vote.
-In Spring 1791, with the rejection of the [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy]] and the threat of violence spreading into neighbouring departments, France brokered a peace between the warring factions and organized a referendum, which ultimately resulted in the annexation of both Avignon and the Comtat Venaissin by France.
+Despite technically meeting the requirements to parcipate in the elections, free men of color were denied the right to vote in almost all the cases. The cahiers de doléances produced by the delegates explicitly opposed the integration of property-owning free men of color into the political life of the colony. The elected deputies were members of the Massiac Club, an alliance between planters and merchants dedicated to maintaining the system of slavery in the colony on the basis of laissez-faire economics. The club believed that the colonialists had the right to free commerce, which included the use of slaves. Its first president was Marquis de Gallifet, owner of some of the most prosperous sugar plantations in the Northern Province of the colony, though he soon resigned the post, apparently because of a stuttering problem.
-== Background ==
+Nine of the deputies were present at the Tennis Court Oath and were absorbed “provisionally” into the new National Assembly. However, their number of seats was reduced to six (two per province) from a proposed 20 after failing to argue that slaves should be included in the population count.
-=== History ===
-What eventually became the Comtat Venaissin was acquired by [[Philip III of France]] after becoming [[Count of Toulouse]] in 1271 who then ceded it to the papacy in 1273. Later, Avignon was sold to the papacy by [[Joanna I of Naples|Joanna I]], [[Queen of Naples]] and [[Countess of Provence]], in 1348, whereupon the two ''comtats'' were joined together to form a unified papal enclave geographically, though retaining their separate political identities.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=88}}
+== Background ==
-For the most part, residents of the two entities never showed much open discontent with their status as subjects of the pope as they were granted special privileges such as little to no tax burden and no military service duties. However, throughout the 1700s, a series of events would come together to intensify a desire among some of the populace for union with France. A big factor was that despite the long rule of the Italian [[Papal States]], the people of the two entities were, as one early 1800s history put it, "French by instinct, by language, by character, by nature." This situation was opposed to the [[Age of Enlightenment|enlightenment]] idea of the harmonization of knowledge and practical reality, which caused Avignon, where state boundaries did not correspond with cultural and linguistic divisions, to be seen as a relic of medieval times in an increasingly rational and well-balanced political order. This idea was further enforced in part due to favorable memories of French [[Seven Years' War|occupation]] between 1768 and 1774, which made merchants in Avignon aware of the benefits that formal membership in the French economy brought. More immediately, locals blamed popular deprivations due to poor harvests and the harsh winter in 1788-1789 on dithering papal officials, which forced large quantities of food to be imported from France.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=89–90}}
+The outcome of the [[Seven Years' War]] reduced French colonial possessions to an almost insignificant amount, especially compared to the possessions of its rivals. The war, fought over colonial issues, forced the French Crown to incur substantial debt, [[Causes of the French Revolution|contributing to the financial crisis]] that eventually led to the king calling for an [[Estates General (France)|Estates General]].{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=220–221}} Ironically, it was also a time of unprecedented prosperity, particularly in Saint-Domingue.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=220–221}}{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=20}} With France's cession of its North American territories to the British, the Caribbean became the primary destination for Frenchmen seeking fortune in the Americas.{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=20}} Above all, investment in Saint-Domingue's sugar, coffee, and cotton plantations surged, nearly doubling the slave population from 1763 to 1789. By 1789, there were around 700,000 slaves in the French Caribbean colonies, equal to the slave population in the entire [[United States]].{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=220–221}} By the time of the [[French Revolution]], the colony made as much sugar as [[Colony of Jamaica|Jamaica]], [[Captaincy General of Cuba|Cuba]], and [[Colonial Brazil|Brazil]] combined, and accounted for half of the world's coffee supply.{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=21}} The wealth generated by these colonies contributed significantly to the confidence and political participation of France's aristocratic and bourgeois elites in Metropolitan France.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=221}}
-=== 1790 municipal elections ===
-[[File:Kardinal Filippo Casoni.jpg|thumb|Casoni in 1805]]
-In March 1789, this situation led to a food riot in Avignon causing the the formation of {{Ill|Garde bourgeoise|fr}}. Inspired by the [[French Revolution]], riots would continue throughout the later months of 1789 with a "French party" beginning to manifest activity.{{sfn|Dalberg-Acton|Stanley|1904|p=217}} Following new unrest in February 1790 that led to the resignation of the town council,<ref>{{Cite web |title=Réunion à la France d'Avignon et du Comtat venaissin |url=https://mjp.univ-perp.fr/france/reft1791avignon.htm |website=Digithèque de matériaux juridiques et politiques}}</ref> [[Filippo Casoni]], the [[Papal legate|vice-legate]] and pope's representative in Avignon, on 25 March, authorized reformed municipal elections on the condition of the pope's eventual blessing. The vote returned mostly moderate pro-French patriots, merchants, and lawyers. This new municipality abolished the [[Strappado]] and the [[Inquisition]].{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=91}}{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=21}}
-On 10 April, new protest led to Casoni agreeing to all demands for reform. However, on 21 April, the pope rejected all concessions given by Casoni, pushing most residents of Avignon to the recognition that change would only happen through union with France.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=91}} Despite the will of the pope, the municipal government maintained itself in power.{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=21}}
-On 10 June, pro-papacy aristocratic forces attempted to take over Avignon city hall, setting off another round of protest. Intervention by the French mayor of nearby [[Orange, Vaucluse|Orange]] and a detachment of [[National Guard (France)|National Guards]] prevented bloodshed.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=91}}
-== War ==
-=== War with the Comtat ===
-On 12 June, the various district assemblies of Avignon, following the lead of the district of Saint Symphorien, declared the city "unanimously deliberated to declare the people of the Avignon nation free, sovereign, and independent, and to unite with the French nation," sending four envoys to request union to the [[National Constituent Assembly (France)|National Assembly]] in person.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=91}} The French constitution and French laws were adopted, abolishing the authority of the vice-legate. Casoni fled to [[Carpentras]], the capital of the Comtat, which while having agreed to adopt the French constitution and reforms, had remained loyal to the Papal States. The respective newspapers of the two towns began a propaganda war.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=91–92}}{{sfn|Santich|2023|p=158}}
-{{Quotebox
-| quote = The cause of Avignon is that of the universe, it is that of liberty
-| author = [[Maximilien Robespierre]]
-| source = Debate of 18 November, 1790{{sfn|Kolla|2013|p=723}}
-}}
-Since the start of events in Avignon and the Comtat, the French had taken an ambiguous stance on the issue. The first formal request for union came in November 1789 from {{Ill|Charles-François Bouche|fr}}, a [[Third Estate]] deputy from nearby [[Aix-en-Provence]]. At the time, and even after the request for union from Avignon, most deputies were afraid of either offending European powers or antagonizing the pope – who had the [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy]] under consideration at the time of the request from Avignon. Notably, [[Maximilien Robespierre]] was one of the few who, early on, embraced the cause of Avignon.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=92}}
-[[File:Coupetete.jpg|thumb|Drawing of Jourdan by [[Jean-Baptiste Lesueur (painter)|Jean-Baptiste Lesueur]], circa 1793-1794]]
-By mid-1790, a sizeable military force known as the Avignon "patriot army,"{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=21}} comprising approximately 3,000-15,000 individuals,{{sfn|Carlyle|1838|p=63}} had been organized and led by Chevalier Patrice, with [[Jean Duprat (mayor)|Duprat]], Minveille, and Jourdan Coupe-tête{{efn|name=Jourdan}} serving as his lieutenants.{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=21}} Concurrently, following a series of skirmishes between the opposing sides, Carpentras had begun to amass arms. Guns destined for the town were discovered at Orange, hidden in barrels of cheese, and promptly confiscated. Furthermore, a foundry, ostensibly for bells, was established and gunpowder, lead, wheat and other provisions were stockpiled.{{sfn|Santich|2023|p=158}}
-In mid-July, commissioners of the Assembly of Representatives of the Comtat took control of the town of [[Cavaillon]], which sided with Avignon. In the wake of this event, troops from the sympathetic communes of [[Camaret-sur-Aigues|Camaret]], [[Lapalud]], [[Caderousse]], [[Saint-Roman-de-Malegarde|Saint- Roman]], [[Vaqueras]], [[Roussette, France|Roussette]], [[Mormoiron]] and [[Mazan]] marched to the town to lend their support.{{sfn|Santich|2023|p=158}}
-On 20 November, the French National Assembly prorogued a discussion on union but, to help restore order in Avignon and the Comtat, controversially placed 6,000 French troops under the control of the municipal government in Avignon. Revolutionary Avignonais saw this move as a tacit recognition of their independence, hoping for eventual union, while the Comtat was outraged as it saw this move as a blatant violation of papal sovereignty and international law.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=92–93}}
-In January 1791, the Avignon army, against the will of the moderate council, laid siege to Cavaillon in January 1791, pillaging it. This event led many people in the Comtat to press for union with France as they did not want any more violence from Avignon.{{sfn|Johnson|2014|p=154}}{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=237}}
-The army then laid siege to Carpentras, effectively ending the government of the Comtat. The municipal government in Avignon proposed the federation of the city with the rest of the Comtat and invited representatives to an electoral assembly. Around 50 hardline counter-revolutionary small towns and villages of the Comtat refused to participate, and instead, on 14 March, organized themselves into a group called the "Union of [[Sainte-Cécile-les-Vignes|St. Cecilia]]," which continued fighting.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=92}}{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=238}} The expedition was ultimately a failure and the army returned to Avignon with a diminished reputation.{{sfn|Johnson|2014|p=154}}
-=== War with the Union of St. Cecilia ===
-On 15 April, the army of the Union of St. Cecilia captured [[Vaison-la-Romaine|Vaison]] and put to death its mayor and his assistant, who both had close connections with the Avignon forces. In response, a contingent from Avignon consisting of 1,500 troops supported by 12 cannons advanced towards the Union's territory, engaging in combat at [[Sarrians|Sarrian]]. Avignon's forces successfully captured the town, proceeding to pillage and set it ablaze.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=238—239}}
-A few days later, at [[Monteux]], while Patrice was preparing a siege of Carpentras with his officers, he was fatally shot in the head by one of his own soldiers. Patrice had been suspected of aiding in the escape of a wealthy prisoner, intended for use as ransom. Jourdan was elected as the new leader and the head of the former general was carried to Avignon.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=239}}
-[[File:18 Siège de Carpentras (1791) Anonyme Bibliothèque municipale Ceccano Avignon.jpg|thumb|Drawing of one of the sieges of Carpentras in 1791 from the Ceccano Avignon municipal library]]
-On 23 April, the Avignon army once again laid siege to Carpentras but was repulsed by the defenders. After its defeat, the army pillaged the countryside. The army returned on 25 April but was again repulsed by the defenders, losing more than 600 men and being pushed back to Monteux.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=239–240}}
+Colonial issues were also central to intellectual and political debates of the period. Similar to the colonists in Britain's North American colonies, French colonists grew increasingly resentful of metropolitan rule following the Seven Years' War, particularly policies like the ''exclusif'', which restricted trade to only the mother country. This discontent culminated in a major revolt in Saint-Domingue's western and southern provinces in 1768. This revolt, lead by the Council of [[Port-au-Prince]], paralyzed the colony’s
-The army, now comprising only 6,000 men, resorted to levying contributions from Cavaillon and other neighbouring towns. Again they marched towards Carpentras, sieging it, and were pushed back with considerable losses.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=240}}
+government for a full year. Later, concerns about the growing number of blacks arriving in France led to the 1777 [[Police des noirs edict]], which aimed to prevent the development of a population of African descent in metropolitan France; thus injecting the issue of race into French political discourse. The influential "[[Histoire des deux Indes]]," first published in 1770, questioned whether liberty in Europe could survive if “despotism” flourished unchecked overseas. In the decades leading up to the Revolution, abstract denunciations of slavery were prevalent in French political discourse. Critics of arbitrary royal and ministerial authority warned that if the king’s subjects did not assert their rights, they would be no better than slaves. Meanwhile, some defenders of absolutism argued that the aristocratic parlements sought powers that would make them the masters of the rest of the population. In pre-revolutionary rhetoric, slavery was thus portrayed as the worst of evils. However, this broad application of the concept to conditions in France obscured the specific issue of colonial slavery. Obsessed with preventing themselves from being subjected to metaphorical chains, French pamphleteers seemed oblivious to the real chains binding the black population in the colonies. Nevertheless, the stigma attached to the word "slavery" drove defenders of colonial interests to avoid mentioning it whenever possible.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=221–222}}
+While white colonists grew increasingly frustrated with metropolitan France’s oversight and economic restrictions, leaders among the free people of color, inspired by the American Revolutionary War, dispatched Julien Raimond as an emissary to advocate for the abolition of racial distinctions between whites and free people of color, many of whom had served in the French forces during the war, gaining some sympathy in Versailles. This development alarmed white slave owners, who perceived ministerial control as a threat to the established racial hierarchy and the institution of slavery on the island.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=222–223}}
-Jourdan then returned to Avignon with his army, demanding the municipality to give him money and ammunition. When the council refused, Jourdan withdrew from Avignon and pillaged the surrounding countryside.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=240}}
+Following reports of small slave uprisings in the plantations of the colony, reform-minded administrators in the Colonial Ministry in Paris issued royal edicts in 1784 and 1785 respectively. These edicts, intended to curb the autonomy of plantation managers to protect the economic interests of absentee proprietors and metropolitan merchants in their constant quarrels with estate managers and debtors, and to restrict the mistreatment of slaves, further outraged the colonial white population. When the Conseil supérieur du Cap français refused to register the ordinance, it ignited a conflict between the local administrators and Versailles, leading to the French government abolishing the rebellious court in January 1787.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=223}}{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=31}} Its powers were then transferred to Port-au-Prince.{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=31}} This act, which foreshadowed attempts to abolish parlements in France, positioned colonists as victims of ministerial despotism, priming the colonies for unrest.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=223}}
-The army then came back to Carpentras, laying siege to it. After the siege began the inhabitants carried large pots [[Pitch reset|pitch]] to the tops of the highest houses in the city, and, after setting fire to the pitch, raised dismal cries as soon as the pots were in full blaze. The army, convinced that their [[Heated shot|heated shots]] had taken effect and that the cries were those of despair, triumphantly advanced to force their way into the place, when a masked battery suddenly poured upon them a barrage of grapeshot, driving them back to camp. Jourdan ordered his cavalry to bring in the dead and wounded. After this major defeat, Jourdan adjusted his differences with Avignon and was liberally given supplies from the city.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=240–241}}
+In the same year, while [[Martinique]] and [[Guadeloupe]] were granted the right to establish colonial assemblies, Saint-Domingue was excluded from this privilege.{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=31}}
-=== Peace and referendum ===
-In Spring 1791, with the rejection of the [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy]] and the threat of violence spreading into neighbouring departments, the French National Assembly intervened to resolve the conflict. On May 25th, the Assembly dispatched three mediators tasked with negotiating peace and gauging the true sentiments of the populations in both territories. The two sides met at Orange on 13 June and on 19 June signed a peace.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=93}}{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=241}} The Avignon army was dissolved and French troops entered Avignon. However, these were replaced with 500 National Guards.{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=241}} A referendum on the sovereignty of the territories was held and showed most favored union with France. Annexation was confirmed on 14 September.{{sfn|Kolla|2017|p=94}}
+In response to the abolition of the Conseil supérieur du Cap, a dispatch of a delegation headed by the well-known expert on colonial affairs, Moreau de Saint-Méry, was sent to France in the spring of 1788, where he contacted some of the wealthy absentee plantation owners residing in the capital. Prior to this, proposals were already circulating to grant the whites of Saint-Domingue control over their own affairs, such as the Essai sur l’administration des colonies (Essay on the Administration of the Colonies), which was reviewed in the Journal de Paris and the Mercure de France in March 1788.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=225}}
-== Aftermath ==
+In February 1788, Jacques-Pierre Brissot founded the Société des Amis des Noirs. Like its British counterpart, the society advocated for the abolition of the slave trade and the gradual elimination of slavery in the Americas. Although abolitionism in France never developed into a popular movement as it did in Britain and the United States, the group included several future revolutionaries, such as Lafayette, Mirabeau, and eventually Abbé Grégoire. Its primary goal was to mobilize public opinion to influence government policy through existing institutions. Despite its cautious tactics, the group's extensive publicity campaign attracted significant attention. However, domestic crises, such as the attempts to abolish the parlements, often diverted focus from colonial issues.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=223–225}}{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=72–73}}
-=== Coup and killings ===
-{{Main|Massacres of La Glacière}}
+== Campaign ==
-[[File:Mort de Nicolas Jean-Baptiste Lescuyer, aux Cordeliers d'Avignon, en 1791.jpg|thumb|Murder of [[Nicolas Jean-Baptiste Lescuyer|Lescuyer]] in the Cordeliers church]]
+The decision to call for an election of representatives to the Estates General, an ancient consultative body that hadn't been called in hundreds of years, on July 5 1788, presented an opportunity for both the Amis des Noirs and the plantation owners of Saint-Domingue. The Amis des Noirs sent an essay by [[Marquis de Condorcet]] to each of the hundreds of districts electing deputies. It expressed hope that the French nation would turn its attention to the slave trade and work to end its “crimes of violence,” to improve the lives of slaves condemned “to work without end and without hope, exposed to the arbitrary punishments of their masters, deprived of all social and natural rights, and reduced to the condition of domestic animals.” The society's efforts had a tangible impact, as 49 of the cahiers de doléances (lists of grievances that the king had invited each of the voting assemblies to create) contained criticisms of the slave trade or slavery. The Amis des Noirs also lobbied [[Jacques Necker]], the king's liberal minister, to remove state subsidies for slave traders. Despite his family's wealth being connected to the Caribbean colonies, Necker opposed the slave trade. In his speech opening the Estates General in June 1789, Necker urged the assembly to consider the suffering of African slaves, describing them as "men like us in their thoughts and above all in their capacity to suffer," who were cruelly transported across the Atlantic in ship hulls.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=225}}{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=73}}
+In opposition to the Amis des noris, the Colonial Committee, a group of French planters, began to meet in Paris in July 1788. This initiative was led by [[Marquis Louis-Marthe Gouy d’Arsy]], an ambitious absentee proprietor who had never visited Saint-Domingue but would dominate the committee's proceedings throughout its campaign. In its letter to the king, the group expressed their grievances about the abolition of the Conseil supérieur du Cap and requested representation in the Estates General, laying out the arguments the colonists would press until the final resolution of the issue by the National Assembly on July 4, 1789. The committee's letter to the king was a revised version of an earlier draft from April, which had included a staunch defense of the slave owners' absolute authority over their slaves. It is likely that this version was abandoned to avoid swaying public opinion against their cause.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=226–227}}
-[[File:Massacre de la glacière, 1844, Magny et Petit.jpg|thumb|1844 illustration of the [[Massacres of La Glacière]]]]
+Like the Amis des noirs, the Colonial Committee initially petitioned the king and his ministers. In particular, they sought to persuade [[César Henri, comte de La Luzerne|César-Henri, comte de La Luzerne]], the minister responsible for the colonies, to support their demand for deputies to the Estates-General. However, Gouy d’Arsy and his colleagues also realized the importance of influencing public opinion. To this end, they decided to conceal the true grounds of their complaints and instead limited their demands to call for justice and the colony’s representation in the Estates-General. By doing so, they aimed to align themselves with the rights-based rhetoric used by opponents of slavery and other "patriots" demanding representative government in France. In demanding the right to establish a colonial assembly and to send deputies to the Estates-General, the colonists explicitly associated themselves with the French provinces defying royal authority and forming their own estates during the summer of 1788. Recognizing the importance of newspapers, the group also began to hire pens to counteract their anti-slavery opinions as they lacked any writing talent. Jacques-Vincent Delacroix, a well-known pamphleteer, wrote their first pamphlet, Voeu patriotique d’un Américain sur la prochaine assemblée des Etats-généraux (The Patriotic Desire of an American for the Upcoming Assembly of the Estates-General). Later, they also tried to hire Count Mirabeau at a time when, desperate for money and determined to find some way to get himself elected to the upcoming assembly, he was pursuing a number of unsuccessful schemes that preceded his campaign for a seat in the Third Estate delegation from Provence. Although Mirabeau had previously circulated British anti-slavery tracts in his journal, Analyse des papiers anglois, he did not immediately reject the idea of defending the colonists. However, realizing that he would need to become a slave owner to represent them in the Estates-General, he likely decided to sever his ties with the group.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=227–229}}
-On 23 August, extremists organised by Jourdan returned to Avignon under Duperat and couped the moderate city council and took control of the [[Palais des Papes]].{{sfn|Campbell|1843|p=241}}{{sfn|Johnson|2014|p=155}}{{sfn|Dalberg-Acton|Stanley|1904|p=217–218}} The moderates resisted and when [[Nicolas Jean-Baptiste Lescuyer|Lescuyer]], one of the leaders of the new extremist government, began to plunder the [[Mount of piety]], a mob of moderates fell upon and killed him. Determined to avenge their leader and to conceal all traces of their crime before the arrival of the government troops which were daily expected, the extremists descended on the city, and, after arresting many of the respectable citizens as "suspects," thrust them into prison and there massacred some of them, killing up to 110 from 16 October to 17 October.{{sfn|Dalberg-Acton|Stanley|1904|p=218}}
+In the same meeting that Mirabeau was offered to represent the colonists in the Estates General, on October 25, the group debated colonial administrator Pierre-Victor Malouet’s desire to publish a pamphlet openly defending slavery. They decided to advise Malouet to hold off until the Estates-General had convened and granted representation to the colonies. Malouet replied by stressing the urgency of countering Condorcet’s pamphlet. He also advised the group to avoid raising colonial grievances that would be poorly received in France, specifically recommending that they refrain from criticizing the exclusif.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=229}}
-It wasn't until 9 November when government troops entered the city, which during the interval had been at the mercy of Jourdan and his men. Under the protection of the troops the moderate reaction, so long stifled, at once broke out; Jourdan narrowly escaped with his life, and was sent for trial to Paris. 2,000 of the bandits were driven out of Avignon, and the old municipality was reinstated. The question of sending troops to Avignon was much discussed in the Assembly during October; and that body must share with the Ministry the blame of the unpardonable delay in their despatch both before and after the massacres, by which the lives and properties of respectable citizens were placed at the mercy of a gang of murderers.{{sfn|Dalberg-Acton|Stanley|1904|p=217–218}}
+Some Saint-Domingue planters were apprehensive about seeking seats in the Estates-General, fearing that an assembly where they held only a minority voice might make decisions detrimental to their interests and bring the colonies under the control of the Estates-General, where anti-slavery forces could gain influence{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=74}} or make decisions without regard for their interest. In response, Gouy d’Arsy emphasized his view of the Estates-General as “the reunion of all the provinces” and argued that “it would be absurd to think that the provinces would only come together to deprive each other of what they each have so much interest in preserving." Consequently, the group decided to continue their efforts for national representation.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=229–230}}
-Following the massacres, new municipal elections were held in December 1791 in which the moderates emerged victorious. However, despite calls for justice, those responsible for the massacre received amnesty in April 1792, leading to the victory of the Glacièristes faction in July elections, with Duprat becoming mayor.{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=22}}
+In late summer and fall of 1788, white colonists who supported Saint-Domingue's representation in the Estates-General began preparations to elect deputies, despite lacking authorization from the royal administration. Meanwhile, the Colonial Committee continued to lobby royal ministers and other influential figures. Marie-Charles du Chilleau, the colony’s governor-general, met with the committee in France but informed them that the Estates-General did not concern Saint-Domingue. On September 4, 1788, La Luzerne  reported to the king that he doubted whether the Colonial Committee truly represented the views of most whites in the colony. He also noted that no other European country had granted its colonies such a privilege. His clinching argument was that if the king decided the question on his own, he would be usurping the powers of the Estates General. Consequently, on September 11, 1788, the royal council decided that the colonies would not be invited to send deputies to the upcoming Estates General as there was a lack of precedent. In response, the group prepared a petition emphasizing the economic importance of the colonies to France, arguing that "a kingdom like France cannot do without colonies, and their abandonment would be the greatest of all political misfortunes." Despite their efforts, the royal administration remained steadfast in its refusal to act in their favor and forbade the Nobles from considering the matter.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=230–231}}
-By 1793, Avignon found itself under the control of extreme patriots amidst the outbreak of the [[Federalist revolts]] in other southern cities against similar administrations. While remaining loyal to the [[National Convention|Convention]], Avignon faced challenges from [[Marseille|Marseillais]] federalists who advanced up the [[Rhône]], forcing the Glacièriste out of power. After the defeat of the Federalists by [[Jean François Carteaux]], the extremists returned to power, leading to further imprisonments and massacres. The Convention subsequently decreed the establishment of the [[Vaucluse|Vaucluse Department]], with Avignon designated as its capital.{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=22}}
+== Election ==
-[[File:Mort du maréchal Brune le 2 août 1815.jpg|thumb|The murder of [[Guillaume Brune]], [[Marshal of the Empire]], by a royalist mob in Avignon on 2 August 1815, engraved {{circa}} 1865]]
+With no other options left, the pro-representation faction within Saint-Domingue proceeded with its unauthorized plan and secretly elected deputies. In nearly all cases, free men of color, even those meeting the property requirements, were denied the right to vote. The cahiers de doléances produced by the delegates explicitly opposed the integration of property-owning free men of color into the political life of the colony. Some nominees, like Gouy, were absentee proprietors, while others were residents of the colony. By the beginning of April, the colonial delegates were en route to France.{{sfn|Kley|2011|p=231}}{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=74}}
+The elected deputies were members of the Massiac Club, an alliance between planters and merchants{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=75}} dedicated to maintaining the system of slavery in the colony on the basis of [[laissez-faire]] economics. The club believed that the colonialists had the right to free commerce, which included the use of slaves.<ref>{{Cite web |last=bdegail |date=2016-05-05 |title=The Club Massiac |url=https://colonyincrisis.lib.umd.edu/2016/05/05/the-club-massiac/ |access-date=2024-06-07 |website=A Colony in Crisis: The Saint-Domingue Grain Shortage of 1789 |language=en}}</ref> Its first president was Marquis de Gallifet, owner of some of the most prosperous sugar plantations in the Northern Province of the colony, though he soon resigned the post, apparently because of a stuttering problem.{{sfn|DUBOIS|2009|p=75}}
-In 1794 a series of representatives on mission, one of whom was [[Étienne Christophe Maignet|Maignet]], a pure and hard-line Robespierrist, came to Avignon. Maignet had 47 federalists killed. Jourdan was also denounced to the [[Revolutionary Tribunal|revolutionary tribunal]] and guillotined on 27 May. After the [[Thermidorian Reaction]], Maignet was recalled to Paris. There was more revenge, and outbreaks of [[First White Terror|White Terror]], dealt with by [[Louis-Marie Stanislas Fréron|Stanislas Fréron]]. Under the [[French Directory|Directory]], Avignon once again became a Jacobin centre. But it was a fragile equilibrium, with a [[Second White Terror]] at the [[Bourbon Restoration in France|restoration of the monarchy]] in 1814.{{sfn|Ballard|2011|p=22}}
-== Notes ==
+==References==
-{{notelist}}
+{{reflist}}
-== References ==
+== Works cited ==
-{{Reflist}}
+* {{Cite book |last=Kley |first=Dale Van |title=From Deficit to Deluge: The Origins of the French Revolution |last2=Kaiser |first2=Thomas |publisher=[[Stanford University Press]] |year=2011 |isbn=9780804772815}}
-== Works Cited ==
+* {{Cite book |last=DUBOIS |first=Laurent |title=Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |year=2009 |isbn=9780674034365}}
-* {{cite journal |last1=Kolla |first1=Edward |date=2013 |title=The French Revolution, the Union of Avignon, and the Challenges of National Self-Determination |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/43670668 |journal=Law and History Review |volume=31 |issue=4 |via=JSTOR}}
-* {{cite book |last=Kolla |first=Edward |date=2017 |title=Sovereignty, International Law, and the French Revolution |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9781316843826}}
-* {{cite book |last1=Dalberg-Acton |first1=John |last2=Leathes |first2=Stanley |date=1904 |title=The Cambridge Modern History |publisher=Cambridge University Press |volume=1}}
-* {{cite book |last=Ballard |first=Richard |date=2011 |title=A New Dictionary of the French Revolution |publisher=I.B.Tauris |isbn=9780857720900}}
-* {{cite book |last=Santich |first=Barbara |date=2023 |title=Eating in Eighteenth-century Provence: The Evolution of a Tradition |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing |isbn=9781350329966}}
-* {{cite book |last=Carlyle |first=Thomas |date=1838 |title=The French Revolution: a History |publisher=Charles C. Little and James Brown |volume=2}}
-* {{cite book |last=Johnson |first=Hubert |date=2014 |title=The Midi in Revolution: A Study of Regional Political Diversity, 1789-1793 |isbn=9781400854363}}
-* {{cite book |last=Campbell |first=Thomas |date=1843 |title=History of our own Times |publisher=The British Library |volume=1}}