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there is an ongoing discussion for expansion (better to take this in talk for further evaluation, it seems completely out of the context as it is)
you mean the section that hasn’t seen any activity since 24 October? How is an overview of the campaign out of context?! Feel free to revert this but please specify exactly what is wrong with it on the talk page after doing so per BRD. I was just restoring content that had been on the article for ages and was only removed for copyright reasons. Frankly this is a bureaucratic nightmare.
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==Armed campaign==
==Armed campaign==
During the campaign, the British Army was the foremost target of EOKA and a total of 1,144 armed clashes, of which 53% were in the cities, took place between the two forces.<ref name="American Ethnologist"/> The campaign resulted in the deaths of 105 British servicemen (according to the official figure)<ref>Official statistics, unofficial estimates at around 371 (see Simpson, Alfred William Brian)</ref> and 51 policemen.<ref name="Simpson">{{cite book | last = Simpson | first = Alfred William Brian | authorlink = | title = Human Rights and the End of Empire: Britain and the Genesis of the European Convention | publisher = Oxford University Press | year = 2001 | location = | pages = 893 | url = https://books.google.com/?id=wITHtDxnUI8C&printsec=frontcover | doi = | isbn = 978-0-19-926789-7 }}</ref> EOKA also targeted civilian Britons in Cyprus, including women and children, due to their nationalities.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=H9FmAAAAMAAJ&q=eoka+%22british+civilian%22&dq=eoka+%22british+civilian%22&hl=en The struggle for Cyprus. Charles Foley, W. I. Scobie, Hoover Institution Press, 1975]</ref>

EOKA also undertook a campaign of suppression against other Greek Cypriots they suspected of being allied to or informing the British. This included 230 assasination attempts, in which 148 were killed, 69 were wounded and only 13 escaped unharmed. As such, the operations against other Greek Cypriots were more efficient than the ones against the British, albeit on a smaller scale.<ref name="American Ethnologist"/> 23 out of the 148 killed have since been characterised as [[leftist]]s and it has been debated whether EOKA targeted those who did not conform to Grivas' right-wing ideology on the basis of their political views or rather to settle personal differences.<ref>{{cite news | first=Elias | last=Hazou | title=Christofias comments spark EOKA storm | date=April 12, 2005 | publisher= | url=http://www.cyprus-mail.com/cyprus/christofias-comments-spark-eoka-storm | work=[[Cyprus Mail]] | pages= | accessdate=2008-08-15 }}{{dead link|date=December 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref><ref>{{cite news | first=Michalis | last=Hadjistylianou | author2=Giorgos Ploutarhos | title=Οι δύο όψεις της ιστορίας για τους εκτελεσθέντες (The two views on the assassinations) | date=2005-04-07 | publisher= | url=http://www.simerini.com.cy/nqcontent.cfm?a_id=192716 | work=[[Simerini]] | pages= | accessdate=2008-08-15 | language=Greek | deadurl=yes | archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20080225140244/http://www.simerini.com.cy/nqcontent.cfm?a_id=192716 | archivedate=2008-02-25 | df= }}</ref>

=== From April 1955 to the dismissal of governor Armitage (October) ===
=== From April 1955 to the dismissal of governor Armitage (October) ===
The armed struggle started on the night of March 29-April, 1955. A total of 18 bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island. Most notable incidents were those of Nicosia by the group of [[Markos Drakos]] as well as the demolition of the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter.{{sfn|Newsinger|2016|p=95}}{{sfn|French|2015|p=71}}{{sfn|Ρίχτερ|2011|p=250}} The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era.{{sfn|Newsinger|2016|p=95}} The British, not expecting this turn of events, reinforced their local military bases (Dhekelia and Akrotiri) by transferring troops from Egypt.{{sfn|Ρίχτερ|2011|p=250}}
The armed struggle started on the night of March 29-April, 1955. A total of 18 bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island. Most notable incidents were those of Nicosia by the group of [[Markos Drakos]] as well as the demolition of the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter.{{sfn|Newsinger|2016|p=95}}{{sfn|French|2015|p=71}}{{sfn|Ρίχτερ|2011|p=250}} The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era.{{sfn|Newsinger|2016|p=95}} The British, not expecting this turn of events, reinforced their local military bases (Dhekelia and Akrotiri) by transferring troops from Egypt.{{sfn|Ρίχτερ|2011|p=250}}

Revision as of 15:47, 20 November 2018

Not to be confused with EOKA B.
EOKA
ΕΟΚΑ
LeadersGeorgios Grivas(Digenis)
Dates of operation1955–1959
HeadquartersCyprus
IdeologyAnti-imperialism
Greek nationalism
Enosis
Anti-communism
AlliesGreece
OpponentsBritish Empire
Turkish Resistance Organisation

EOKA (/eɪˈoʊkə/; Greek: ΕΟΚΑ), acronym for Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston [a] was a Greek Cypriot nationalist guerrilla organisation that fought a campaign for the end of British rule in Cyprus, for the island's self-determination and for eventual union with Greece.[3]

Background

Cyprus, an island in eastern Mediterranean, inhabited mostly by Greek and Turkish populations, was part of the Ottoman empire until 4 June 1878, when in the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish War, it was handed to the British empire.[4] As nationalistic tendencies were growing in both communities of Cyprus, Greek Cypriots were leaning towards Enosis (Union with Greece) which was a part of Megali idea. The origins of Enosis date back to 1821, the year when the Greek War of Independence commenced, and the archbishop of Cyprus, his archdeacon, and three bishops were beheaded, amongst other atrocities. In 1828, Count Ioannis Kapodistrias, the first governor of Greece, asked for the union of Cyprus with Greece, while small-scale uprisings also occurred.[5] In 1878, when British general Wolsely came to Cyprus to formally establish British rule, he was met by the archbishop of Kition who, after welcoming him, requested that Britain cede Cyprus to Greece.[5] Initially, the Greek Cypriots welcomed British rule because they were aware that the British had returned the Ionian Islands to Greece in 1864, and they were also hoping for British investment in Cyprus.[6] In 1912 the British government offered Greece to exchange Cyprus for a naval base in Argostoli, Kefalonia, in order to gain control of the Ionian sea an offer which was repeated in 1913. In 1915, the British offered several times Cyprus to Greece, in exchange for Greece's participation in World War I. But while Greece was undecided whether it should enter the War, the British government withdrew its offer.[7] By 1915, the Greek Cypriots seeing that neither the British investment, nor Enosis, had materialised, increased their opposition to British rule.[6] In the beginning, the Enosis movement had only few supporters mainly from the upper classes.[8][9][10][11] But that was about to change as two groups of disappointed with the new ruler began to form: the Church and the Usurers. In the following years a growing number of Cypriots were studying in Greece, and upon their return, they became strong advocates of Enosis.[11][12] On the other hand, the Turkish Cypriot community started to develop its own nationalism in the early 20th century, as news arrived in the island about the persecutions faced by Muslims in the countries that formed after the collapse of Ottoman Empire.[13][14]

In the 1950s, EOKA was established with the specific aim of mounting a military campaign to end the status of Cyprus as a British crown colony and achieving the island's unification with Greece. The leadership of AKEL at the time, the island's communist party, opposed EOKA's military action, advocating a "Gandhiesque approach" of civil disobedience, such as workers' strikes and demonstrations.[15]

Initially, the struggle was political, as opposed to military. EOKA, in Grivas' words, wanted to attract the attention of the world through high-profile operations that would make headlines.[16]

Characteristics of EOKA

Ideology

The ideology of EOKA was nationalistic, conservative, anti-communist and religious.[17][18] Grivas's ideas resonated because they were compatible with the ideas cultivated by Greek Cypriots in education, the Orthodox Church, the press and the political elites. EOKA was characterized by religiosity. OXEN, PEON and ThOI[b] were sources of fighters. [19][20] The Orthodox Church supported the objectives of EOKA and the clergy in rural Cyprus often blessed the weapons.[21] As such both Grivas and the Church transmitted their ideology to the members of the organization. There was a widespread impression that leftists were national traitors and should not have a share on national matters. Moreover, it was thought that the communist ideology is an obstacle for a struggle that would lead to the end of the colonial regime.[22]

In sharp difference with other anticolonial insurgencies in Africa or Asia, where marxist movements led the struggle, in Cyprus it was the right-wing EOKA that carried the armed campaign, while the communist party of AKEL kept a neutral stance.[23]

EOKA also used intimidation towards local population. A number of scholars characterize EOKA as a terrorist organization due attack on civilians or public utilities[24]

Personnel

Georgios Grivas

The organisation was headed by Georgios Grivas. A graduate of the Hellenic Military Academy, Grivas had served as an officer in the Greek Army. He had fought in both World Wars. During the German occupation of Greece in World War II, he led a small, anti-communist resistance[c] group, named Organization X.[25][26] Grivas assumed the nom de guerre Digenis in direct reference to the legendary Byzantine Digenis Akritas who repelled invaders from the Byzantine Empire.[27][28] Second in command in EOKA was Grigoris Afxentiou, also a former officer of the Greek army. Afxentiou had graduated from the reserves Officers Academy in 1950 without previous experience on battlefield.[29][30]

ΕΟΚΑ apart from the guerrilla fighters, who numbered a few hundred had the active support of many youngsters (most of them in their late teens to early 20's) that had joined EOKA associate organizations such as PEKA and ANE.[31]

Armed campaign

During the campaign, the British Army was the foremost target of EOKA and a total of 1,144 armed clashes, of which 53% were in the cities, took place between the two forces.[32] The campaign resulted in the deaths of 105 British servicemen (according to the official figure)[33] and 51 policemen.[34] EOKA also targeted civilian Britons in Cyprus, including women and children, due to their nationalities.[35]

EOKA also undertook a campaign of suppression against other Greek Cypriots they suspected of being allied to or informing the British. This included 230 assasination attempts, in which 148 were killed, 69 were wounded and only 13 escaped unharmed. As such, the operations against other Greek Cypriots were more efficient than the ones against the British, albeit on a smaller scale.[32] 23 out of the 148 killed have since been characterised as leftists and it has been debated whether EOKA targeted those who did not conform to Grivas' right-wing ideology on the basis of their political views or rather to settle personal differences.[36][37]

From April 1955 to the dismissal of governor Armitage (October)

The armed struggle started on the night of March 29-April, 1955. A total of 18 bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island. Most notable incidents were those of Nicosia by the group of Markos Drakos as well as the demolition of the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter.[38][39][40] The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era.[38] The British, not expecting this turn of events, reinforced their local military bases (Dhekelia and Akrotiri) by transferring troops from Egypt.[40]

At the end of April EOKA attacks temporarily paused, giving time to Grivas to organize the youth.[41] A second offensive was launched on June 19 with coordinated bomb and grenade attacks against police stations, military installations and the homes of army officers and senior officials.[42][43][44] One of those bombings demolished the building of the Famagusta Police headquarters.[42] Those attacks were usually followed by sporadic incidents: shootings, bombings and increased public disorder.[42] This second wave of EOKA attacks lasted until the end of June, totaling 204 attacks since the beginning of the insurgency.[45][46]

In August, two Special Branch members were assassinated in separate incidents. The raising of the Greek flag during demonstrations usually led to clashes with the colonial authorities, the latter removing it by force if necessary.[42] Another major EOKA success was the escape from Kyrenia castle prison of 16 EOKA members including a number of key figures, such as Markos Drakos and Grigoris Afxentiou.[42]

Dissolution and legacy

A memorial museum dedicated to the EOKA campaign was created in 1960. It is located in the centre of Nicosia.[47]

EOKA lawsuits against the British government

In 2012, EOKA veterans announced that lawsuits were being planned against British authorities.[48] The veterans association alleged that at least 14 Cypriots died and hundreds more could have been "tortured during interrogations" by the British during the 1955–1959 campaign. Two of those who allegedly died during interrogation were aged 17. The legal action comes on the back of the uncovering of secret documents released in 2011 which present similar practices during the Mau Mau Uprising in Kenya, during the same period.[49][50]

In 2018, Cypriot veterans won the right to claim damages over UK torture claims at court. The presiding judge dismissed arguments by the British government that the case should be judged under Cypriot law, which, if true, would have meant that the statute of limitations applied in the case. The judge commented that "It seems to me that, in this case at any rate, where a state stands to be held to account for acts of violence against its citizens, it should be held to account in its own courts, by its own law and should not escape liability by reference to a colonial law it has itself made."[51]

Foreign Office declassified documents

In 2012, Foreign Office released highly classified documents which described claims of torture and abuse between 1955-1959. In the reports it is revealed that officers of the colonial administration admitted to torture and abuse. In the same papers, there are allegations against British soldiers and security personnel concerning the murder of a blind man, ordering a Greek Cypriot to dig his own grave, and hitting a pregnant woman who subsequently miscarried. Other allegations include the 1958 mass arrest and beating of 300 civilians by colonial forces. In the incident, it is alleged that the British forces left some civilians behind, thinking they were dead. A woman provided details of her rape in a forest by members of the British Special Forces, and her subsequent "brutal interrogation" regarding her connection to EOKA.[51]

Monuments

There are various monuments dedicated to the members of EOKA who died during the years of combat who are largely regarded as war-time heroes by Greek-Cypriots. Part of the central jail of Nicosia established by British governor Harding functions after the Cypriot independence as a museum. This includes the prisons cells, the gallows and the "Incarcerated Graves" of 13 EOKA fighters who were either executed or killed by the colonial authorities.[52]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ more specific, EOKA is the acronym of the organisation's full name in Greek, Εθνική Οργάνωσις Κυπρίων Αγωνιστών, Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters), sometimes expanded as Εθνική Οργάνωσις Κυπριακού Αγώνος, Ethnikí Orgánosis Kipriakoú Agónos ("National Organisation of Cypriot Struggle").[2]
  2. ^ OXEN, PEON and ThOI were Greek-Cypriot associations related to Church
  3. ^ There is some controversy surrounding the Xhi organization as some sources consider it or its members to be Nazi collaborators while others consider it patriotic and anti-communist

References

  1. ^ Kraemer 1971, p. 146.
  2. ^ The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica 2015.
  3. ^ Karyos 2009.
  4. ^ Richter 2007, p. 23.
  5. ^ a b Mallinson 2005, p. 5.
  6. ^ a b Emerick 2014, p. 117-18.
  7. ^ Richter 2007, p. 157-194, chapter First World War.
  8. ^ Lange 2011, p. 93.
  9. ^ Bellingeri 2005, p. 21.
  10. ^ Isachenko 2012, p. 37.
  11. ^ a b Richter 2007, p. 114-15.
  12. ^ French 2015, p. 17: French writes: "But Greek Cypriot teachers and parents insisted that education should follow a classical curriculum that promoted a Greek ethnic identity and preserved the Greek character of the island, a curriculum that also instilled into pupils a sense of historical awareness that supported their claims for Enosis.27"
  13. ^ Κτωρής 2013, p. 80.
  14. ^ Kizilyürek 2011, p. 198 - 199:The Turkish Cypriot nationalism mainly developed in reaction to the Greek Cypriot national desire for union with Greece. In the desire of the Greek Cypriots to unify with Greece, the Turkish Cypriot community saw a danger to its own existence. This perception of threat is partly related to the historical experience of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in a period of national movements, which ended up in creating independent nation states. The experiences of the Muslim population in the Balkans, where national struggles caused atrocities and deportation, were the main points of reference in the construction of Turkish Cypriot nationalism. Particularly, the example of Crete was to become among the Turkish Cypriots what can be called a ‘‘Crete syndrome’’. Crete’s attempts to unify with Greece and, finally, the realization of this dream of union in 1912 had resulted in the deportation of the Muslim population of the island and its emigration to Turkey. A few years later (1922), the expedition of the Greek army to Asia Minor increased the fears of uprooting among the Turkish Cypriots
  15. ^ Mallinson 2005, p. 19.
  16. ^ Markides 1974.
  17. ^ Θρασυβούλου 2016, p. 298.
  18. ^ Novo 2012, p. 194T:he involvement of the church dictated the course of the EOKA struggle and imbued the cause of enosis with its own particular ideology: anti-communist, Greek, and Christian-Orthodox…(..) At the same time, the church’s ideological control and its uncompromising and exclusionary attitudes played an important role in setting Cyprus on its path to interethnic conflict and independence. Furthermore, traditional Greek-Cypriot accounts tend to downplay “[t]he role of religion in the Cyprus conflict,” but its influence cannot be denied (Hadjipavlou 2007:354). As in Mark Juergensmeyer’s Terror in the Mind of God, religion can play a role “as an ideology of public order” and be connected to “movements of religious nationalism.
  19. ^ Βαρνάβα 2000, p. 88-105, Church and EOKA youth.
  20. ^ Novo 2012, p. 195-196.
  21. ^ Θρασυβούλου 2016, p. 300-303.
  22. ^ Θρασυβούλου 2016, p. 316.
  23. ^ Novo 2010, p. 64-65: While the antagonism between AKEL and EOKA was real and eventually bloody, the alleged ‘cooperation’ between AKEL and the British authorities did not happen.(...) EOKA’s right-wing ideology made it the exception to the rule of post-Second World War insurgencies. Such movements were most often led by communists who aimed at establishing new Marxist societies. This was the case in China, Malaya, Vietnam, and Cuba. As a nationalist and anti-communist movement, EOKA had far more in common with the Irgun and Stern Gang in late-1940s Palestine.
  24. ^
    • David French (29 September 2011). The British Way in Counter-Insurgency, 1945-1967. OUP Oxford. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-19-958796-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
    Other scholars that described EOKA as terrorist organization, or their members as terrorist are: (not all inclusive list}
    • Edwards, Aaron (February 28, 2018). "Securing the base : Defending the realm?". Home. Retrieved September 24, 2018. British military intervention in Cyprus reached a crescendo in the major counter-insurgency campaign fought by the island's Security Forces between 1955 and 1959. The terrorist group EOKA, led by Colonel George Grivas, immediately embarked on enosis (union with Greece) through an armed campaign. EOKA was backed politically by Archbishop Makarios III, leader of the Cyprus Orthodox Church, who, while not taking an active part in the terrorist campaign himself, 'hinted that the Church would not shrink from violence if necessary'. {{cite web}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
    • Shughart, William F. (July 21, 2006). "An analytical history of terrorism, 1945–2000". Public Choice. 128 (1–2). Springer Nature: 7–39. doi:10.1007/s11127-006-9043-y. ISSN 0048-5829. A series of similar events played out in Cyprus, where, by 1955, the EOKA had succeeded in throwing the island into complete chaos. Never more than 400 active terrorists strong, the Greek Cypriot organization employed hit-and-run tactics against the much larger British security force deployed on station...(...).... . Britain reacted to the terrorists' "apparent ability to strike anywhere, anytime" and to the growing "public frustration caused by disruption to daily life" by interning and then exiling Makarios to the Seychelles in 1956. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
    • Audrey Kurth Cronin (24 August 2009). "Chapter 3: Success, Achieving the objective". How Terrorism Ends: Understanding the Decline and Demise of Terrorist Campaigns. Princeton University Press. pp. 73–93. ISBN 1-4008-3114-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
    • Abrahms, Max; Lula, Karolina (2012). "Why Terrorists Overestimate the Odds of Victory". Perspectives on Terrorism. 6, no. 4/5: 46–62.
    • Arthur Mark Weisburd (25 April 1997). Use of Force: The Practice of States Since World War II. Penn State Press. p. 76. ISBN 0-271-04301-6.
    • Martha Crenshaw; John Pimlott (22 April 2015). "Terrorism in Cyprus". International Encyclopedia of Terrorism. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-91966-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  25. ^ Novo 2010, p. 66:Because of Grivas’s central role in the creation of EOKA, its political credentials and organisation were a legacy of the Greek Civil War and the ideals of Xhi. After the disintegration of the Greek army in 1941, Grivas formed Xhi as a resistance organisation to combat the Nazi occupation. Almost as soon as it was formed, however, Xhi engaged in violence against the rival communist underground.118 Once Germany withdrew its forces from Greece, Xhi played a small role in the civil war, where its anti-communist role was front and centre. As one historian writes: ‘Upon Liberation it [Xhi] suddenly blossomed out as an aggressive, anti-Communist body.’119 Xhi’s rather dull performance during the occupation and its invigorated activity after the liberation meant that a number ‘of its [Xhi’s] associates were tainted with the stigma of collaboration; and its weapons, on the Colonel’s [Grivas’s] own admission, were obtained from the enemy [Germany]. For this reason, the British refused X[hi]’s offer to help fight the Communists in 1944’
  26. ^ Ganser 2005, p. 213:The turn around of the British came as a shock to ELAS and its difficulties increased when former Nazi collaborators and right-wing special units, such as the fascist X Bands of Cypriot soldier George Grivas, with British support started to hunt and kill ELAS resistance fighters. Churchill, who observed the battle from a distance, noticed however that the X Bands, for complete lack of popular support, never numbered more than 600 Greeks and hence ELAS remained the strongest guerrilla on the territory
  27. ^ Roderick Beaton; Koraes Professor of Modern Greek and Byzantine History Language and Literature Roderick Beaton (2003). George Seferis: Waiting for the Angel : a Biography. Yale University Press. p. 370. ISBN 978-0-300-10135-5.
  28. ^ Susan Sherratt; John Bennett (30 November 2016). Archaeology and the Homeric Epic. Oxbow Books. p. 161. ISBN 978-1-78570-298-3.
  29. ^ Martin Bell (30 July 2015). The End of Empire: Cyprus: A Soldier's Story. Pen and Sword. p. 10. ISBN 978-1-4738-4821-4.
  30. ^ Newsinger 2016, p. 106.
  31. ^ French 2015, p. 64-65.
  32. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference American Ethnologist was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  33. ^ Official statistics, unofficial estimates at around 371 (see Simpson, Alfred William Brian)
  34. ^ Simpson, Alfred William Brian (2001). Human Rights and the End of Empire: Britain and the Genesis of the European Convention. Oxford University Press. p. 893. ISBN 978-0-19-926789-7.
  35. ^ The struggle for Cyprus. Charles Foley, W. I. Scobie, Hoover Institution Press, 1975
  36. ^ Hazou, Elias (April 12, 2005). "Christofias comments spark EOKA storm". Cyprus Mail. Retrieved 2008-08-15.[permanent dead link]
  37. ^ Hadjistylianou, Michalis; Giorgos Ploutarhos (2005-04-07). "Οι δύο όψεις της ιστορίας για τους εκτελεσθέντες (The two views on the assassinations)". Simerini (in Greek). Archived from the original on 2008-02-25. Retrieved 2008-08-15. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  38. ^ a b Newsinger 2016, p. 95.
  39. ^ French 2015, p. 71.
  40. ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 250.
  41. ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 254: ANE (Valiant Youth of EOKA), a pupil's group was created, ANE had a branch in every school.
  42. ^ a b c d e Newsinger 2016, p. 97.
  43. ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 257-8.
  44. ^ French 2015, p. 72.
  45. ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 259.
  46. ^ French 2015, p. 76.
  47. ^ Leonidou, Leo (June 22, 2006). "The flag that marked the end of colonial rule". Cyprus Mail. Archived from the original on 2007-05-26. Retrieved 2007-04-17. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  48. ^ "Cypriots to sue U.K. for alleged torture in '50s", Herald News, 1 November 2012
  49. ^ Theodoulou, Michael (13 April 2011). "Greek Cypriots intend to sue Britain over torture in 1950s uprising". The Times. Retrieved 2011-05-09.
  50. ^ Dewhurst, Patrick (14 April 2011). "EOKA fighters to sue Brits over torture". Cyprus Mail. Archived from the original on 18 May 2011. Retrieved 2011-05-09. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  51. ^ a b Eoka fighters win first historical torture battle in UK court
  52. ^ Brussel, Leen Van; Carpentier, Nico (2014). The Social Construction of Death: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Springer. p. 177. ISBN 9781137391919.

Sources

Books

In Greek
  • Βαρνάβα, Αντρέας (2000) Η νεολαία στον απελευθερωτικό αγώνα της ΕΟΚΑ, Λευκωσία, Συμβούλιο Ιστορικής Μνήμης ΕΟΚΑ
  • Richter, Heinz (2007). Ιστορία της Κύπρου, τόμος πρώτος (1878-1949). Αθήνα: Εστία. ISBN 9789600512946. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help) translated from the original Heinz Richter (2006). Geschichte der Insel Zypern. Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-05975-6.
  • Kizilyurek, Niyazi (1990). Ολική Κύπρος. Λευκωσία: Κασουλίδη. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Κτωρής, Σώτος (2013). Τουρκοκύπριοι: από το περιθώριο στο συνεταιρισμό, 1923-196. Αθήνα: Παπαζήσης. ISBN 9789600228984. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
  • Θρασυβούλου, Μάριος (2016). Ο εθνικισμός των Ελληνοκυπρίων, από την αποικιοκρατία στην Ανεξαρτησία. Θεσσαλονίκη: επίκεντρο. ISBN 978-960-458-686-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
In English

Journals

Encyclopedias

Thesis

  • Novo, A. R. (2010). On all fronts: EOKA and the Cyprus insurgency, 1955-1959 (PhD thesis). Oxford University, UK.

Web

Further reading

Primary Sources
Secondary Sources


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