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Abdullah Öcalan

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Abdullah Öcalan
Abdullah Öcalan.png
Öcalan in 1997
Born (1949-04-04) 4 April 1949 (age 71)[1]
Ömerli, Turkey
NationalityKurdish[2][3][4][5][6][7]
CitizenshipTurkey
EducationAnkara University, Faculty of Political Science[8]
OccupationFounder and leader of militant organization PKK,[9] political activist, writer, political theorist
OrganizationKurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Koma Civakên Kurdistan (KCK)
Spouse(s)Kesire Yıldırım (24 May 1978 – ?)
RelativesMehmet Öcalan (brother)
Osman Öcalan (brother)
Fatma Öcalan (sister)
Ömer Öcalan (nephew)
Dilek Öcalan (niece)

Abdullah Öcalan (/ˈəlɑːn/ OH-jə-lahn;[10] Turkish: [œdʒaɫan]; born 4 April 1949), also known as Apo[10][11] (short for both Abdullah and "uncle" in Kurdish),[12][13] is a Kurdish leftist political theoretician, political prisoner and one of the founding members of the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).[14][15][16][17]

Öcalan was based in Syria from 1979 to 1998.[18] He helped found the PKK in 1978, and led it into the Kurdish–Turkish conflict in 1984. His leadership style was often ruthless, and many of his opponents in the PKK were killed on his orders. For most of his leadership, he was based in Syria, which provided sanctuary to the PKK until the late 1990s.

After being forced to leave Syria, Öcalan was abducted in Nairobi in 1999 by the Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MIT) (with the support of the CIA) and taken to Turkey, where he was sentenced to death under Article 125 of the Turkish Penal Code, which concerns the formation of armed organisations.[19][20][21] The sentence was commuted to aggravated life imprisonment when Turkey abolished the death penalty. From 1999 until 2009, he was the sole prisoner[22] on İmralı Island, in the Sea of Marmara.[23][24]

Öcalan now argues that the period of armed warfare is past and a political solution to the Kurdish question should be developed.[25][26] Öcalan's prison regime has oscillated between long periods of isolation during which he is allowed no contact with the outside world, and periods when he is permitted visits.[27] In 2012, he was involved in negotiations with the Turkish government that led to the Kurdish–Turkish peace process.

From prison, Öcalan has published several books. Jineology, also known as the science of women, is a form of feminism advocated by Öcalan[28] and subsequently a fundamental tenet of the Kurdistan Communities Union.[29] Öcalan's philosophy of democratic confederalism is a strong influence on the political structures of Rojava, an autonomous polity formed in Syria in 2011.

Family[edit]

Öcalan was born in Ömerli,[30] a village in Halfeti, Şanlıurfa Province in eastern Turkey.[31] While some sources report his birthday as being 4 April 1948, no official birth records for him exist, and he himself claims not to know exactly when he was born, estimating the year to be 1946 or 1947.[32] He is the oldest of seven children.[33] According to some sources, Öcalan's grandmother was an ethnic Turk and (he once claimed that) his mother was also an ethnic Turk.[34][35] The mother was rather dominant and called out his father to blame him for their dire economic situation. He later explained in an interview that it was in his childhood he learned to defend himself from injustice.[36] According to Amikam Nachmani, lecturer at the Bar-Ilan University in Israel, Öcalan did not know Kurdish when he met him in 1991. Nachmani: "He [Öcalan] told me that he speaks Turkish, gives orders in Turkish, and thinks in Turkish."[37]

As his sister Havva married a man from another village in arranged marriage, he felt regret. This event led Öcalan to his policies towards the liberation of women from the traditional suppressed female role.[36] Öcalan's brother Osman became a PKK commander until he defected from the PKK with several others to establish the Patriotic and Democratic Party of Kurdistan.[38] His other brother, Mehmet Öcalan, is a member of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP).[39] Fatma Öcalan is the sister of Abdullah Öcalan[40] and Dilek Öcalan, a former parliamentarian of the HDP is his niece.[41] Ömer Öcalan, a current member of parliament for the HDP is his nephew.[42][43]

Education and early political and revolutionary activity[edit]

He attended elementary school in a neighboring village, and developed the aim to serve in the Turkish army.[44] He wanted to enter the military high school but failed in the admission exam.[45] In 1966 he began to study at the vocational high school in Ankara, where he also met others with interests for an improvement of Kurdish rights.[45] After graduating from a vocational high school in Ankara (Turkish: Ankara Tapu-Kadastro Meslek Lisesi), Öcalan started working at the Diyarbakir Title Deeds Office. He was relocated one year later to Istanbul[45] where he participated in the reunions of the Revolutionary Cultural Eastern Hearths (DDKO).[46][47] Later, he entered the Istanbul Law Faculty but after the first year transferred to Ankara University to study political science.[48] His return to Ankara (normally impossible given his situation[notes 1]) was facilitated by the state in order to divide a militant group, Dev-Genç (Revolutionary Youth Federation of Turkey), of which Öcalan at the time was a member. President Süleyman Demirel later regretted this decision, since the PKK was to become a much greater threat to the state than Dev-Genç.[49] In 1972 he was detained due to a participation in a protest held against the killing of Mahir Çayan. For 7 months he was held at Mamak Prison.[50] In November 1973 the Ankara Democratic Association of Higher Education, (Ankara Demokratik Yüksek Öğrenim Demeği, ADYÖD) was founded and shortly after he was elected to join its board.[51] In December 1974 ADYÖD was closed down.[52] In 1975 he publishes together with Mazlum Doğan and Mehmet Hayri Durmuş [ku] a political booklet in which are described the main aims he had for the "Revolution in Kurdistan".[53]

In 1978, in the midst of the right- and left-wing conflicts which culminated in the 1980 Turkish coup d'état, Öcalan founded the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which launched a war against the Turkish government in order to set up an independent Kurdish state.[30][54] In July 1979 he fled to Syria, where he remained until October 1998, when the Syrian government expelled him.[55]

Kurdish–Turkish conflict[edit]

Öcalan supporters in London, April 2003

With the support of the Syrian Government he established two training camps for the PKK in Lebanon where the Kurdish guerrillas should receive political and military training.[53] In 1984, the PKK initiated a campaign of armed conflict by attacking government forces[56][57][58][59] in Turkey as well as civilians[60][61][62] in order to create an independent Kurdish state. As a result, the United States, European Union, Syria, Australia, Turkey, and many other countries have included the PKK on their lists of terrorist organizations.[63][64][65] Öcalan attempted to unite the Kurdish liberation movements of the PKK and the one active against Saddam Hussein in Iraq and it was agreed between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the PKK, that the latter was able to move freely in Iraqi Kurdistan. He also met twice with Masoud Barzani, the leader of the KDP in Damascus, to resolve some minor issues they had once in 1984 and another time in 1985. But due to pressure from Turkey the cooperation remained timid.[66] In 1988, he also met with Jalal Talabani of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in Damascus, with which he signed an agreement and after some differences after the foundation of a Kurdish Government in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1992 he later had a better relationship.[66] In the early 1990s, interviews given to both Doğu Perinçek and Hasan Bildirici he mentioned his willingness to achieve a peaceful solution to the conflict.[67] In another given to Oral Çalışlar, he emphasized the difference between independence and separatism. He articulated the view that different nations were able to live in independence within the same state if they had equal rights.[68] Then in 1993, upon request of Turkish president Turgut Özal, Öcalan met with Jalal Talabani for negotiations following which Öcalan declared a unilateral cease fire which had a duration from 20 March to 15 April.[69][70] Later he prolonged it in order to enable negotiations with the Turkish government. Soon after Özal died on 17 April 1993,[71] the initiative was halted by Turkey on the grounds that Turkey did not negotiate with terrorists.[69] During an International Kurdish Conference in Brussels in March 1994, his initiative for equal rights for Kurds and Turks within Turkey was discussed.[72] It is reported by Gottfried Stein, that at least during the first half of the 1990s, he used to live mainly in a protected neighborhood in Damascus.[72] On 7 May 1996, in the midst of another unilateral cease-fire declared by the PKK, an attempt to assassinate him in a house in Damascus, was unsuccessful.[73] In 1996 he also met the German MP Heinrich Lummer of the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) and they discussed the PKKs activities in Germany. Öcalan assured him that the PKK would support a peaceful solution for the conflict. Back in Germany, Lummer made a statement in support for further negotiations with Öcalan.[74]

PKK leader Öcalan allegedly used this Cypriot passport to enter Kenya where he was taken in and protected by the Greek embassy.
Öcalan on trial in 1999

During his stay in Syria he has published several books concerning the Kurdish revolution.[72] On at least one occasion, in 1993, he was detained and held by Syria's General Intelligence Directorate, but later released.[75] Until 1998, Öcalan was based in Syria. As the situation deteriorated in Turkey, the Turkish government openly threatened Syria over its support for the PKK.[76] As a result, the Syrian government forced Öcalan to leave the country but did not turn him over to the Turkish authorities. Öcalan went to Russia first and from there moved to various countries, including Italy and Greece. In 1998 the Turkish government requested the extradition of Öcalan from Italy,[77] where he applied for political asylum upon his arrival. He was detained by the Italian authorities due to an arrest warrant issued by Germany.[78] But Italy did not extradite him to Germany, who refused to hold a trial on Öcalan in its country[79] and also not to Turkey.[78]The Italian prime minister Massimo D'Alema announced it was contrary to Italian law to extradite someone to a country where the defendant is threatened with a capital punishment.[80] At that time he was defended by Britta Böhler, a high-profile German attorney who argued that the crimes he was accused of would have to be proven in court and attempted to reach that the International Court in The Hague would assume the case.[81]

Capture and trial[edit]

According to Nucan Derya, the interpreter of Öcalan in Kenya, the Kenyans have warned the Greek ambassador George Costoulas, that "something" might happen if he didn't leave four days ago and that after they were given the assurance from greek foreign minister Theodororos Pangalos, that Öcalan would have save passage to Europe, he was determined to travel to Amsterdam and face the accusations of terrorism.[82] Although not all happened as planned and he was captured in Kenya on 15 February 1999, while being transferred from the Greek embassy to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi, in an operation by the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (Turkish: Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı , MIT) reportedly with the help of the CIA.[83] Following the capture of Öcalan, the Greek Government entered in turmoil over Öcalans capture and Pangalos and other ministers resigned from their posts.[84] Costoulas, the Greek ambassador who protected him, said that his own life was in danger after the operation.[85]

The Americans transferred him to the Turkish authorities, who flew him back to Turkey for trial.[86] His capture led thousands of Kurds to hold worldwide protests condemning the capture of Öcalan at Greek and Israeli embassies. Kurds living in Germany were threatened with deportation if they continued to hold demonstrations in support of Öcalan. The warning came after three Kurds were killed and 16 injured during the 1999 attack on the Israeli consulate in Berlin.[87][88]

He was brought to İmralı island, where he was interrogated for a period of 10 days without being allowed to see or speak his lawyers.[89] A state security court consisting of three military judges was convened on İmrali island to try Öcalan.[90] On the seventh day a judge took part in the interrogations, and prepared a transcript of it.[89][91] The trial was to be initiated on the 31 May 1999 by the Ankara State Security Court which would hold the hearings at the İmralı island.[92] His lawyers had difficulties to represent him adequately as they were allowed only two interviews per week of initially a duration of 20 minutes, and later 1 hour, of which several have been canceled due to "bad weather" or because the authorities didn't give the permission needed for them.[89] Also his lawyers were unaware of what the charges might be, and received the formal indictment only after excerpts of it were already presented to the press.[93] During the trial, he was represented by the Asrın Law Office,[94] and offered to be a part in peace negotiations between the Turkish Government and the Kurds.[95] Shortly before the verdict was read out by Judge Turgut Okyay, when asked about his final remarks, he again offered to play a role in the peace finding process.[95] Öcalan was charged with treason and separatism and sentenced to death on 29 June 1999.[90] He was also banned from holding public office for life.[96] On the same day, Amnesty international demanded a re-trial.[93] In 1999 the Turkish Parliament discussed a Repentance Bill which would commute Öcalans death sentence to a 20-year imprisonment and allow PKK militants to surrender with a limited amnesty, but it didn't pass due to resistance from the far-right around the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).[97] In January 2000 the Turkish government declared the death sentence was delayed until European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) reviewed the verdict.[98] Upon the abolition of the death penalty in Turkey in August 2002,[99] in October of that year, the security court commuted his sentence to life imprisonment.[100] The Kurdish Human Rights Project (KHRP) support for Öcalan, may have aided this decision.[101]

In an attempt to reach a verdict which was more favorable to Öcalan, he appealed at the ECHR at Strasbourg, which accepted the case in June 2004.[102] In 2005, the ECHR ruled that Turkey had violated articles 3, 5, and 6 of the European Convention of Human Rights by refusing to allow Öcalan to appeal his arrest and by sentencing him to death without a fair trial.[103] Öcalan's request for a retrial was refused by Turkish courts.[104]

Detention conditions[edit]

After his capture, Öcalan was held in solitary confinement as the only prisoner on İmralı island in the Sea of Marmara. Following the commutation of the death sentence to a life sentence in 2002,[105] Öcalan remained imprisoned on İmralı, and was the sole inmate there. Although former prisoners at İmralı were transferred to other prisons, more than 1,000 Turkish military personnel were stationed on the island to guard him. In November 2009, Turkish authorities announced that other prisoners would be transferred to the İmralı island and that they were ending his solitary confinement by transferring several other prisoners to İmralı.[106] They said that Öcalan would be allowed to see them for ten hours a week. The new prison was built after the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture visited the island and objected to the conditions in which he was being held.[107][108] From 27 July 2011 until 2 May 2019 his lawyers have not been allowed to see Abdullah Öcalan.[109] From July 2011 until December 2017 his lawyers filed more than 700 appeals for visits, but all were rejected.[110]

There have been regular demonstrations held by the Kurdish community to raise awareness of the isolation of Öcalan.[111] In October 2012 several hundred Kurdish political prisoners went on hunger strike for better detention conditions for Öcalan and the right to use the Kurdish language in education and jurisprudence. The hunger strike lasted 68 days until Öcalan demanded its end.[112] Öcalan was banned from receiving visits almost two years from 6 October 2014 until 11 September 2016, when his brother Mehmet Öcalan visited him for Eid al-Adha.[113] In 2014 the ECtHR ruled in that there was a violation of article 3 in regards of him being to only prisoner on İmarli island until 17 November 2009, as well as the impossibility to appeal his verdict.[114] On 6 September 2018 visits from lawyers were banned for six months due to former punishments he received in the years 2005–2009, the fact that the lawyers made their conversations with Ocalan public, and the impression that Öcalan was leading the PKK through communications with his lawyers.[109] He was again banned from receiving visits until 12 January 2019 when his brother was permitted to visit him a second time. His brother said his health was good.[115] The ban on the visitation of his lawyers was lifted in April 2019, and Öcalan saw his lawyers on 2 May 2019.[109]

Legal prosecution of sympathizers of Abdullah Öcalan[edit]

In 2008, the Justice Minister of Turkey, Mehmet Ali Şahin, said that between 2006 and 2007, 949 people were convicted and more than 7,000 people prosecuted for calling Öcalan "esteemed" (Sayın).[116]

The Kurdish question[edit]

From armed struggle to a peaceful political solution[edit]

After his capture in 1999, Öcalan called for a halt in PKK attacks, and he has advocated a peaceful solution to the Kurdish conflict inside the borders of Turkey.[117][118][119][120][121][122] Öcalan called for the foundation of a "Truth and Justice Commission" by Kurdish institutions in order to investigate war crimes committed by both the PKK and Turkish security forces. A similar structure began functioning in May 2006.[123] In March 2005, Öcalan issued the Declaration of Democratic confederalism in Kurdistan[124] calling for a border-free confederation between the Kurdish regions of Southeastern Turkey (called "Northern Kurdistan" by Kurds[125]), Northeast Syria ("Western Kurdistan"), Northern Iraq ("South Kurdistan"), and Northwestern Iran ("East Kurdistan"). In this zone, three bodies of law would be implemented: EU law, Turkish/Syrian/Iraqi/Iranian law and Kurdish law. This proposal was adopted by the PKK programme following the "Refoundation Congress" in April 2005.[126]

Öcalan had his lawyer, Ibrahim Bilmez,[127] release a statement on 28 September 2006 calling on the PKK to declare a ceasefire and seek peace with Turkey. Öcalan's statement said, "The PKK should not use weapons unless it is attacked with the aim of annihilation," and "it is very important to build a democratic union between Turks and Kurds. With this process, the way to democratic dialogue will be also opened".[128] He worked on a solution for the Kurdish–Turkish conflict, which would include a decentralization and democratization of Turkey within the frame of the European Charter of local Self-Government, which was also signed by Turkey, but his 160-page proposal on the subject was confiscated in August 2009 by the Turkish authorities.[129]

On 31 May 2010, Öcalan said he was abandoning the ongoing dialogue with Turkey, as "this process is no longer meaningful or useful". Öcalan stated that Turkey had ignored his three protocols for negotiation: (a) his terms of health and security, (b) his release, and (c) a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Though the Turkish government had received Öcalan's protocols, they were never released to the public. Öcalan said he would leave the top PKK commanders in charge of the conflict, but that this should not be misinterpreted as a call for the PKK to intensify its armed conflict with Turkey.[130][131]

In 2013, Öcalan initiated new peace negotiations. On 21 March of that year, Öcalan declared a ceasefire between the PKK and the Turkish state. Öcalan's statement was read to hundreds of thousands of Kurds in Diyarbakir who had gathered to celebrate the Kurdish New Year (Newroz). The statement said in part, "Let guns be silenced and politics dominate... a new door is being opened from the process of armed conflict to democratization and democratic politics. It's not the end. It's the start of a new era."[132] Soon after Öcalan's declaration, the functional head of the PKK, Murat Karayılan responded by promising to implement a ceasefire, stating, "Everyone should know the PKK is as ready for peace as it is for war".

Political ideological shift[edit]

Since his incarceration, Öcalan has significantly changed his ideology through exposure to Western social theorists such as Murray Bookchin, Immanuel Wallerstein, Fernand Braudel, and Friedrich Nietzsche (who Öcalan calls "a prophet").[133][134] Abandoning his old Marxism-Leninism and Stalinism beliefs,[117][135] Öcalan fashioned his ideal society called democratic confederalism, heavily inspired on Bookchin's libertarian socialist idea of communalism.[136]

Democratic Confederalism is a "system of popularly elected administrative councils, allowing local communities to exercise autonomous control over their assets, while linking to other communities via a network of confederal councils."[137] Decisions are made by communes in each neighborhood, village, or city. All are welcome to partake in the communal councils, but political participation is not mandated. There is no private property, but rather "ownership by use, which grants individuals usage rights to the buildings, land, and infrastructure, but not the right to sell and buy on the market or convert them to private enterprises".[137] The economy is in the hands of the communal councils, and is thus (in the words of Bookchin) 'neither collectivised nor privatised - it is common.'[137] Feminism, ecology, and direct democracy are essential in democratic confederalism.[138]

With his 2005 "Declaration of Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan", Öcalan advocated for a Kurdish implementation of Bookchin's The Ecology of Freedom via municipal assemblies as a democratic confederation of Kurdish communities beyond the state borders of Syria, Iran, Iraq, and Turkey. Öcalan promoted a platform of shared values: environmentalism, self-defense, gender equality, and a pluralistic tolerance for religion, politics, and culture. While some of his followers questioned Öcalan's conversion from Marxism-Leninism to libertarian socialist and social ecology, the PKK adopted Öcalan's proposal and began to form assemblies.[117]

In early 2004, Öcalan attempted to arrange a meeting with Murray Bookchin through Öcalan's lawyers, describing himself as Bookchin's "student" eager to adapt Bookchin's thought to Middle Eastern society. Bookchin was too ill to meet with Öcalan. In May 2004 Bookchin conveyed this message "My hope is that the Kurdish people will one day be able to establish a free, rational society that will allow their brilliance once again to flourish. They are fortunate indeed to have a leader of Mr. Öcalan's talents to guide them". When Bookchin died in 2006, the PKK hailed the American thinker as "one of the greatest social scientists of the 20th century" and vowed to put his theories into practice.[136]

Honorary citizenships[edit]

Several localities have awarded him with an honorary citizenship:

Publications[edit]

Öcalan is the author of more than 40 books, four of which were written in prison. Many of the notes taken from his weekly meetings with his lawyers have been edited and published. He has also written articles for the newspaper Özgür Gündem, a newspaper which reported on the Kurdish-Turkish conflict, under the pseudonym of Ali Firat.[146]

Books[edit]

  • Interviews and Speeches. London: Kurdistan Solidarity Committee; Kurdistan Information Centre, 1991. 46 p.
  • "Translation of his 1999 defense in court". Archived from the original on 20 October 2007. Retrieved 24 April 2007.
  • Prison Writings: The Roots of Civilisation. London; Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto, 2007. ISBN 9780745326160.
  • Prison Writings Volume II: The PKK and the Kurdish Question in the 21st Century. London: Transmedia, 2011. ISBN 9780956751409.
  • Democratic Confederalism. London: Transmedia, 2011. ISBN 978-3941012479.
  • Prison Writings III: The Road Map to Negotiations. Cologne: International Initiative, 2012. ISBN 9783941012431.
  • Liberating life: Women’s Revolution. Cologne, Germany: International Initiative Edition, 2013. ISBN 978-3-941012-82-0.
  • Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization, Volume 1. Porsgrunn, Norway: New Compass, 2015. ISBN 9788293064428.
  • Defending a Civilisation.[when?]
  • The Political Thought of Abdullah Öcalan. London; UK: Pluto Press, 2017. ISBN 9780745399768.
  • Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization, Volume 2. Porsgrunn, Norway: New Compass, 2017. ISBN 9788293064480

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Normally, students can only transfer between like departments, otherwise the student must retake the university entrance exam. Moreover, Öcalan was awarded a scholarship by the Ministry of Finance, despite being ineligible due to his age, and the fact that he had participated in political demonstrations. He had also been tried and acquitted by a martial law court. The public prosecutor had asked for the harshest possible sentence.

References[edit]

  1. ^ "International Initiative: Celebrate Öcalan's birthday with us". ANFNews. ANFNews. Retrieved 18 April 2020.
  2. ^ "Profile: Abdullah Ocalan ( Greyer and tempered by long isolation, PKK leader is braving the scepticism of many Turks, and some of his own fighters)". Al Jazeera.
  3. ^ R. McHugh, 'Ocalan, Abdullah (1948—)
  4. ^ Özcan, Ali Kemal. Turkey's Kurds: A Theoretical Analysis of the PKK and Abdullah Öcalan. London: Routledge, 2005.
  5. ^ Phillips, David L. (2017). The Kurdish Spring: A New Map of the Middle East. Routledge. ISBN 9781351480369.
  6. ^ Hudson, Rex A. (2018). Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?: The Psychology and Sociology of Terrorism. Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 9781510726246.
  7. ^ Butler, Daren (21 March 2013). "Kurdish rebel chief Ocalan dons mantle of peacemaker". UK Reuters.
  8. ^ Öcalan, Abdullah (2015). Capitalism: The Age of Unmasked Gods and Naked Kings. New Compass. p. 115.
  9. ^ Paul J. White, Primitive rebels or revolutionary modernizers?: The Kurdish national movement in Turkey, Zed Books, 2000, "Professor Robert Olson, University of Kentucky"
  10. ^ a b Political Violence against Americans 1999. Bureau of Diplomatic Security. December 2000. p. 123. ISBN 978-1-4289-6562-1.
  11. ^ "Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 25 July 2013.
  12. ^ Mango, Andrew (2005). Turkey and the War on Terror: 'For Forty Years We Fought Alone'. Routledge: London. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-203-68718-5. The most ruthless among them was Abdullah Öcalan, known as Apo (a diminutive for Abdullah; the word also means 'uncle' in Kurdish).
  13. ^ Jongerden, Joost (2007). The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds: An Analysis of Spatical Policies, Modernity and War. Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill. p. 57. ISBN 9789004155572. In 1975 the group settled on a name, the Kurdistan Revolutionaries (Kurdistan Devrimcileri), but others knew them as Apocu, followers of Apo, the nickname of Abdullah Öcalan (apo is also Kurdish for uncle).
  14. ^ "Chapter 6—Terrorist Groups". Country Reports on Terrorism. United States Department of State. 27 April 2005. Retrieved 23 July 2008.
  15. ^ Powell, Colin (5 October 2001). "2001 Report on Foreign Terrorist Organizations". Foreign Terrorist Organizations. Washington, DC: Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. State Department. Retrieved 24 June 2017.
  16. ^ Traynor, Ian; Istanbul, Constanze Letsch (1 March 2013). "Locked in a fateful embrace: Turkey's PM and his Kurdish prisoner". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 21 May 2020. "We have to manage public opinion. Öcalan is a political prisoner who still has influence over his organisation." - Hüseyin Çelik
  17. ^ "AMs criticise Kurdish leader's treatment". BBC News. 20 March 2019. Retrieved 21 May 2020.
  18. ^ "ailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan granted rare family visit". Rudaw. 3 March 2020. Retrieved 30 September 2020.
  19. ^ "Fiasco in Nairobi". Retrieved 24 May 2016.
  20. ^ "Abdullah Öcalan'ı kim yakaladı?". 10 July 2008. Retrieved 24 May 2016.
  21. ^ Miron Varouhakis. "Greek Intelligence and the Capture of PKK Leader Abdullah Ocalan in 1999" (PDF). cia.gov.
  22. ^ "Prison island trial for Ocalan". BBC News. 24 March 1999.
  23. ^ Marlies Casier, Joost Jongerden, Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue, Taylor & Francis, 2010, p. 146.
  24. ^ Council of Europe, Parliamentary Assembly Documents 1999 Ordinary Session (fourth part, September 1999), Volume VII, Council of Europe, 1999, p. 18
  25. ^ Mag. Katharina Kirchmayer, The Case of the Isolation Regime of Abdullah Öcalan: A Violation of European Human Rights Law and Standards?, GRIN Verlag, 2010, p. 37
  26. ^ "Bir dönemin acı bilançosu". Hürriyet Daily News (in Turkish). 16 September 2008. Retrieved 17 September 2008.
  27. ^ "Jailed PKK leader visit ban lifted, Turkish minister says". Reuters. 16 May 2019.
  28. ^ Argentieri, Benedetta (3 February 2015). "One group battling Islamic State has a secret weapon – female fighters". Reuters. Archived from the original on 22 August 2019. Retrieved 24 November 2016.
  29. ^ Lau, Anna; Baran, Erdelan; Sirinathsingh, Melanie (18 November 2016). "A Kurdish response to climate change". openDemocracy. Retrieved 24 November 2016.
  30. ^ a b [dead link]
  31. ^ "A Short Biography". Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan / Kurdistan Workers Party. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 2 February 2015.
  32. ^ Kutschera, Chris (1999). "Abdullah Ocalan's Last Interview". Archived from the original on 17 October 2013. Retrieved 15 October 2013.
  33. ^ Aliza Marcus, Blood and Belief, New York University Press, 2007. (p.16)
  34. ^ Blood and Belief: The Pkk and the Kurdish Fight for Independence, by Aliza Marcus, p.15, 2007
  35. ^ Perceptions: journal of international affairs – Volume 4, no.1, SAM (Center), 1999, p.142
  36. ^ a b Marcus, Aliza (April 2009). Blood and Belief: The PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence. NYU Press. pp. 16–17. ISBN 978-0-8147-9587-3.
  37. ^ Turkey: Facing a New Millennium: Coping With Intertwined Conflicts, Amikam Nachmani, p.210, 2003
  38. ^ Kutschera, Chris (July 2005). "PKK dissidents accuse Abdullah Ocalan". The Middle East Magazine. Archived from the original on 7 February 2009. Retrieved 22 December 2008.
  39. ^ "BDP wants autonomy for Kurds in new Constitution", Hürriyet Daily News, 4 September 2011
  40. ^ "Travel ban for the sister and brother of Öcalan". ANF News. Retrieved 6 April 2020.
  41. ^ "HDP MP Dilek Öcalan Sentenced to 2 Years, 6 Months in Prison". Bianet. 1 March 2018.[permanent dead link]
  42. ^ "HDP Urfa candidate, Öcalan: We are a house for all peoples". ANF News. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 14 January 2019.
  43. ^ "Different identities enter Parliament with the HDP". ANF News. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 14 January 2019.
  44. ^ Marcus, Aliza (April 2009). Blood and Belief: The PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence. NYU Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-8147-9587-3.
  45. ^ a b c Marcus, Aliza (April 2009), pp.17-18
  46. ^ Marcus, Aliza (2009) p.23
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Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]