|Part of a series on|
|Development and psychology|
|Part of a series on|
Adolescence (from Latin adolescere, meaning 'to grow up') is a transitional stage of physical and psychological development that generally occurs during the period from puberty to legal adulthood (age of majority). Adolescence is usually associated with the teenage years, but its physical, psychological or cultural expressions may begin earlier and end later. For example, puberty now typically begins during preadolescence, particularly in females. Physical growth (particularly in males) and cognitive development can extend into the early twenties. Thus, age provides only a rough marker of adolescence, and scholars have found it difficult to agree upon a precise definition of adolescence.
A thorough understanding of adolescence in society depends on information from various perspectives, including psychology, biology, history, sociology, education, and anthropology. Within all of these perspectives, adolescence is viewed as a transitional period between childhood and adulthood, whose cultural purpose is the preparation of children for adult roles. It is a period of multiple transitions involving education, training, employment, and unemployment, as well as transitions from one living circumstance to another.
The end of adolescence and the beginning of adulthood varies by country. Furthermore, even within a single nation state or culture, there can be different ages at which an individual is considered mature enough for society to entrust them with certain privileges and responsibilities. Such privileges and responsibilities include driving a vehicle, having legal sexual relations, serving in the armed forces or on a jury, purchasing and drinking alcohol, voting, entering into contracts, finishing certain levels of education, marriage, and accountability for upholding the law. Adolescence is usually accompanied by an increased independence allowed by the parents or legal guardians, including less supervision as compared to preadolescence.
In studying adolescent development, adolescence can be defined biologically, as the physical transition marked by the onset of puberty and the termination of physical growth; cognitively, as changes in the ability to think abstractly and multi-dimensionally; or socially, as a period of preparation for adult roles. Major pubertal and biological changes include changes to the sex organs, height, weight, and muscle mass, as well as major changes in brain structure and organization. Cognitive advances encompass both increment in knowledge and in the ability to think abstractly and to reason more effectively. The study of adolescent development often involves interdisciplinary collaborations. For example, researchers in neuroscience or bio-behavioral health might focus on pubertal changes in brain structure and its effects on cognition or social relations. Sociologists interested in adolescence might focus on the acquisition of social roles (e.g., worker or romantic partner) and how this varies across cultures or social conditions. Developmental psychologists might focus on changes in relations with parents and peers as a function of school structure and pubertal status. Some scientists have questioned the universality of adolescence as a developmental phase, arguing that traits often considered typical of adolescents are not in fact inherent to the teenage years.
- 1 Biological development
- 2 Cognitive development
- 3 Psychological development
- 4 Social development
- 5 Culture
- 5.1 Summary
- 5.2 Autonomy
- 5.3 Social roles and responsibilities
- 5.4 Belief system development
- 5.5 Sexuality
- 5.6 Legal issues, rights and privileges
- 5.7 Media
- 5.8 Transitions into adulthood
- 6 Promoting positive changes in adolescents
- 7 Criticism
- 8 See also
- 9 References
Puberty in general
Puberty is a period of several years in which rapid physical growth and psychological changes occur, culminating in sexual maturity. The average age of onset of puberty is at 11 for girls and 12 for boys. Every person's individual timetable for puberty is influenced primarily by heredity, although environmental factors, such as diet and exercise, also exert some influences. These factors can also contribute to precocious and delayed puberty.
Some of the most significant parts of pubertal development involve distinctive physiological changes in individuals' height, weight, body composition, and circulatory and respiratory systems. These changes are largely influenced by hormonal activity. Hormones play an organizational role, priming the body to behave in a certain way once puberty begins, and an active role, referring to changes in hormones during adolescence that trigger behavioral and physical changes.
Puberty occurs through a long process and begins with a surge in hormone production, which in turn causes a number of physical changes. It is the stage of life characterized by the appearance and development of secondary sex characteristics (for example, a deeper voice and larger adam's apple in boys, and development of breasts and more curved and prominent hips in girls) and a strong shift in hormonal balance towards an adult state. This is triggered by the pituitary gland, which secretes a surge of hormonal agents into the blood stream, initiating a chain reaction to occur. The male and female gonads are subsequently activated, which puts them into a state of rapid growth and development; the triggered gonads now commence the mass production of the necessary chemicals. The testes primarily release testosterone, and the ovaries predominantly dispense estrogen. The production of these hormones increases gradually until sexual maturation is met. Some boys may develop gynecomastia due to an imbalance of sex hormones, tissue responsiveness or obesity.
Facial hair in males normally appears in a specific order during puberty: The first facial hair to appear tends to grow at the corners of the upper lip, typically between 14 and 17 years of age. It then spreads to form a moustache over the entire upper lip. This is followed by the appearance of hair on the upper part of the cheeks, and the area under the lower lip. The hair eventually spreads to the sides and lower border of the chin, and the rest of the lower face to form a full beard. As with most human biological processes, this specific order may vary among some individuals. Facial hair is often present in late adolescence, around ages 17 and 18, but may not appear until significantly later. Some men do not develop full facial hair for 10 years after puberty. Facial hair continues to get coarser, darker and thicker for another 2–4 years after puberty.
The major landmark of puberty for males is spermarche, the first ejaculation, which occurs, on average, at age 13. For females, it is menarche, the onset of menstruation, which occurs, on average, between ages 12 and 13. The age of menarche is influenced by heredity, but a girl's diet and lifestyle contribute as well. Regardless of genes, a girl must have a certain proportion of body fat to attain menarche. Consequently, girls who have a high-fat diet and who are not physically active begin menstruating earlier, on average, than girls whose diet contains less fat and whose activities involve fat reducing exercise (e.g. ballet and gymnastics). Girls who experience malnutrition or are in societies in which children are expected to perform physical labor also begin menstruating at later ages.
The timing of puberty can have important psychological and social consequences. Early maturing boys are usually taller and stronger than their friends. They have the advantage in capturing the attention of potential partners and in becoming hand-picked for sports. Pubescent boys often tend to have a good body image, are more confident, secure, and more independent. Late maturing boys can be less confident because of poor body image when comparing themselves to already developed friends and peers. However, early puberty is not always positive for boys; early sexual maturation in boys can be accompanied by increased aggressiveness due to the surge of hormones that affect them. Because they appear older than their peers, pubescent boys may face increased social pressure to conform to adult norms; society may view them as more emotionally advanced, despite the fact that their cognitive and social development may lag behind their appearance. Studies have shown that early maturing boys are more likely to be sexually active and are more likely to participate in risky behaviors.
For girls, early maturation can sometimes lead to increased self-consciousness, though a typical aspect in maturing females. Because of their bodies' developing in advance, pubescent girls can become more insecure and dependent. Consequently, girls that reach sexual maturation early are more likely than their peers to develop eating disorders (such as anorexia nervosa). Nearly half of all American high school girls' diets are to lose weight. In addition, girls may have to deal with sexual advances from older boys before they are emotionally and mentally mature. In addition to having earlier sexual experiences and more unwanted pregnancies than late maturing girls, early maturing girls are more exposed to alcohol and drug abuse. Those who have had such experiences tend to perform not as well in school as their "inexperienced" peers.
Girls have usually reached full physical development around ages 15–17, while boys usually complete puberty around ages 16–17. Any increase in height beyond the post-pubertal age is uncommon. Girls attain reproductive maturity about four years after the first physical changes of puberty appear. In contrast, boys accelerate more slowly but continue to grow for about six years after the first visible pubertal changes.
The adolescent growth spurt is a rapid increase in the individual's height and weight during puberty resulting from the simultaneous release of growth hormones, thyroid hormones, and androgens. Males experience their growth spurt about two years later, on average, than females. During their peak height velocity (the time of most rapid growth), adolescents grow at a growth rate nearly identical to that of a toddler—about 4 inches (10.3 cm) a year for males and 3.5 inches (9 cm) for females. In addition to changes in height, adolescents also experience a significant increase in weight (Marshall, 1978). The weight gained during adolescence constitutes nearly half of one's adult body weight. Teenage and early adult males may continue to gain natural muscle growth even after puberty.
The accelerated growth in different body parts happens at different times, but for all adolescents it has a fairly regular sequence. The first places to grow are the extremities—the head, hands and feet—followed by the arms and legs, then the torso and shoulders. This non-uniform growth is one reason why an adolescent body may seem out of proportion.
During puberty, bones become harder and more brittle. At the conclusion of puberty, the ends of the long bones close during the process called epiphysis. There can be ethnic differences in these skeletal changes. For example, in the United States of America, bone density increases significantly more among black than white adolescents, which might account for decreased likelihood of black women developing osteoporosis and having fewer bone fractures there.
Another set of significant physical changes during puberty happen in bodily distribution of fat and muscle. This process is different for females and males. Before puberty, there are nearly no sex differences in fat and muscle distribution; during puberty, boys grow muscle much faster than girls, although both sexes experience rapid muscle development. In contrast, though both sexes experience an increase in body fat, the increase is much more significant for girls. Frequently, the increase in fat for girls happens in their years just before puberty. The ratio between muscle and fat among post-pubertal boys is around three to one, while for girls it is about five to four. This may help explain sex differences in athletic performance.
Pubertal development also affects circulatory and respiratory systems as an adolescents' heart and lungs increase in both size and capacity. These changes lead to increased strength and tolerance for exercise. Sex differences are apparent as males tend to develop "larger hearts and lungs, higher systolic blood pressure, a lower resting heart rate, a greater capacity for carrying oxygen to the blood, a greater power for neutralizing the chemical products of muscular exercise, higher blood hemoglobin and more red blood cells".
Despite some genetic sex differences, environmental factors play a large role in biological changes during adolescence. For example, girls tend to reduce their physical activity in preadolescence and may receive inadequate nutrition from diets that often lack important nutrients, such as iron. These environmental influences in turn affect female physical development.
Primary sex characteristics are those directly related to the sex organs. In males, the first stages of puberty involve growth of the testes and scrotum, followed by growth of the penis. At the time that the penis develops, the seminal vesicles, the prostate, and the bulbourethral gland also enlarge and develop. The first ejaculation of seminal fluid generally occurs about one year after the beginning of accelerated penis growth, although this is often determined culturally rather than biologically, since for many boys first ejaculation occurs as a result of masturbation. Boys are generally fertile before they have an adult appearance.
In females, changes in the primary sex characteristics involve growth of the uterus, vagina, and other aspects of the reproductive system. Menarche, the beginning of menstruation, is a relatively late development which follows a long series of hormonal changes. Generally, a girl is not fully fertile until several years after menarche, as regular ovulation follows menarche by about two years. Unlike males, therefore, females usually appear physically mature before they are capable of becoming pregnant.
Changes in secondary sex characteristics include every change that is not directly related to sexual reproduction. In males, these changes involve appearance of pubic, facial, and body hair, deepening of the voice, roughening of the skin around the upper arms and thighs, and increased development of the sweat glands. In females, secondary sex changes involve elevation of the breasts, widening of the hips, development of pubic and underarm hair, widening of the areolae, and elevation of the nipples. The changes in secondary sex characteristics that take place during puberty are often referred to in terms of five Tanner stages, named after the British pediatrician who devised the categorization system.
Changes in the brain
The human brain is not fully developed by the time a person reaches puberty. Between the ages of 10 and 25, the brain undergoes changes that have important implications for behavior (see Cognitive development below). The brain reaches 90% of its adult size by the time a person is six years of age. Thus, the brain does not grow in size much during adolescence. However, the creases in the brain continue to become more complex until the late teens. The biggest changes in the folds of the brain during this time occur in the parts of the cortex that process cognitive and emotional information.
Over the course of adolescence, the amount of white matter in the brain increases linearly, while the amount of grey matter in the brain follows an inverted-U pattern. Through a process called synaptic pruning, unnecessary neuronal connections in the brain are eliminated and the amount of grey matter is pared down. However, this does not mean that the brain loses functionality; rather, it becomes more efficient due to increased myelination (insulation of axons) and the reduction of unused pathways.
The first areas of the brain to be pruned are those involving primary functions, such as motor and sensory areas. The areas of the brain involved in more complex processes lose matter later in development. These include the lateral and prefrontal cortices, among other regions. Some of the most developmentally significant changes in the brain occur in the prefrontal cortex, which is involved in decision making and cognitive control, as well as other higher cognitive functions. During adolescence, myelination and synaptic pruning in the prefrontal cortex increases, improving the efficiency of information processing, and neural connections between the prefrontal cortex and other regions of the brain are strengthened. This leads to better evaluation of risks and rewards, as well as improved control over impulses. Specifically, developments in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex are important for controlling impulses and planning ahead, while development in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex is important for decision making. Changes in the orbitofrontal cortex are important for evaluating rewards and risks.
Three neurotransmitters that play important roles in adolescent brain development are glutamate, dopamine and serotonin. Glutamate is an excitatory neurotransmitter. During the synaptic pruning that occurs during adolescence, most of the neural connections that are pruned contain receptors for glutamate or other excitatory neurotransmitters. Because of this, by early adulthood the synaptic balance in the brain is more inhibitory than excitatory.
Dopamine is associated with pleasure and attuning to the environment during decision-making. During adolescence, dopamine levels in the limbic system increase and input of dopamine to the prefrontal cortex increases. The balance of excitatory to inhibitory neurotransmitters and increased dopamine activity in adolescence may have implications for adolescent risk-taking and vulnerability to boredom (see Cognitive development below).
Serotonin is a neuromodulator involved in regulation of mood and behavior. Development in the limbic system plays an important role in determining rewards and punishments and processing emotional experience and social information. Changes in the levels of the neurotransmitters dopamine and serotonin in the limbic system make adolescents more emotional and more responsive to rewards and stress. The corresponding increase in emotional variability also can increase adolescents' vulnerability. The effect of serotonin is not limited to the limbic system: Several serotonin receptors have their gene expression change dramatically during adolescence, particularly in the human frontal and prefrontal cortex .
Adolescence is also a time for rapid cognitive development. Piaget describes adolescence as the stage of life in which the individual's thoughts start taking more of an abstract form and the egocentric thoughts decrease. This allows the individual to think and reason in a wider perspective. A combination of behavioural and fMRI studies have demonstrated development of executive functions, that is, cognitive skills that enable the control and coordination of thoughts and behaviour, which are generally associated with the prefrontal cortex. The thoughts, ideas and concepts developed at this period of life greatly influence one's future life, playing a major role in character and personality formation.
Biological changes in brain structure and connectivity within the brain interact with increased experience, knowledge, and changing social demands to produce rapid cognitive growth (see Changes in the brain above). The age at which particular changes take place varies between individuals, but the changes discussed below begin at puberty or shortly after that and some skills continue to develop as the adolescent ages. The dual systems model proposes a maturational imbalance between development of the socioemotional system and cognitive control systems in the brain that contribute to impulsivity and other behaviors characteristic of adolescence.
There are at least two major approaches to understanding cognitive change during adolescence. One is the constructivist view of cognitive development. Based on the work of Piaget, it takes a quantitative, state-theory approach, hypothesizing that adolescents' cognitive improvement is relatively sudden and drastic. The second is the information-processing perspective, which derives from the study of artificial intelligence and attempts to explain cognitive development in terms of the growth of specific components of the thinking process.
Improvements in cognitive ability
By the time individuals have reached age 15 or so, their basic thinking abilities are comparable to those of adults. These improvements occur in five areas during adolescence:
- Attention. Improvements are seen in selective attention, the process by which one focuses on one stimulus while tuning out another. Divided attention, the ability to pay attention to two or more stimuli at the same time, also improves.
- Memory. Improvements are seen in both working memory and long-term memory.
- Processing speed. Adolescents think more quickly than children. Processing speed improves sharply between age five and middle adolescence; it then begins to level off at age 15 and does not appear to change between late adolescence and adulthood.
- Organization. Adolescents are more aware of their thought processes and can use mnemonic devices and other strategies to think more efficiently.
Studies since 2005 indicate that the brain is not fully formed until the early twenties.
Hypothetical and abstract thinking
Adolescents' thinking is less bound to concrete events than that of children: they can contemplate possibilities outside the realm of what currently exists. One manifestation of the adolescent's increased facility with thinking about possibilities is the improvement of skill in deductive reasoning, which leads to the development of hypothetical thinking. This provides the ability to plan ahead, see the future consequences of an action and to provide alternative explanations of events. It also makes adolescents more skilled debaters, as they can reason against a friend's or parent's assumptions. Adolescents also develop a more sophisticated understanding of probability.
The appearance of more systematic, abstract thinking is another notable aspect of cognitive development during adolescence. For example, adolescents find it easier than children to comprehend the sorts of higher-order abstract logic inherent in puns, proverbs, metaphors, and analogies. Their increased facility permits them to appreciate the ways in which language can be used to convey multiple messages, such as satire, metaphor, and sarcasm. (Children younger than age nine often cannot comprehend sarcasm at all.) This also permits the application of advanced reasoning and logical processes to social and ideological matters such as interpersonal relationships, politics, philosophy, religion, morality, friendship, faith, fairness, and honesty.
A third gain in cognitive ability involves thinking about thinking itself, a process referred to as metacognition. It often involves monitoring one's own cognitive activity during the thinking process. Adolescents' improvements in knowledge of their own thinking patterns lead to better self-control and more effective studying. It is also relevant in social cognition, resulting in increased introspection, self-consciousness, and intellectualization (in the sense of thought about one's own thoughts, rather than the Freudian definition as a defense mechanism). Adolescents are much better able than children to understand that people do not have complete control over their mental activity. Being able to introspect may lead to two forms of adolescent egocentrism, which results in two distinct problems in thinking: the imaginary audience and the personal fable. These likely peak at age fifteen, along with self-consciousness in general.
Related to metacognition and abstract thought, perspective-taking involves a more sophisticated theory of mind. Adolescents reach a stage of social perspective-taking in which they can understand how the thoughts or actions of one person can influence those of another person, even if they personally are not involved.
Compared to children, adolescents are more likely to question others' assertions, and less likely to accept facts as absolute truths. Through experience outside the family circle, they learn that rules they were taught as absolute are in fact relativistic. They begin to differentiate between rules instituted out of common sense—not touching a hot stove—and those that are based on culturally-relative standards (codes of etiquette, not dating until a certain age), a delineation that younger children do not make. This can lead to a period of questioning authority in all domains.
Wisdom, or the capacity for insight and judgment that is developed through experience, increases between the ages of fourteen and twenty-five, then levels off. Thus, it is during the adolescence-adulthood transition that individuals acquire the type of wisdom that is associated with age. Wisdom is not the same as intelligence: adolescents do not improve substantially on IQ tests since their scores are relative to others in their same age group, and relative standing usually does not change—everyone matures at approximately the same rate in this way.
Because most injuries sustained by adolescents are related to risky behavior (car crashes, alcohol, unprotected sex), a great deal of research has been done on the cognitive and emotional processes underlying adolescent risk-taking. In addressing this question, it is important to distinguish whether adolescents are more likely to engage in risky behaviors (prevalence), whether they make risk-related decisions similarly or differently than adults (cognitive processing perspective), or whether they use the same processes but value different things and thus arrive at different conclusions. The behavioral decision-making theory proposes that adolescents and adults both weigh the potential rewards and consequences of an action. However, research has shown that adolescents seem to give more weight to rewards, particularly social rewards, than do adults.
Research seems to favor the hypothesis that adolescents and adults think about risk in similar ways, but hold different values and thus come to different conclusions. Some have argued that there may be evolutionary benefits to an increased propensity for risk-taking in adolescence. For example, without a willingness to take risks, teenagers would not have the motivation or confidence necessary to leave their family of origin. In addition, from a population perspective, there is an advantage to having a group of individuals willing to take more risks and try new methods, counterbalancing the more conservative elements more typical of the received knowledge held by older adults. Risktaking may also have reproductive advantages: adolescents have a newfound priority in sexual attraction and dating, and risk-taking is required to impress potential mates. Research also indicates that baseline sensation seeking may affect risk-taking behavior throughout the lifespan.
Given the potential consequences, engaging in sexual behavior is somewhat risky, particularly for adolescents. Having unprotected sex, using poor birth control methods (e.g. withdrawal), having multiple sexual partners, and poor communication are some aspects of sexual behavior that increase individual and/or social risk. Some qualities of adolescents' lives that are often correlated with risky sexual behavior include higher rates of experienced abuse, lower rates of parental support and monitoring.
Related to their increased tendency for risk-taking, adolescents show impaired behavioral inhibition, including deficits in extinction learning. This has important implications for engaging in risky behavior such as unsafe sex or illicit drug use, as adolescents are less likely to inhibit actions that may have negative outcomes in the future. This phenomenon also has consequences for behavioral treatments based on the principle of extinction, such as cue exposure therapy for anxiety or drug addiction. It has been suggested that impaired inhibition, specifically extinction, may help to explain adolescent propensity to relapse to drug-seeking even following behavioral treatment for addiction.
The formal study of adolescent psychology began with the publication of G. Stanley Hall's "Adolescence in 1904". Hall, who was the first president of the American Psychological Association, viewed adolescence primarily as a time of internal turmoil and upheaval (sturm und drang). This understanding of youth was based on two then new ways of understanding human behavior: Darwin's evolutionary theory and Freud's psychodynamic theory. He believed that adolescence was a representation of our human ancestors' phylogenetic shift from being primitive to being civilized. Hall's assertions stood relatively uncontested until the 1950s when psychologists such as Erik Erikson and Anna Freud started to formulate their theories about adolescence. Freud believed that the psychological disturbances associated with youth were biologically based and culturally universal while Erikson focused on the dichotomy between identity formation and role fulfillment. Even with their different theories, these three psychologists agreed that adolescence was inherently a time of disturbance and psychological confusion. The less turbulent aspects of adolescence, such as peer relations and cultural influence, were left largely ignored until the 1980s. From the '50s until the '80s, the focus of the field was mainly on describing patterns of behavior as opposed to explaining them.
Jean Macfarlane founded the University of California, Berkeley's Institute of Human Development, formerly called the Institute of Child Welfare, in 1927. The Institute was instrumental in initiating studies of healthy development, in contrast to previous work that had been dominated by theories based on pathological personalities. The studies looked at human development during the Great Depression and World War II, unique historical circumstances under which a generation of children grew up. The Oakland Growth Study, initiated by Harold Jones and Herbert Stolz in 1931, aimed to study the physical, intellectual, and social development of children in the Oakland area. Data collection began in 1932 and continued until 1981, allowing the researchers to gather longitudinal data on the individuals that extended past adolescence into adulthood. Jean Macfarlane launched the Berkeley Guidance Study, which examined the development of children in terms of their socioeconomic and family backgrounds. These studies provided the background for Glen Elder in the 1960s, to propose a life-course perspective of adolescent development. Elder formulated several descriptive principles of adolescent development. The principle of historical time and place states that an individual's development is shaped by the period and location in which they grow up. The principle of the importance of timing in one's life refers to the different impact that life events have on development based on when in one's life they occur. The idea of linked lives states that one's development is shaped by the interconnected network of relationships of which one is a part; and the principle of human agency asserts that one's life course is constructed via the choices and actions of an individual within the context of their historical period and social network.
In 1984, the Society for Research on Adolescence (SRA) became the first official organization dedicated to the study of adolescent psychology. Some of the issues first addressed by this group include: the nature versus nurture debate as it pertains to adolescence; understanding the interactions between adolescents and their environment; and considering culture, social groups, and historical context when interpreting adolescent behavior.
Evolutionary biologists like Jeremy Griffith have drawn parallels between adolescent psychology and the developmental evolution of modern humans from hominid ancestors as a manifestation of ontogeny recapitulating phylogeny.
Identity development is a stage in the adolescent life cycle. For most, the search for identity begins in the adolescent years. During these years, adolescents are more open to 'trying on' different behaviours and appearances to discover who they are. In an attempt to find their identity and discover who they are, adolescents are likely to cycle through a number of identities to find one that suits them best. Developing and maintaining identity (in adolescent years) is a difficult task due to multiple factors such as family life, environment, and social status. Empirical studies suggest that this process might be more accurately described as identity development, rather than formation, but confirms a normative process of change in both content and structure of one's thoughts about the self. The two main aspects of identity development are self-clarity and self-esteem. Since choices made during adolescent years can influence later life, high levels of self-awareness and self-control during mid-adolescence will lead to better decisions during the transition to adulthood. Researchers have used three general approaches to understanding identity development: self-concept, sense of identity, and self-esteem. The years of adolescence create a more conscientious group of young adults. Adolescents pay close attention and give more time and effort to their appearance as their body goes through changes. Unlike children, teens put forth an effort to look presentable (1991). The environment in which an adolescent grows up also plays an important role in their identity development. Studies done by the American Psychological Association have shown that adolescents with a less privileged upbringing have a more difficult time developing their identity.
The idea of self-concept is known as the ability of a person to have opinions and beliefs that are defined confidently, consistent and stable. Early in adolescence, cognitive developments result in greater self-awareness, greater awareness of others and their thoughts and judgments, the ability to think about abstract, future possibilities, and the ability to consider multiple possibilities at once. As a result, adolescents experience a significant shift from the simple, concrete, and global self-descriptions typical of young children; as children they defined themselves by physical traits whereas adolescents define themselves based on their values, thoughts, and opinions.
Adolescents can conceptualize multiple "possible selves" that they could become and long-term possibilities and consequences of their choices. Exploring these possibilities may result in abrupt changes in self-presentation as the adolescent chooses or rejects qualities and behaviors, trying to guide the actual self toward the ideal self (who the adolescent wishes to be) and away from the feared self (who the adolescent does not want to be). For many, these distinctions are uncomfortable, but they also appear to motivate achievement through behavior consistent with the ideal and distinct from the feared possible selves.
Further distinctions in self-concept, called "differentiation," occur as the adolescent recognizes the contextual influences on their own behavior and the perceptions of others, and begin to qualify their traits when asked to describe themselves. Differentiation appears fully developed by mid-adolescence. Peaking in the 7th-9th grades, the personality traits adolescents use to describe themselves refer to specific contexts, and therefore may contradict one another. The recognition of inconsistent content in the self-concept is a common source of distress in these years (see Cognitive dissonance), but this distress may benefit adolescents by encouraging structural development.
Sense of identity
Egocentrism in adolescents forms a self-conscious desire to feel important in their peer groups and enjoy social acceptance. Unlike the conflicting aspects of self-concept, identity represents a coherent sense of self stable across circumstances and including past experiences and future goals. Everyone has a self-concept, whereas Erik Erikson argued that not everyone fully achieves identity. Erikson's theory of stages of development includes the identity crisis in which adolescents must explore different possibilities and integrate different parts of themselves before committing to their beliefs. He described the resolution of this process as a stage of "identity achievement" but also stressed that the identity challenge "is never fully resolved once and for all at one point in time". Adolescents begin by defining themselves based on their crowd membership. "Clothes help teens explore new identities, separate from parents, and bond with peers." Fashion has played a major role when it comes to teenagers "finding their selves"; Fashion is always evolving, which corresponds with the evolution of change in the personality of teenagers. Adolescents attempt to define their identity by consciously styling themselves in different manners to find what best suits them. Trial and error in matching both their perceived image and the image others respond to and see, allows for the adolescent to grasp an understanding of who they are.
Just as fashion is evolving to influence adolescents so is the media. "Modern life takes place amidst a never-ending barrage of flesh on screens, pages, and billboards." This barrage consciously or subconsciously registers into the mind causing issues with self-image a factor that contributes to an adolescence sense of identity. Researcher James Marcia developed the current method for testing an individual's progress along these stages. His questions are divided into three categories: occupation, ideology, and interpersonal relationships. Answers are scored based on extent to which the individual has explored and the degree to which he has made commitments. The result is classification of the individual into a) identity diffusion in which all children begin, b) Identity Foreclosure in which commitments are made without the exploration of alternatives, c) Moratorium, or the process of exploration, or d) Identity Achievement in which Moratorium has occurred and resulted in commitments.
Research since reveals self-examination beginning early in adolescence, but identity achievement rarely occurring before age 18. The freshman year of college influences identity development significantly, but may actually prolong psychosocial moratorium by encouraging reexamination of previous commitments and further exploration of alternate possibilities without encouraging resolution. For the most part, evidence has supported Erikson's stages: each correlates with the personality traits he originally predicted. Studies also confirm the impermanence of the stages; there is no final endpoint in identity development.
Environment and identity
An adolescent's environment plays a huge role in their identity development. While most adolescent studies are conducted on white, middle class children, studies show that the more privileged upbringing people have, the more successfully they develop their identity. The forming of an adolescent's identity is a crucial time in their life. It has been recently found that demographic patterns suggest that the transition to adulthood is now occurring over a longer span of years than was the case during the middle of the 20th century. Accordingly, youth, a period that spans late adolescence and early adulthood, has become a more prominent stage of the life course. This therefore has caused various factors to become important during this development. So many factors contribute to the developing social identity of an adolescent from commitment, to coping devices, to social media. All of these factors are affected by the environment an adolescent grows up in. A child from a more privileged upbringing is exposed to more opportunities and better situations in general. An adolescent from an inner city or a crime-driven neighborhood is more likely to be exposed to an environment that can be detrimental to their development. Adolescence is a sensitive period in the development process, and exposure to the wrong things at that time can have a major effect on future decisions. While children that grow up in nice suburban communities are not exposed to bad environments they are more likely to participate in activities that can benefit their identity and contribute to a more successful identity development.
Sexual orientation and identity
Sexual orientation has been defined as "an erotic inclination toward people of one or more genders, most often described as sexual or erotic attractions". In recent years, psychologists have sought to understand how sexual orientation develops during adolescence. Some theorists believe that there are many different possible developmental paths one could take, and that the specific path an individual follows may be determined by their sex, orientation, and when they reached the onset of puberty.
In 1989, Troiden proposed a four-stage model for the development of homosexual sexual identity. The first stage, known as sensitization, usually starts in childhood, and is marked by the child's becoming aware of same-sex attractions. The second stage, identity confusion, tends to occur a few years later. In this stage, the youth is overwhelmed by feelings of inner turmoil regarding their sexual orientation, and begins to engage sexual experiences with same-sex partners. In the third stage of identity assumption, which usually takes place a few years after the adolescent has left home, adolescents begin to come out to their family and close friends, and assumes a self-definition as gay, lesbian, or bisexual. In the final stage, known as commitment, the young adult adopts their sexual identity as a lifestyle. Therefore, this model estimates that the process of coming out begins in childhood, and continues through the early to mid 20s. This model has been contested, and alternate ideas have been explored in recent years.
In terms of sexual identity, adolescence is when most gay/lesbian and transgender adolescents begin to recognize and make sense of their feelings. Many adolescents may choose to come out during this period of their life once an identity has been formed; many others may go through a period of questioning or denial, which can include experimentation with both homosexual and heterosexual experiences. A study of 194 lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths under the age of 21 found that having an awareness of one's sexual orientation occurred, on average, around age 10, but the process of coming out to peers and adults occurred around age 16 and 17, respectively. Coming to terms with and creating a positive LGBT identity can be difficult for some youth for a variety of reasons. Peer pressure is a large factor when youth who are questioning their sexuality or gender identity are surrounded by heteronormative peers and can cause great distress due to a feeling of being different from everyone else. While coming out can also foster better psychological adjustment, the risks associated are real. Indeed, coming out in the midst of a heteronormative peer environment often comes with the risk of ostracism, hurtful jokes, and even violence. Because of this, statistically the suicide rate amongst LGBT adolescents is up to four times higher than that of their heterosexual peers due to bullying and rejection from peers or family members.
The final major aspect of identity formation is self-esteem. Self-esteem is defined as one's thoughts and feelings about one's self-concept and identity. Most theories on self-esteem state that there is a grand desire, across all genders and ages, to maintain, protect and enhance their self-esteem. Contrary to popular belief, there is no empirical evidence for a significant drop in self-esteem over the course of adolescence. "Barometric self-esteem" fluctuates rapidly and can cause severe distress and anxiety, but baseline self-esteem remains highly stable across adolescence. The validity of global self-esteem scales has been questioned, and many suggest that more specific scales might reveal more about the adolescent experience. Girls are most likely to enjoy high self-esteem when engaged in supportive relationships with friends, the most important function of friendship to them is having someone who can provide social and moral support. When they fail to win friends' approval or couldn't find someone with whom to share common activities and common interests, in these cases, girls suffer from low self-esteem. In contrast, boys are more concerned with establishing and asserting their independence and defining their relation to authority. As such, they are more likely to derive high self-esteem from their ability to successfully influence their friends; on the other hand, the lack of romantic competence, for example, failure to win or maintain the affection of the opposite or same-sex (depending on sexual orientation), is the major contributor to low self-esteem in adolescent boys. Due to the fact that both men and women happen to have a low self-esteem after ending a romantic relationship, they are prone to other symptoms that is caused by this state. Depression and hopelessness are only two of the various symptoms and it is said that women are twice as likely to experience depression and men are three to four times more likely to commit suicide (Mearns, 1991; Ustun & Sartorius, 1995).
The relationships adolescents have with their peers, family, and members of their social sphere play a vital role in the social development of an adolescent. As an adolescent's social sphere develops rapidly as they distinguish the differences between friends and acquaintances, they often become heavily emotionally invested in friends. This is not harmful; however, if these friends expose an individual to potentially harmful situations, this is an aspect of peer pressure. Adolescence is a critical period in social development because adolescents can be easily influenced by the people they develop close relationships with. This is the first time individuals can truly make their own decisions, which also makes this a sensitive period. Relationships are vital in the social development of an adolescent due to the extreme influence peers can have over an individual. These relationships become significant because they begin to help the adolescent understand the concept of personalities, how they form and why a person has that specific type of personality. "The use of psychological comparisons could serve both as an index of the growth of an implicit personality theory and as a component process accounting for its creation. In other words, by comparing one person's personality characteristics to another's, we would be setting up the framework for creating a general theory of personality (and, ... such a theory would serve as a useful framework for coming to understand specific persons)." This can be likened to the use of social comparison in developing one's identity and self-concept, which includes ones personality, and underscores the importance of communication, and thus relationships, in one's development. In social comparison we use reference groups, with respect to both psychological and identity development. These reference groups are the peers of adolescents. This means that who the teen chooses/accepts as their friends and who they communicate with on a frequent basis often makes up their reference groups and can therefore have a huge impact on who they become. Research shows that relationships have the largest affect over the social development of an individual.
Adolescence marks a rapid change in one's role within a family. Young children tend to assert themselves forcefully, but are unable to demonstrate much influence over family decisions until early adolescence, when they are increasingly viewed by parents as equals. The adolescent faces the task of increasing independence while preserving a caring relationship with his or her parents. When children go through puberty, there is often a significant increase in parent–child conflict and a less cohesive familial bond. Arguments often concern minor issues of control, such as curfew, acceptable clothing, and the adolescent's right to privacy, which adolescents may have previously viewed as issues over which their parents had complete authority. Parent-adolescent disagreement also increases as friends demonstrate a greater impact on one another, new influences on the adolescent that may be in opposition to parents' values. Social media has also played an increasing role in adolescent and parent disagreements. While parents never had to worry about the threats of social media in the past, it has become a dangerous place for children. While adolescents strive for their freedoms, the unknowns to parents of what their child is doing on social media sites is a challenging subject, due to the increasing amount of predators on social media sites. Many parents have very little knowledge of social networking sites in the first place and this further increases their mistrust. An important challenge for the parent–adolescent relationship is to understand how to enhance the opportunities of online communication while managing its risks. Although conflicts between children and parents increase during adolescence, these are just relatively minor issues. Regarding their important life issues, most adolescents still share the same attitudes and values as their parents.
During childhood, siblings are a source of conflict and frustration as well as a support system. Adolescence may affect this relationship differently, depending on sibling gender. In same-sex sibling pairs, intimacy increases during early adolescence, then remains stable. Mixed-sex siblings pairs act differently; siblings drift apart during early adolescent years, but experience an increase in intimacy starting at middle adolescence. Sibling interactions are children's first relational experiences, the ones that shape their social and self-understanding for life. Sustaining positive sibling relations can assist adolescents in a number of ways. Siblings are able to act as peers, and may increase one another's sociability and feelings of self-worth. Older siblings can give guidance to younger siblings, although the impact of this can be either positive or negative depending on the activity of the older sibling.
A potential important influence on adolescence is change of the family dynamic, specifically divorce. With the divorce rate up to about 50%, divorce is common and adds to the already great amount of change in adolescence. Custody disputes soon after a divorce often reflect a playing out of control battles and ambivalence between parents. Divorce usually results in less contact between the adolescent and their noncustodial parent. In extreme cases of instability and abuse in homes, divorce can have a positive effect on families due to less conflict in the home. However, most research suggests a negative effect on adolescence as well as later development. A recent study found that, compared with peers who grow up in stable post-divorce families, children of divorce who experience additional family transitions during late adolescence, make less progress in their math and social studies performance over time. Another recent study put forth a new theory entitled the adolescent epistemological trauma theory, which posited that traumatic life events such as parental divorce during the formative period of late adolescence portend lifelong effects on adult conflict behavior that can be mitigated by effective behavioral assessment and training. A parental divorce during childhood or adolescence continues to have a negative effect when a person is in his or her twenties and early thirties. These negative effects include romantic relationships and conflict style, meaning as adults, they are more likely to use the styles of avoidance and competing in conflict management.
Despite changing family roles during adolescence, the home environment and parents are still important for the behaviors and choices of adolescents. Adolescents who have a good relationship with their parents are less likely to engage in various risk behaviors, such as smoking, drinking, fighting, and/or unprotected sexual intercourse. In addition, parents influence the education of adolescence. A study conducted by Adalbjarnardottir and Blondal (2009) showed that adolescents at the age of 14 who identify their parents as authoritative figures are more likely to complete secondary education by the age of 22—as support and encouragement from an authoritative parent motivates the adolescence to complete schooling to avoid disappointing that parent.
Peer groups are essential to social and general development. Communication with peers increases significantly during adolescence and peer relationships become more intense than in other stages and more influential to the teen, affecting both the decisions and choices being made. High quality friendships may enhance children's development regardless of the characteristics of those friends. As children begin to bond with various people and create friendships, it later helps them when they are adolescent and sets up the framework for adolescence and peer groups. Peer groups are especially important during adolescence, a period of development characterized by a dramatic increase in time spent with peers and a decrease in adult supervision. Adolescents also associate with friends of the opposite sex much more than in childhood and tend to identify with larger groups of peers based on shared characteristics. It is also common for adolescents to use friends as coping devices in different situations. A three-factor structure of dealing with friends including avoidance, mastery, and nonchalance has shown that adolescents use friends as coping devices with social stresses.
Communication within peer groups allows adolescents to explore their feelings and identity as well as develop and evaluate their social skills. Peer groups offer members the opportunity to develop social skills such as empathy, sharing, and leadership. Adolescents choose peer groups based on characteristics similarly found in themselves. By utilizing these relationships, adolescents become more accepting of who they are becoming. Group norms and values are incorporated into an adolescent's own self-concept. Through developing new communication skills and reflecting upon those of their peers, as well as self-opinions and values, an adolescent can share and express emotions and other concerns without fear of rejection or judgment. Peer groups can have positive influences on an individual, such as on academic motivation and performance. However, while peers may facilitate social development for one another they may also hinder it. Peers can have negative influences, such as encouraging experimentation with drugs, drinking, vandalism, and stealing through peer pressure. Susceptibility to peer pressure increases during early adolescence, peaks around age 14, and declines thereafter. Further evidence of peers hindering social development has been found in Spanish teenagers, where emotional (rather than solution-based) reactions to problems and emotional instability have been linked with physical aggression against peers. Both physical and relational aggression are linked to a vast number of enduring psychological difficulties, especially depression, as is social rejection. Because of this, bullied adolescents often develop problems that lead to further victimization. Bullied adolescents are more likely to both continue to be bullied and to bully others in the future. However, this relationship is less stable in cases of cyberbullying, a relatively new issue among adolescents.
Adolescents tend to associate with "cliques" on a small scale and "crowds" on a larger scale. During early adolescence, adolescents often associate in cliques, exclusive, single-sex groups of peers with whom they are particularly close. Despite the common[according to whom?] notion that cliques are an inherently negative influence, they may help adolescents become socially acclimated and form a stronger sense of identity. Within a clique of highly athletic male-peers, for example, the clique may create a stronger sense of fidelity and competition. Cliques also have become somewhat a "collective parent", i.e. telling the adolescents what to do and not to do. Towards late adolescence, cliques often merge into mixed-sex groups as teenagers begin romantically engaging with one another. These small friend groups then break down further as socialization becomes more couple-oriented. On a larger scale, adolescents often associate with crowds, groups of individuals who share a common interest or activity. Often, crowd identities may be the basis for stereotyping young people, such as jocks or nerds. In large, multi-ethnic high schools, there are often ethnically determined crowds. While crowds are very influential during early and middle adolescence, they lose salience during high school as students identify more individually.
An important aspect of communication is the channel used. Channel, in this respect, refers to the form of communication, be it face-to-face, email, text message, phone or other. Teens are heavy users of newer forms of communication such as text message and social-networking websites such as Facebook, especially when communicating with peers. Adolescents use online technology to experiment with emerging identities and to broaden their peer groups, such as increasing the amount of friends acquired on Facebook and other social media sites. Some adolescents use these newer channels to enhance relationships with peers however there can be negative uses as well such as cyberbullying, as mentioned previously, and negative impacts on the family.
Romance and sexual activity
Romantic relationships tend to increase in prevalence throughout adolescence. By age 15, 53% of adolescents have had a romantic relationship that lasted at least one month over the course of the previous 18 months. In a 2008 study conducted by YouGov for Channel 4, 20% of 14−17-year-olds surveyed revealed that they had their first sexual experience at 13 or under in the United Kingdom. A 2002 American study found that those aged 15–44 reported that the average age of first sexual intercourse was 17.0 for males and 17.3 for females. The typical duration of relationships increases throughout the teenage years as well. This constant increase in the likelihood of a long-term relationship can be explained by sexual maturation and the development of cognitive skills necessary to maintain a romantic bond (e.g. caregiving, appropriate attachment), although these skills are not strongly developed until late adolescence. Long-term relationships allow adolescents to gain the skills necessary for high-quality relationships later in life and develop feelings of self-worth. Overall, positive romantic relationships among adolescents can result in long-term benefits. High-quality romantic relationships are associated with higher commitment in early adulthood and are positively associated with self-esteem, self-confidence, and social competence. For example, an adolescent with positive self-confidence is likely to consider themselves a more successful partner, whereas negative experiences may lead to low confidence as a romantic partner. Adolescents often date within their demographic in regards to race, ethnicity, popularity, and physical attractiveness. However, there are traits in which certain individuals, particularly adolescent girls, seek diversity. While most adolescents date people approximately their own age, boys typically date partners the same age or younger; girls typically date partners the same age or older.
Some researchers are now focusing on learning about how adolescents view their own relationships and sexuality; they want to move away from a research point of view that focuses on the problems associated with adolescent sexuality.[why?] College Professor Lucia O'Sullivan and her colleagues found that there were no significant gender differences in the relationship events adolescent boys and girls from grades 7-12 reported. Most teens said they had kissed their partners, held hands with them, thought of themselves as being a couple and told people they were in a relationship. This means that private thoughts about the relationship as well as public recognition of the relationship were both important to the adolescents in the sample. Sexual events (such as sexual touching, sexual intercourse) were less common than romantic events (holding hands) and social events (being with one's partner in a group setting). The researchers state that these results are important because the results focus on the more positive aspects of adolescents and their social and romantic interactions rather than focusing on sexual behavior and its consequences.
Adolescence marks a time of sexual maturation, which manifests in social interactions as well. While adolescents may engage in casual sexual encounters (often referred to as hookups), most sexual experience during this period of development takes place within romantic relationships. Adolescents can use technologies and social media to seek out romantic relationships as they feel it is a safe place to try out dating and identity exploration. From these social media encounters, a further relationship may begin. Kissing, hand holding, and hugging signify satisfaction and commitment. Among young adolescents, "heavy" sexual activity, marked by genital stimulation, is often associated with violence, depression, and poor relationship quality. This effect does not hold true for sexual activity in late adolescence that takes place within a romantic relationship. Some research suggest that there are genetic causes of early sexual activity that are also risk factors for delinquency, suggesting that there is a group who are at risk for both early sexual activity and emotional distress. For older adolescents, though, sexual activity in the context of romantic relationships was actually correlated with lower levels of deviant behavior after controlling for genetic risks, as opposed to sex outside of a relationship (hook-ups)
Dating violence is fairly prevalent within adolescent relationships. When surveyed, 10-45% of adolescents reported having experienced physical violence in the context of a relationship while a quarter to a third of adolescents reported having experiencing psychological aggression. This reported aggression includes hitting, throwing things, or slaps, although most of this physical aggression does not result in a medical visit. Physical aggression in relationships tends to decline from high school through college and young adulthood. In heterosexual couples, there is no significant difference between the rates of male and female aggressors, unlike in adult relationships.
Adolescent girls with male partners who are older than them are at higher risk for adverse sexual health outcomes than their peers. Research suggests that the larger the partner age difference, the less relationship power the girls experience. Behavioral interventions such as developing relationship skills in identifying, preventing, and coping with controlling behaviors may be beneficial. For condom use promotion, it is important to identify decision-making patterns within relationships and increase the power of the adolescent female in the relationship. Female adolescents from minority populations are at even higher risk for intimate partner violence (IPV). Recent research findings suggest that a substantial portion of young urban females are at high risk for being victims of multiple forms of IPV. Practitioners diagnosing depression among urban minority teens should assess for both physical and non-physical forms of IPV, and early detection can help to identify youths in need of intervention and care. Similarly to adult victims, adolescent victims do not readily disclose abuse, and may seek out medical care for problems not directly related to incidences of IPV. Therefore, screening should be a routine part of medical treatment for adolescents regardless of chief complaint. Many adults discount instances of IPV in adolescents or believe they do not occur because relationships at young ages are viewed as “puppy love,” however, it is crucial that adults take IPV in adolescents seriously even though often policy falls behind.
In contemporary society, adolescents also face some risks as their sexuality begins to transform. While some of these, such as emotional distress (fear of abuse or exploitation) and sexually transmitted infections/diseases (STIs/STDs), including HIV/AIDS, are not necessarily inherent to adolescence, others such as teenage pregnancy (through non-use or failure of contraceptives) are seen as social problems in most western societies. One in four sexually active teenagers will contract an STI. Adolescents in the United States often chose "anything but intercourse" for sexual activity because they mistakenly believe it reduces the risk of STIs. Across the country, clinicians report rising diagnoses of herpes and human papillomavirus (HPV), which can cause genital warts, and is now thought to affect 15 percent of the teen population. Girls 15 to 19 have higher rates of gonorrhea than any other age group. One-quarter of all new HIV cases occur in those under the age of 21. Multrine also states in her article that according to a March survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation, eighty-one percent of parents want schools to discuss the use of condoms and contraception with their children. They also believe students should be able to be tested for STIs. Furthermore, teachers want to address such topics with their students. But, although 9 in 10 sex education instructors across the country believe that students should be taught about contraceptives in school, over one quarter report receiving explicit instructions from school boards and administrators not to do so. According to anthropologist Margaret Mead, the turmoil found in adolescence in Western society has a cultural rather than a physical cause; they reported that societies where young women engaged in free sexual activity had no such adolescent turmoil.
There are certain characteristics of adolescent development that are more rooted in culture than in human biology or cognitive structures. Culture has been defined as the "symbolic and behavioral inheritance received from the past that provides a community framework for what is valued". Culture is learned and socially shared, and it affects all aspects of an individual's life. Social responsibilities, sexual expression, and belief system development, for instance, are all things that are likely to vary by culture. Furthermore, distinguishing characteristics of youth, including dress, music and other uses of media, employment, art, food and beverage choices, recreation, and language, all constitute a youth culture. For these reasons, culture is a prevalent and powerful presence in the lives of adolescents, and therefore we cannot fully understand today's adolescents without studying and understanding their culture. However, "culture" should not be seen as synonymous with nation or ethnicity. Many cultures are present within any given country and racial or socioeconomic group. Furthermore, to avoid ethnocentrism, researchers must be careful not to define the culture's role in adolescence in terms of their own cultural beliefs.
In Britain, teenagers first came to public attention during the Second World War, when there were fears of juvenile delinquency. By the 1950s, the media presented teenagers in terms of generational rebellion. The exaggerated moral panic among politicians and the older generation was typically belied by the growth in intergenerational cooperation between parents and children. Many working-class parents, enjoying newfound economic security, eagerly took the opportunity to encourage their teens to enjoy more adventurous lives. Schools were falsely portrayed as dangerous blackboard jungles under the control of rowdy kids. The media distortions of the teens as too affluent, and as promiscuous, delinquent, counter-cultural rebels do not reflect the actual experiences of ordinary young adults, particularly young women.
The degree to which adolescents are perceived as autonomous beings varies widely by culture, as do the behaviors that represent this emerging autonomy. Psychologists have identified three main types of autonomy: emotional independence, behavioral autonomy, and cognitive autonomy. Emotional autonomy is defined in terms of an adolescent's relationships with others, and often includes the development of more mature emotional connections with adults and peers. Behavioral autonomy encompasses an adolescent's developing ability to regulate his or her own behavior, to act on personal decisions, and to self-govern. Cultural differences are especially visible in this category because it concerns issues of dating, social time with peers, and time-management decisions. Cognitive autonomy describes the capacity for an adolescent to partake in processes of independent reasoning and decision-making without excessive reliance on social validation. Converging influences from adolescent cognitive development, expanding social relationships, an increasingly adultlike appearance, and the acceptance of more rights and responsibilities enhance feelings of autonomy for adolescents. Proper development of autonomy has been tied to good mental health, high self-esteem, self-motivated tendencies, positive self-concepts, and self-initiating and regulating behaviors. Furthermore, it has been found that adolescents' mental health is best when their feelings about autonomy match closely with those of their parents.
A questionnaire called the teen timetable has been used to measure the age at which individuals believe adolescents should be able to engage in behaviors associated with autonomy. This questionnaire has been used to gauge differences in cultural perceptions of adolescent autonomy, finding, for instance, that White parents and adolescents tend to expect autonomy earlier than those of Asian descent. It is, therefore, clear that cultural differences exist in perceptions of adolescent autonomy, and such differences have implications for the lifestyles and development of adolescents. In sub-Saharan African youth, the notions of individuality and freedom may not be useful in understanding adolescent development. Rather, African notions of childhood and adolescent development are relational and interdependent.
Social roles and responsibilities
The lifestyle of an adolescent in a given culture is profoundly shaped by the roles and responsibilities he or she is expected to assume. The extent to which an adolescent is expected to share family responsibilities is one large determining factor in normative adolescent behavior. For instance, adolescents in certain cultures are expected to contribute significantly to household chores and responsibilities. Household chores are frequently divided into self-care tasks and family-care tasks. However, specific household responsibilities for adolescents may vary by culture, family type, and adolescent age. Some research has shown that adolescent participation in family work and routines has a positive influence on the development of an adolescent's feelings of self-worth, care, and concern for others.
In addition to the sharing of household chores, certain cultures expect adolescents to share in their family's financial responsibilities. According to family economic and financial education specialists, adolescents develop sound money management skills through the practices of saving and spending money, as well as through planning ahead for future economic goals. Differences between families in the distribution of financial responsibilities or provision of allowance may reflect various social background circumstances and intrafamilial processes, which are further influenced by cultural norms and values, as well as by the business sector and market economy of a given society. For instance, in many developing countries it is common for children to attend fewer years of formal schooling so that, when they reach adolescence, they can begin working.
While adolescence is a time frequently marked by participation in the workforce, the number of adolescents in the workforce is much lower now than in years past as a result of increased accessibility and perceived importance of formal higher education. For example, half of all 16-year-olds in China were employed in 1980, whereas less than one fourth of this same cohort were employed in 1990.
Furthermore, the amount of time adolescents spend on work and leisure activities varies greatly by culture as a result of cultural norms and expectations, as well as various socioeconomic factors. American teenagers spend less time in school or working and more time on leisure activities—which include playing sports, socializing, and caring for their appearance—than do adolescents in many other countries. These differences may be influenced by cultural values of education and the amount of responsibility adolescents are expected to assume in their family or community.
Time management, financial roles, and social responsibilities of adolescents are therefore closely connected with the education sector and processes of career development for adolescents, as well as to cultural norms and social expectations. In many ways, adolescents' experiences with their assumed social roles and responsibilities determine the length and quality of their initial pathway into adult roles.
Belief system development
Adolescence is frequently characterized by a transformation of an adolescent's understanding of the world, the rational direction towards a life course, and the active seeking of new ideas rather than the unquestioning acceptance of adult authority. An adolescent begins to develop a unique belief system through his or her interaction with social, familial, and cultural environments. While organized religion is not necessarily a part of every adolescent's life experience, youth are still held responsible for forming a set of beliefs about themselves, the world around them, and whatever higher powers they may or may not believe in. This process is often accompanied or aided by cultural traditions that intend to provide a meaningful transition to adulthood through a ceremony, ritual, confirmation, or rite of passage.
Many cultures define the transition into adultlike sexuality by specific biological or social milestones in an adolescent's life. For example, menarche (the first menstrual period of a female), or semenarche (the first ejaculation of a male) are frequent sexual defining points for many cultures. In addition to biological factors, an adolescent's sexual socialization is highly dependent upon whether their culture takes a restrictive or permissive attitude toward teen or premarital sexual activity. In the United States specifically, adolescents are said to have "raging hormones" that drive their sexual desires. These sexual desires are then dramatized regarding teen sex and seen as "a site of danger and risk; that such danger and risk is a source of profound worry among adults". There is little to no normalization regarding teenagers having sex in the U.S., which causes conflict in how adolescents are taught about sex education. There is a constant debate about whether abstinence-only sex education or comprehensive sex education should be taught in schools and this stems back to whether or not the country it is being taught in is permissive or restrictive. Restrictive cultures overtly discourage sexual activity in unmarried adolescents or until an adolescent undergoes a formal rite of passage. These cultures may attempt to restrict sexual activity by separating males and females throughout their development, or through public shaming and physical punishment when sexual activity does occur. In less restrictive cultures, there is more tolerance for displays of adolescent sexuality, or of the interaction between males and females in public and private spaces. Less restrictive cultures may tolerate some aspects of adolescent sexuality, while objecting to other aspects. For instance, some cultures find teenage sexual activity acceptable but teenage pregnancy highly undesirable. Other cultures do not object to teenage sexual activity or teenage pregnancy, as long as they occur after marriage. In permissive societies, overt sexual behavior among unmarried teens is perceived as acceptable, and is sometimes even encouraged. Regardless of whether a culture is restrictive or permissive, there are likely to be discrepancies in how females versus males are expected to express their sexuality. Cultures vary in how overt this double standard is—in some it is legally inscribed, while in others it is communicated through social convention. Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth face much discrimination through bullying from those unlike them and may find telling others that they are gay to be a traumatic experience. The range of sexual attitudes that a culture embraces could thus be seen to affect the beliefs, lifestyles, and societal perceptions of its adolescents.
Legal issues, rights and privileges
This section needs additional citations for verification. (February 2011) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Adolescence is a period frequently marked by increased rights and privileges for individuals. While cultural variation exists for legal rights and their corresponding ages, considerable consistency is found across cultures. Furthermore, since the advent of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989 (children here defined as under 18), almost every country in the world (except the U.S. and South Sudan) has legally committed to advancing an anti-discriminatory stance towards young people of all ages. This includes protecting children against unchecked child labor, enrollment in the military, prostitution, and pornography. In many societies, those who reach a certain age (often 18, though this varies) are considered to have reached the age of majority and are legally regarded as adults who are responsible for their actions. People below this age are considered minors or children. A person below the age of majority may gain adult rights through legal emancipation.
The legal working age in Western countries is usually 14 to 16, depending on the number of hours and type of employment under consideration. Many countries also specify a minimum school leaving age, at which a person is legally allowed to leave compulsory education. This age varies greatly cross-culturally, spanning from 10 to 18, which further reflects the diverse ways formal education is viewed in cultures around the world.
In most democratic countries, a citizen is eligible to vote at age 18. In a minority of countries, the voting age is as low as 16 (for example, Brazil), and at one time was as high as 25 in Uzbekistan.
The age of consent to sexual activity varies widely between jurisdictions, ranging from 12 to 20 years, as does the age at which people are allowed to marry. Specific legal ages for adolescents that also vary by culture are enlisting in the military, gambling, and the purchase of alcohol, cigarettes or items with parental advisory labels. It should be noted that the legal coming of age often does not correspond with the sudden realization of autonomy; many adolescents who have legally reached adult age are still dependent on their guardians or peers for emotional and financial support. Nonetheless, new legal privileges converge with shifting social expectations to usher in a phase of heightened independence or social responsibility for most legal adolescents.
Alcohol and illicit drug use
Following a steady decline, beginning in the late 1990s up through the mid-2000s, illicit drug use among adolescents has been on the rise in the U.S. Aside from alcohol, marijuana is the most commonly indulged drug habit during adolescent years. Data collected by the National Institute on Drug Abuse shows that between the years of 2007 and 2011, marijuana use grew from 5.7% to 7.2% among 8th grade students; among 10th grade students, from 14.2% to 17.6%; and among 12th graders, from 18.8% to 22.6%. Additional, recent years have seen a surge in popularity of MDMA; between 2010 and 2011, the use of MDMA increased from 1.4% to 2.3% among high school seniors. The heightened usage of ecstasy most likely ties in at least to some degree with the rising popularity of rave culture.
One significant contribution to the increase in teenage substance abuse is an increase in the availability of prescription medication. With an increase in the diagnosis of behavioral and attentional disorders for students, taking pharmaceutical drugs such as Vicodin and Adderall for pleasure has become a prevalent activity among adolescents: 15.2% of high school seniors report having abused prescription drugs within the past year.
Teenage alcohol drug use is currently at an all-time low. Out of a polled body of students, 4.4% of 8th graders reported having been on at least one occasion been drunk within the previous month; for 10th graders, the number was 13.7%, and for 12th graders, 25%. More drastically, cigarette smoking has become a far less prevalent activity among American middle- and high-school students; in fact, a greater number of teens now smoke marijuana than smoke cigarettes, with one recent study showing a respective 15.2% versus 11.7% of surveyed students. Recent studies have shown that male late adolescents are far more likely to smoke cigarettes rather than females. The study indicated that there was a discernible gender difference in the prevalence of smoking among the students. The finding of the study show that more males than females began smoking when they were in primary and high schools whereas most females started smoking after high school. This may be attributed to recent changing social and political views towards marijuana; issues such as medicinal use and legalization have tended towards painting the drug in a more positive light than historically, while cigarettes continue to be vilified due to associated health risks.
Different drug habits often relate to one another in a highly significant manner. It has been demonstrated that adolescents who drink at least to some degree may be as much as sixteen times more likely than non-drinkers to experiment with illicit drugs.
Peer acceptance and social norms gain a significantly greater hand in directing behavior at the onset of adolescence; as such, the alcohol and illegal drug habits of teens tend to be shaped largely by the substance use of friends and other classmates. In fact, studies suggest that more significantly than actual drug norms, an individual's perception of the illicit drug use by friends and peers is highly associated with his or her own habits in substance use during both middle and high school, a relationship that increases in strength over time. Whereas social influences on alcohol use and marijuana use tend to work directly in the short term, peer and friend norms on smoking cigarettes in middle school have a profound effect on one's own likelihood to smoke cigarettes well into high school. Perhaps the strong correlation between peer influence in middle school and cigarette smoking in high school may be explained by the addictive nature of cigarettes, which could lead many students to continue their smoking habits from middle school into late adolescence.
Until mid-to-late adolescence, boys and girls show relatively little difference in drinking motives. Distinctions between the reasons for alcohol consumption of males and females begin to emerge around ages 14–15; overall, boys tend to view drinking in a more social light than girls, who report on average a more frequent use of alcohol as a coping mechanism. The latter effect appears to shift in late adolescence and onset of early adulthood (20–21 years of age); however, despite this trend, age tends to bring a greater desire to drink for pleasure rather than coping in both boys and girls.
Drinking habits and the motives behind them often reflect certain aspects of an individual's personality; in fact, four dimensions of the Five-Factor Model of personality demonstrate associations with drinking motives (all but 'Openness'). Greater enhancement motives for alcohol consumption tend to reflect high levels of extraversion and sensation-seeking in individuals; such enjoyment motivation often also indicates low conscientiousness, manifesting in lowered inhibition and a greater tendency towards aggression. On the other hand, drinking to cope with negative emotional states correlates strongly with high neuroticism and low agreeableness. Alcohol use as a negative emotion control mechanism often links with many other behavioral and emotional impairments, such as anxiety, depression, and low self-esteem.
Research has generally shown striking uniformity across different cultures in the motives behind teen alcohol use. Social engagement and personal enjoyment appear to play a fairly universal role in adolescents' decision to drink throughout separate cultural contexts. Surveys conducted in Argentina, Hong Kong, and Canada have each indicated the most common reason for drinking among adolescents to relate to pleasure and recreation; 80% of Argentinian teens reported drinking for enjoyment, while only 7% drank to improve a bad mood. The most prevalent answers among Canadian adolescents were to "get in a party mood," 18%; "because I enjoy it," 16%; and "to get drunk," 10%. In Hong Kong, female participants most frequently reported drinking for social enjoyment, while males most frequently reported drinking to feel the effects of alcohol.
Much research has been conducted on the psychological ramifications of body image on adolescents. Modern day teenagers are exposed to more media on a daily basis than any generation before them. Recent studies have indicated that the average teenager watches roughly 1500 hours of television per year. As such, modern day adolescents are exposed to many representations of ideal, societal beauty. The concept of a person being unhappy with their own image or appearance has been defined as "body dissatisfaction". In teenagers, body dissatisfaction is often associated with body mass, low self-esteem, and atypical eating patterns. Scholars continue to debate the effects of media on body dissatisfaction in teens.
Because exposure to media has increased over the past decade, adolescents' utilization of computers, cell phones, stereos and televisions to gain access to various mediums of popular culture has also increased. Almost all American households have at least one television, more than three-quarters of all adolescents' homes have access to the Internet, and more than 90% of American adolescents use the Internet at least occasionally. As a result of the amount of time adolescents spend using these devices, their total media exposure is high. In the last decade, the amount of time that adolescents spend on the computer has greatly increased. Online activities with the highest rates of use among adolescents are video games (78% of adolescents), email (73%), instant messaging (68%), social networking sites (65%), news sources (63%), music (59%), and videos (57%).
In the 2000s, social networking sites proliferated and a high proportion of adolescents used them: as of 2012 73% of 12–17 year olds reported having at least one social networking profile; two-thirds (68%) of teens texted every day, half (51%) visited social networking sites daily, and 11% sent or received tweets at least once every day. More than a third (34%) of teens visited their main social networking site several times a day. One in four (23%) teens were "heavy" social media users, meaning they used at least two different types of social media each and every day.
Although research has been inconclusive, some findings have indicated that electronic communication negatively affects adolescents' social development, replaces face-to-face communication, impairs their social skills, and can sometimes lead to unsafe interaction with strangers. A 2015 review reported that "adolescents lack awareness of strategies to cope with cyberbullying, which has been consistently associated with an increased likelihood of depression." Studies have shown differences in the ways the internet negatively impacts the adolescents' social functioning. Online socializing tends to make girls particularly vulnerable, while socializing in Internet cafés seems only to affect boys academic achievement. However, other research suggests that Internet communication brings friends closer and is beneficial for socially anxious teens, who find it easier to interact socially online. The more conclusive finding has been that Internet use has a negative effect on the physical health of adolescents, as time spent using the Internet replaces time doing physical activities. However, the Internet can be significantly useful in educating teens because of the access they have to information on many various topics.
Transitions into adulthood
A broad way of defining adolescence is the transition from child-to-adulthood. According to Hogan & Astone (1986), this transition can include markers such as leaving school, starting a full-time job, leaving the home of origin, getting married, and becoming a parent for the first time. However, the time frame of this transition varies drastically by culture. In some countries, such as the United States, adolescence can last nearly a decade, but in others, the transition—often in the form of a ceremony—can last for only a few days.
Some examples of social and religious transition ceremonies that can be found in the U.S., as well as in other cultures around the world, are Confirmation, Bar and Bat Mitzvahs, Quinceañeras, sweet sixteens, cotillions, and débutante balls. In other countries, initiation ceremonies play an important role, marking the transition into adulthood or the entrance into adolescence. This transition may be accompanied by obvious physical changes, which can vary from a change in clothing to tattoos and scarification. Furthermore, transitions into adulthood may also vary by gender, and specific rituals may be more common for males or for females. This illuminates the extent to which adolescence is, at least in part, a social construction; it takes shape differently depending on the cultural context, and may be enforced more by cultural practices or transitions than by universal chemical or biological physical changes.
Promoting positive changes in adolescents
At the decision-making point of their lives, youth is susceptible to drug addiction, sexual abuse, peer pressure, violent crimes and other illegal activities. Developmental Intervention Science (DIS) is a fusion of the literature of both developmental and intervention sciences. This association conducts youth interventions that mutually assist both the needs of the community as well as psychologically stranded youth by focusing on risky and inappropriate behaviors while promoting positive self-development along with self-esteem among adolescents.
The concept of adolescence has been criticized by experts, such as Robert Epstein, who state that an undeveloped brain is not the main cause of teenagers' turmoils. Some have criticized the concept of adolescence because it is a relatively recent phenomenon in human history created by modern society, and have been highly critical of what they view as the infantilization of young adults in American society. In an article for Scientific American, Robert Epstein and Jennifer Ong state that "American-style teen turmoil is absent in more than 100 cultures around the world, suggesting that such mayhem is not biologically inevitable. Second, the brain itself changes in response to experiences, raising the question of whether adolescent brain characteristics are the cause of teen tumult or rather the result of lifestyle and experiences." David Moshman has also stated in regards to adolescence that brain research "is crucial for a full picture, but it does not provide an ultimate explanation."
Other critics of the concept of adolescence do point at individual differences in brain growth rate, citing that some (though not all) early teens still have infantile undeveloped corpus callosums, concluding that "the adult in *every* adolescent" is too generalizing. These people tend to support the notion that a more interconnected brain makes more precise distinctions (citing Pavlov's comparisons of conditioned reflexes in different species) and that there is a non-arbitrary threshold at which distinctions become sufficiently precise to correct assumptions afterward as opposed to being ultimately dependent on exterior assumptions for communication. They argue that this threshold is the one at which an individual is objectively capable of speaking for himself or herself, as opposed to culturally arbitrary measures of "maturity" which often treat this ability as a sign of "immaturity" merely because it leads to questioning of authorities. These people also stress the low probability of the threshold being reached at a birthday, and instead advocate non-chronological emancipation at the threshold of afterward correction of assumptions. They sometimes cite similarities between "adolescent" behavior and KZ syndrome (inmate behavior in adults in prison camps) such as aggression being explainable by oppression and "immature" financial or other risk behavior being explainable by a way out of captivity being more worth to captive people than any incremental improvement in captivity, and argue that this theory successfully predicted remaining "immature" behavior after reaching the age of majority by means of longer-term traumatization. In this context, they refer to the fallibility of official assumptions about what is good or bad for an individual, concluding that paternalistic "rights" may harm the individual. They also argue that since it never took many years to move from one group to another to avoid inbreeding in the paleolithic, evolutionary psychology is unable to account for a long period of "immature" risk behavior.
- Adolescent medicine
- Children and adolescents in the United States
- Emerging adulthood and early adulthood
- Ephebophilia – a sexual preference in which an adult is primarily or exclusively sexually attracted to mid to late adolescents
- Fear of youth
- Student voice
- Suitable age and discretion
- Timeline of young people's rights in the United Kingdom
- Timeline of young people's rights in the United States
- Young adult (psychology)
- Young worker safety and health
- Macmillan Dictionary for Students Macmillan, Pan Ltd. (1981), page 14, 456. Retrieved 2010-7-15.
- "Adolescence". Merriam-Webster. Retrieved May 9, 2012.
- "Puberty and adolescence". MedlinePlus. Archived from the original on April 3, 2013. Retrieved July 22, 2014.
- "Adolescence". Psychology Today. Retrieved April 7, 2012.
- "The Theoretical Basis for the Life Model-Research And Resources On Human Development" (PDF). Retrieved 2009-08-11.
- "PSY 345 Lecture Notes - Ego Psychologists, Erik Erikson" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2010-10-16. Retrieved 2009-08-11.
- Roberts, Michelle (2005-05-15). "Why puberty now begins at seven". BBC News. Retrieved 2010-05-22.
- Žukauskaitė S, Lašienė D, Lašas L, Urbonaitė B, Hindmarsh P (September 2005). "Onset of breast and pubic hair development in 1231 preadolescent Lithuanian schoolgirls". Arch. Dis. Child. 90 (9): 932–6. doi:10.1136/adc.2004.057612. PMC 1720558. PMID 15855182.
- Hill, Mark. "UNSW Embryology Normal Development - Puberty". embryology.med.unsw.edu.au. Archived from the original on 22 February 2008. Retrieved 2008-03-09.
- Dorn L. D.; Biro F. M. (2011). "Puberty and Its Measurement: A Decade in Review. [Review]". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 21 (1): 180–195. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2010.00722.x.
- Finley, Harry. "Average age at menarche in various cultures". Museum of Menstruation and Women's Health. Archived from the original on 16 August 2007. Retrieved 2007-08-02.
- Cooney, Elizabeth (2010-02-11). "Puberty gap: Obesity splits boys, girls. Adolescent males at top of the BMI chart may be delayed". MSNBC. Retrieved 2010-05-22.
- Larson, R., & Wilson, S. (2004). Adolescence across place and time: Globalization and the changing pathways to adulthood. In R. Lerner and L. Steinberg Handbook of adolescent psychology. New York: Wiley
- Coleman, John; Roker, Debi. Psychologist11. 12 (Dec 1998): 593. "Adolescence".
- Arnett J. J. (2007). "Emerging Adulthood: What Is It, and What Is It Good For?". Child Development Perspectives. 1 (2): 68–73. doi:10.1111/j.1750-8606.2007.00016.x.
- Côté, J. E. (1996). Identity: A multidimensional analysis. In G. R. Adams, T. Gullotta & R. Montemeyer (Eds.), Issues in Adolescent Development (Vol. 6, pp. 130–180). New York, NY: Sage Publications.
- Simmons, R., & Blyth, D. (1987). Moving into adolescence. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.
- Kail, RV; Cavanaugh JC (2010). Human Development: A Lifespan View (5th ed.). Cengage Learning. p. 296. ISBN 978-0-495-60037-4. Retrieved September 11, 2014.
- "Teenage Growth & Development: 11 to 14 Years". Palo Alto Medical Foundation.
For girls, puberty begins around 10 or 11 years of age and ends around age 16. Boys enter puberty later than girls-usually around 12 years of age-and it lasts until around age 16 or 17.
- (Tanner, 1990).
- Kaplowitz PB, Slora EJ, Wasserman RC, Pedlow SE, Herman-Giddens ME (August 2001). "Earlier onset of puberty in girls: relation to increased body mass index and race". Pediatrics. 108 (2): 347–53. doi:10.1542/peds.108.2.347. PMID 11483799.
- Marshal, W. (1978). Puberty. In F. Falkner & J.Tanner (Eds.), Human growth, Vol. 2. New York: Plenum.
- Sisk C. L.; Foster D.L. (2004). "The neural basis of puberty and adolescence". Nature Neuroscience. 7 (10): 1040–1047. doi:10.1038/nn1326. PMID 15452575.
- Coe, C., Hayashi, K., & Levine, S. (1988). Hormones and behavior at puberty: Activation or concatenation. In M. Gunnar & W.A. Collins (Eds.), The Minnesota Symposia on Child Psychology, Vol. 21, pp. 17–41. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
- Nydick M, Bustos J, Dale JH, Rawson RW (November 1961). "Gynecomastia in adolescent boys". JAMA. 178 (5): 449–54. doi:10.1001/jama.1961.03040440001001. PMID 14480779.
- "Puberty -- Changes for Males". pamf.org. Archived from the original on 3 March 2009. Retrieved 2009-02-20.
- "Getting The Facts: Puberty". ppwr. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. Retrieved 2009-02-20.
- "The No-Hair Scare". PBS. Archived from the original on 5 February 2009. Retrieved 2009-02-20.
- (Jorgensen & Keiding 1991).
- Anderson SE, Dallal GE, Must A (April 2003). "Relative weight and race influence average age at menarche: results from two nationally representative surveys of US girls studied 25 years apart". Pediatrics. 111 (4 Pt 1): 844–50. doi:10.1542/peds.111.4.844. PMID 12671122.
- Al-Sahab B, Ardern CI, Hamadeh MJ, Tamim H (2010). "Age at menarche in Canada: results from the National Longitudinal Survey of Children & Youth". BMC Public Health. 10 (1): 736. doi:10.1186/1471-2458-10-736. PMC 3001737. PMID 21110899.
- Hamilton-Fairley, Diana. "Obstetrics and Gynaecology" (PDF) (Second ed.). Blackwell Publishing.
- Abbassi V (1998). "Growth and normal puberty". Pediatrics. 102 (2 Pt 3): 507–11. PMID 9685454.
- Garn, SM. Physical growth and development. In: Friedman SB, Fisher M, Schonberg SK., editors. Comprehensive Adolescent Health Care. St Louis: Quality Medical Publishing; 1992. Retrieved on 2009-02-20
- Susman, EJ; Dorn, LD; Schiefelbein, VL. Puberty, sexuality, and health. In: Lerner MA, Easterbrooks MA, Mistry J., editors. Comprehensive Handbook of Psychology. New York: Wiley; 2003. Retrieved on 2009-02-20
- "Teenage Growth & Development: 15 to 17 Years". Palo Alto Medical Foundation. Archived from the original on 26 February 2009. Retrieved 2009-02-20.
- (Peterson, 1987).
- (Caspi et al.1993: Lanza and Collins, 2002)
- (Stattin & Magnussion, 1990).
- "Teenage Growth & Development: 15 to 17 Years". Palo Alto Medical Foundation.
- Marshall (1986), p. 176–7
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- Susman, E., & Rogol, A. (2004). Puberty and psychological development. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology, New York: Wiley.
- Tanner, J. (1972). Sequence, tempo, and individual variation in growth and development of boys and girls aged twelve to sixteen. In J. Kagan & R. Coles (Eds.), Twelve to sixteen: Early adolescence, New York: Norton.
- Gilsanz V.; Roe T.; Mora S.; Costin G.; Goodman W. (1991). "Changes in vertebral bone density in Black girls and White girls during childhood and puberty". New England Journal of Medicine. 325 (23): 1597–1600. doi:10.1056/NEJM199112053252302. PMID 1944449.
- Smoll F.; Schutz R. (1990). "Quantifying gender differences in physical performance: A developmental perspective". Developmental Psychology. 26 (3): 360–369. doi:10.1037/0012-16220.127.116.110.
- Peterson, A., & Taylor, B. (1980). The biological approach to adolescence: Biological change and psychological adaptation. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent psychology, pp.129. New York: Wiley.
- Goran M.; et al. (1998). "Developmental changes in energy expenditure and physical activity in children: Evidence for a decline in physical activity in girls before puberty". Pediatrics. 101 (5): 887–891. doi:10.1542/peds.101.5.887. PMID 9565420.
- Savage M.; Scott L. (1998). "Physical activity and rural middle school adolescents". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 27 (2): 245–253. doi:10.1023/A:1021619930697.
- Johnson R.; Johnson D.; Wang M.; Smiciklas-Wright H.; Guthrie H. (1994). "Characterizing nutrient intakes of adolescents by sociodemographic factors". Journal of Adolescent Health. 15 (2): 149–154. doi:10.1016/1054-139X(94)90542-8. PMID 8018688.
- Goldstein, B. (1976). Introduction to human sexuality. Belmont, CA: Star.
- Dorn L.D.; Nottelmann E.D.; Sussman E.J.; Inoff-Germain G.; Chrousos G.P.; Cutler (1999). "Variability in hormone concentrations and self-reported menstrual histories in young adolescents: Menarche as an integral part of a developmental process". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 28 (3): 283–304. doi:10.1023/A:1021680726753.
- Hafetz, E. (1976). Parameters of sexual maturity in man. In E. Hafetz (Ed.), Perspectives in human reproduction, Vol. 3: Sexual maturity: Physiological and clinical parameters. Ann Arbor, MI: Ann Arbor Science Publishers.
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- "Tanner stages" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2010-12-05. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- Casey B. J.; Getz S.; Galvan A. (2008). "The adolescent brain". Developmental Review. 28 (1): 62–77. doi:10.1016/j.dr.2007.08.003. PMC 2500212. PMID 18688292.
- Giedd, Jay, N (2004). "Structural Magnetic Resonance Imaging of the Adolescent Brain". Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 1021 (1): 77–85. doi:10.1196/annals.1308.009. PMID 15251877.
- Giedd J. N.; Blumenthal J.; Jeffries N. O.; Castellanos F. X.; Liu H.; Zijdenbos A.; Rapoport J. L. (1999). "Brain development during childhood and adolescence: a longitudinal MRI study". Nature Neuroscience. 2 (10): 861–863. doi:10.1038/13158. PMID 10491603.
- Gogtay N.; Giedd J. N.; Lusk L.; Hayashi K. M.; Greenstein D.; Vaituzis A. C.; Thompson P. M. (2004). "Dynamic mapping of human cortical development during childhood through early adulthood". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 101 (21): 8174–8179. doi:10.1073/pnas.0402680101. PMC 419576. PMID 15148381.
- Segalowitz S. J.; Davies P. L. (2004). "Charting the maturation of the frontal lobe: An electrophysiological strategy". Brain and Cognition. 55 (1): 116–133. doi:10.1016/S0278-2626(03)00283-5. PMID 15134847.
- Weinberger, D.R., Elvevåg, B., Giedd, J.N. (2005). The Adolescent Brain: A Work in Progress. The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy.
- Spear L. P. (2000). "The adolescent brain and age-related behavioral manifestations" (PDF). Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews. 24 (4): 417–463. doi:10.1016/S0149-7634(00)00014-2. PMID 10817843.
- Shoval, G.; Bar-Shira O.; Zalsman G.; John J. Mann; Chechik G. (2014). "Transitions in the transcriptome of the serotonergic and dopaminergic systems in the human brain during adolescence". European Neuropsychopharmacology. 24 (7): 1123–32. doi:10.1016/j.euroneuro.2014.02.009. PMID 24721318.
- Handler, Leonard (2007). S.R. Smith & L. Handler: The clinical assessment of children and adolescents: a practitioner's handbook. (2007). ISBN 978-0-8058-6075-7. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- "ReCAPP: Theories & Approaches: Adolescent Development". Etr.org. Archived from the original on 2009-02-27. Retrieved 2013-08-16.
- Choudhury, S.; Blakemore, S.-J.; Charman, T. (2006). "Social cognitive development during adolescence". Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience. 1 (3): 165–74. doi:10.1093/scan/nsl024. PMC 2555426. PMID 18985103.
- Pedersen S (1961). "Personality formation in adolescence and its impact upon the psycho-analytical treatment of adults". Int J Psychoanal. 42: 381–8. PMID 14484851.
- Steinberg, Laurence (2010-04-01). "A dual systems model of adolescent risk-taking". Developmental Psychobiology. 52 (3): 216–224. doi:10.1002/dev.20445. ISSN 1098-2302. PMID 20213754.
- Higgins A.; Turnure J. (1984). "Distractibility and concentration of attention in children's development". Child Development. 55 (5): 1799–1810. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.1984.tb00422.x.
- Schiff A.; Knopf I. (1985). "The effects of task demands on attention allocation in children of different ages". Child Development. 56 (3): 621–630. doi:10.2307/1129752. JSTOR 1129752.
- Keating, D. (2004). Cognitive and brain development. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of Adolescent Psychology (2nd ed.). New York: Wiley.
- Kali R.V.; Ferrer E. (2007). "Processing speed in childhood and adolescence: Longitudinal models for examining developmental change". Child Development. 78 (6): 1760–1770. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2007.01088.x. PMID 17988319.
- Brown, A. (1975). The development of memory: Knowing, knowing about knowing, and knowing how to know. In H. Reese (Ed.), Advances in child development and behavior (Vol. 10). New York: Academic Press.
- Publishing, Harvard Health. "The adolescent brain: Beyond raging hormones - Harvard Health".
- Demorest A.; Meyer C.; Phelps E.; Gardner H.; Winner E. (1984). "Words speak louder than actions: Understanding deliberately false remarks". Child Development. 55 (4): 1527–1534. doi:10.2307/1130022. JSTOR 1130022.
- Rankin J.L.; Lane D.J.; Gibbons F.X.; Gerrard M. (2004). "Adolescent self-consciousness: longitudinal age changes and gender differences in two cohorts". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 14: 1–21. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2004.01401001.x.
- Smetana, J., & Villalobos, M. (2009). Social cognitive development in adolescence. In R. Lerner & L. Steinber (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology (3rd ed., Vol. 1, pp. 187–228. New York: Wiley.
- Selman, R. (1980) The growth of interpersonal understanding: Developmental and clinical analyses. New York: Academic Press.
- Chandler M (1987). "The Othello effect: Essay on the emergence and eclipse of skeptical doubt". Human Development. 30 (3): 137–159. doi:10.1159/000273174.
- Pasupathi M.; Staudinger U.M.; Bates P.B. (2001). "Seeds of wisdom: Adolescents' knowledge and judgment about difficult life problems". Developmental Psychology. 37 (3): 351–361. doi:10.1037/0012-1618.104.22.1681. PMID 11370911.
- Albert D.; Steinberg L. (2011). "Judgment and Decision Making in Adolescence". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 21 (1): 211–224. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2010.00724.x.
- Johnson C.A.; Xiao L.; Palmer P.; Sun P.; Want Q.; Wei Y.; et al. (2008). "Affective decision-making deficits, linked to a dysfunctional ventromedial prefrontal cortex, revealed in 10th grade Chinese adolescent binge drinkers". Neuropsychologia. 46 (2): 714–726. doi:10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2007.09.012. PMC 3498846. PMID 17996909.
- Miller D.; Byrnes J. (1997). "The role of contextual and personal factors in children's risk taking". Developmental Psychology. 33 (5): 814–823. doi:10.1037/0012-1622.214.171.1244. PMID 9300214.
- Luster Tom; Small Stephen A (1994). "Factors Associated with Sexual Risk-Taking Behaviors Among Adolescents". Journal of Marriage and Family. 46 (3): 622–632. doi:10.2307/352873. JSTOR 352873.
- McCallum, Jessica; Kim, Jee Hyun; Richardson, Rick (2010-09-01). "Impaired Extinction Retention in Adolescent Rats: Effects of D-Cycloserine". Neuropsychopharmacology. 35 (10): 2134–2142. doi:10.1038/npp.2010.92. ISSN 0893-133X. PMC 3055297. PMID 20592716.
- Spear, Linda Patia (2013-02-01). "Adolescent Neurodevelopment". The Journal of Adolescent Health. 52 (2 0 2): S7–13. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2012.05.006. ISSN 1054-139X. PMC 3982854. PMID 23332574.
- Kim, Jee Hyun; Richardson, Rick (2010-02-15). "New findings on extinction of conditioned fear early in development: theoretical and clinical implications". Biological Psychiatry. 67 (4): 297–303. doi:10.1016/j.biopsych.2009.09.003. ISSN 1873-2402. PMID 19846065.
- Kim, Jee Hyun; Ganella, Despina E (2015-02-01). "A Review of Preclinical Studies to Understand Fear During Adolescence". Australian Psychologist. 50 (1): 25–31. doi:10.1111/ap.12066. ISSN 1742-9544.
- Zbukvic, Isabel C.; Ganella, Despina E.; Perry, Christina J.; Madsen, Heather B.; Bye, Christopher R.; Lawrence, Andrew J.; Kim, Jee Hyun (2016-03-05). "Role of Dopamine 2 Receptor in Impaired Drug-Cue Extinction in Adolescent Rats". Cerebral Cortex. 26 (6): 2895–904. doi:10.1093/cercor/bhw051. ISSN 1047-3211. PMC 4869820. PMID 26946126.
- Lerner, R.M & Steinberg, L.D. (2004). Handbook of Adolescent Psychology (2 ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
- "Jean Macfarlane, 95, Psychology Professor - New York Times". Nytimes.com. 1989-03-18. Retrieved 2013-08-16.
- "The Oakland Growth and Berkeley Guidance Studies of the Institute of Human Development at the University of California, Berkeley". University of North Carolina. Archived from the original on 2012-09-12. Retrieved 4 October 2012.
- Elder, Glen (February 1998). "The life course as developmental theory". Child Development. 69 (1): 1–12. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.1998.tb06128.x. PMID 9499552.
- Griffith, Jeremy (2011). Freedom. ISBN 978-1-74129-011-0.
- Kroger, J. (1996) The Balance Between Self and Other. (pp. 40-46). New York, U.S.A. Routledge
- Strasburger, V.C., Wilson B.J., Jordan, A.B. (2014) Children and Adolescents: Unique Audiences. Children, Adolescents, and the Media. (pp. 11-19). U.S.A: SAGE Publications
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- American Psychological Association (APA). United States Department of Health and Human Services.
- Valkenburg PM, Peter J (February 2011). "Online Communication Among Adolescents: An Integrated Model of Its Attraction, Opportunities, and Risks". Journal of Adolescent Health. 48 (2): 121–127. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2010.08.020. PMID 21257109.
- Carlson, Neil R. (2010). Psychology: the science of behaviour. Toronto, Ontario: Pearson Education Canada.
- Markus H.; Nurius P. (1986). "Possible selves". American Psychologist. 41 (9): 954–969. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.41.9.954.
- Nurmi, J. (2004). Socialization and self-development: Channeling, selection, adjustment, and reflection. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology. New York: Wiley.
- Oyserman D.; Markus H. (1990). "Possible selves and deliquency". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 59 (1): 112–125. doi:10.1037/0022-35126.96.36.199. PMID 2213484.
- Harter, S. (1999). The construction of the self. New York: Guilford Press.
- Marsh H (1989). "Age and sex differences in multiple dimensions of self-concept: Preadolescence to earl adulthood". Journal of Educational Psychology. 81 (3): 417–430. doi:10.1037/0022-06188.8.131.527.
- Harter S.; Monsour A. (1992). "Developmental analysis of conflict caused by opposing attributes in the adolescent self-portrait". Developmental Psychology. 28 (2): 251–260. doi:10.1037/0012-16184.108.40.206.
- Carlson, N. R., & Heth, C. (2010).
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. 287. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- "You're Wearing That?" by Stacey Schultz. U.S. News & World Report Special Issue
- Rawlins, W.K. (1992), Friendship matters: Communication, dialectics, and life course, New York: Aldine de Gruyter
- "The Media Assault on Male Body Image" by Brandon Klein. Seed Magazine.
- Marcia J (1966). "Development and validation of ego identity status". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 3 (5): 551–558. doi:10.1037/h0023281. PMID 5939604.
- Marcia J (1976). "Identity six years after: A follow-up study". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 3 (5): 551–558. doi:10.1037/h0023281. PMID 5939604.
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. 286. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- Marcia, J. (1980). Identity in adolescence. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent psychology, pp. 159–187. New York: Wiley.
- Montemayor, R., Brown, B., & Adams, G. (1985). Changes in identity status and psychological adjustment after leaving home and entering college. Paper presented at the biennial meetings of the Society for Research in Child Development, Toronto.
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. 288. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- Furstenberg, Frank F. (November 2000). "The Sociology of Adolescence and Youth in the 1990s: A Critical Commentary". Journal of Marriage and Family. 62 (4): 896–910. doi:10.1111/j.1741-3737.2000.00896.x.
- How do Young Adolescents Cope With Social Problems? An Examination of Social Goals, Coping With Friends, and Social Adjustment. Journal of Early Adolescence.
- Saewyc, E.M. (2011). "Research on Adolescent Sexual Orientation: Development, Health Disparities, Stigma, and Resilience". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 21 (1): 256–272. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2010.00727.x. PMC 4835230. PMID 27099454.
- Troiden, R. R. (1989). "The formation of homosexual identities". Journal of Homosexuality. 17 (1–2): 43–73. doi:10.1300/J082v17n01_02. PMID 2668403.
- Floyd, Frank J.; Stein, Terry S. (2002). "Sexual orientation identity formation among gay, lesbian, and bisexual youths: Multiple patterns of milestone experiences". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 12 (2): 167–191. doi:10.1111/1532-7795.00030.
- Morrow, Deana (Jan–Mar 2004). "Social work practice with gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender adolescents". Families in Society. 85 (1): 91–99. doi:10.1606/1044-3894.246.
- D'Augelli, Anthony; Scott Hershberger (1993). "Lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth in community settings: Personal challenges and mental health problems". American Journal of Community Psychology. 21 (4): 421–448. doi:10.1007/BF00942151.
- "Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender and Questioning Teen Suicide Statistics - Gay Teen Suicide Statistics". Gaylife.about.com. 2012-04-09. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- Marmot, M. (2003) Self-Esteem and Health: Autonomy, Self-Esteem, and Health are Linked Together". British Medical Journal (327) pp. 574-575
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. 270. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- Rosenberg, M. (1986). Self-concept from middle childhood through adolescence. In J. Suls & A. Greenwald (Eds.), Psychological perspectives on the self, Vol. 3. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
- Steinberg, L. (2008). Adolescence, 8th ed. 273. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- "Psychology: The Science of Behaviour" 3rd Canadian Edition
- Osvelia Deeds, Jeannette Delgado, Miguel Diego, Tiffany Field, and Martha Pelaez (2009). "Adolescence".
- "Adolescents and Peer Pressure". sitemaker.umich.edu/University of Michigan. Archived from the original on December 12, 2012. Retrieved November 6, 2012.
- Barenboim, Carl (1 March 1981). "The Development of Person Perception in Childhood and Adolescence: From Behavioral Comparisons to Psychological Constructs to Psychological Comparisons". Child Development. 52 (1): 129–144. doi:10.2307/1129222. JSTOR 1129222. Retrieved 8 November 2012.[permanent dead link]
- Adler, R.B., Rosenfeld, L.B., Proctor, R.F., & Winder, C. (2012). "Interplay: The Process of Interpersonal Communication, Third Canadian Edition" Oxford University Press. pp. 42-45
- Grotevant, H. (1997). Adolescent development in family contexts. In N. Eisenberg (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology (5th ed.), Vol. 3: Social, emotional, and personality development, pp. 1097–1149. New York: Wiley.
- Steinberg L (2001). "We know some things: Adolescent-parent relationships in retrospect and prospect". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 11: 1–19. doi:10.1111/1532-7795.00001.
- "Conflict - Couple Relationships, Family Relationships, Parent-child Relationships - Theory, Development, Children, and Parents - JRank Articles". Family.jrank.org. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- Smetana J. G. (1988). "Adolescents' and parents' conceptions of parental authority". Child Development. 59 (2): 321–335. doi:10.2307/1130313. JSTOR 1130313. PMID 3359858.
- "Social Networking". theantidrug.com. Archived from the original on 2012-11-03. Retrieved November 6, 2012.
- Neil R.; Carlson C.; Donald Heth. Psychology the Science of Behaviour, 4th Canadian Edition.
- Lempers J, Clark-Lempers D (1992). "Young, middle, and late adolescents; comparisons of the functional importance of five significant relationships". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 21 (1): 53–96. doi:10.1007/BF01536983. PMID 24263682.
- Kim J.; McHale S. M.; Osgood D. W.; Grouter A. C. (2006). "Longitudinal course and family correlates of sibling relationships from childhood through adolescence". Child Development. 77 (6): 1746–1761. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00971.x. PMID 17107458.
- Marano, Hara Estroff (July 1, 2010). "Oh, Brother!". Psychology Today. Vol. 43 no. 4. SIRS Researcher. pp. 54–61. Retrieved 25 October 2010.
- U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, updated and revised from "Families and Work in Transition in 12 Countries,1980–2001," Monthly Labor Review, September 2003
- Vangelisti, A.L. (2004), Handbook of family communication, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
- Sun Y.; Li Y. (2009). "Postdivorce family stability and changes in adolescents' academic performance: A growth-curve model". Journal of Family Issues. 30 (11): 1527–1555. doi:10.1177/0192513x09339022.
- Ziemer, B. S. (2012). Epistemological effects of divorce during adolescence on adult conflict behavior (Thesis). Nova Southeastern University. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 262.
- Cherlin Andrew J.; Chase-Lansdale P. Lindsay; McRaeAmerican Christine (1998). "Effects of Parental Divorce on Mental Health Throughout the Life Course". Sociological Review. 63 (2): 239–249. doi:10.2307/2657325. JSTOR 2657325.
- Aufseeser, Dena; Jekielek, Susan; Brown, Brett (June 2006). "The Family Environment and Adolescent Well-being: Exposure to Positive and Negative Family Influences" (PDF). NAHIC. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2006-08-22.
- Adalbjarnardottir S.; Blondal K.S. (2009). "Parenting practices and school dropout: a longitudinal study". Adolescence. 44: 176.
- Papalia, D.E., Olds, S.W., Feldman, R.D., & Kruk, R. (2004). A Child's World: Infancy through Adolescence (First Canadian Ed.) McGraw-Hill Ryerson Ltd. pp. 444-451
- Swanson, D.P.; Edwards, M.C.; Spencer, M.B. (2010), Adolescence: Development during a global era, Boston: Elsevier Academic Press
- Berndt, Thomas J. (February 2002). "Friendship Quality and Social Development". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 11 (1): 7–10. doi:10.1111/1467-8721.00157.
- Larson R.; Richards M. (1991). "Daily companionship in late childhood and early adolescence: Changing developmental contexts". Child Development. 62 (2): 284–300. doi:10.2307/1131003. JSTOR 1131003. PMID 2055123.
- Brown, B. (1990). Peer groups. In S. Feldman & G. Elliot (Eds.), At the threshold: The developing adolescent, pp. 171–196. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
- Brown, B. (2004). Adolescents' relationships with peers. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent psychology. New York: Wiley.
- Eder D (1985). "The cycle of popularity: Interpersonal relations among female adolescence". Sociology of Education. 58 (3): 154–165. doi:10.2307/2112416. JSTOR 2112416.
- How do Young Adolescents Cope With Social Problems? An Examination of Social Goals, Coping With Friends, and Social Adjustment. Journal of Early Adolescence.
- "Peer groups - children, therapy, adults, drug, people, skills, effect, women". Minddisorders.com. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- Steinberg, L; Monahan, KC (2007). "Age Differences in Resistance to Peer Influence". Developmental Psychology. 43 (6): 1531–43. doi:10.1037/0012-16220.127.116.111. PMC 2779518. PMID 18020830.
- Carlo G.; Mestre M. V.; McGinley M. M.; Samper P.; Tur A.; Sandman D. (2012). "The interplay of emotional instability, empathy, and coping on prosocial and aggressive behaviors". Personality and Individual Differences. 53 (5): 675–680. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2012.05.022.
- French D.; Conrad J. (2001). "School dropout as predicted by peer rejection and antisocial behavior". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 11 (3): 225–244. doi:10.1111/1532-7795.00011.
- Hodges E, Perry D (1999). "Personal and interpersonal antecedents and consequences of victimization by peers". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 76 (4): 677–685. doi:10.1037/0022-3518.104.22.1687. PMID 10234851.
- Jose P. E.; Kljakovic M.; Scheib E.; Notter O. (2012). "The Joint Development of Traditional Bullying and Victimization With Cyber Bullying and Victimization in Adolescence". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 22 (2): 301–309. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2011.00764.x.
- Grier, Peter. "The Heart of a High School: Peers As Collective Parent." Christian Science Monitor. 24 April 2000: n.p. SIRS Researcher. Web. 25 October 2010.
- Connolly J.; Craig W.; Goldberg A.; Pepler D. (2004). "Mixed-gender groups, dating, and romantic relationships in early adolescence". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 14 (2): 185–207. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.578.7047. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2004.01402003.x.
- Brown, B., & Mounts, N. (1989, April). "Peer groups structures in single versus multiethnic high schools". Paper presented at the biennial meetings of the Society for Research on Adolescence, San Diego.
- Larkin, R.W. (1979). Suburban youth in cultural crisis. New York: Oxford.
- Subrahmanyam, Kaveri; Greenfield, Patricia (Spring 2008). "Online Communication and Adolescent Relationships". The Future of Children. 18: 119–146. doi:10.1353/foc.0.0006.
- Carver K., Joyner K., Udry J.R. (2003). National estimates of adolescent romantic relationships. In Adolescent Romantic Relationships and Sexual Behavior: Theory, Research, and Practical Implications, 291–329.
- "Teen Sex Survey". Channel 4. 2008. Archived from the original on 12 September 2008. Retrieved 2008-09-11.
- "Seventeen Is the Average Age at First Sexual Intercourse, American Sexual Behavior, p.4-5" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2006-11-20. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- Allen, J., & Land, D. (1999). Attachment in adolescence. In J. Cassidy & P. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment theory and research. New York: Guilford Press.
- Madsen S., Collins W. A. (2005). Differential predictions of young adult romantic relationships from transitory vs. longer romantic experiences during adolescence. Presented at Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research on Child Development, Atlanta, GA.
- Seiffge-Krenke I., Lang J. (2002). Forming and maintaining romantic relations from early adolescence to young adulthood: evidence of a developmental sequence. Presented at Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence, 19th, New Orleans, LA.
- Pearce M. J.; Boergers J.; Prinstein M.J. (2002). "Adolescent obesity, overt and relational peer victimization, and romantic relationships". Obesity Research. 10 (5): 386–93. doi:10.1038/oby.2002.53. PMID 12006638.
- Zimmer-Gembeck M.J.; Siebenbruner J.; Collins W.A. (2004). "A prospective study of intraindividual and peer influences on adolescents' heterosexual romantic and sexual behavior". Archives of Sexual Behavior. 33 (4): 381–394. doi:10.1023/B:ASEB.0000028891.16654.2c. PMID 15162084.
- Furman, W. & Shafer, L. (2003) The role of romantic relationships in adolescent development.http://www.du.edu/psychology/relationshipcenter/publications/furman_shaffer_2003.pdf
- Simon, V. A.; Aikins, J. W.; Prinstein, M. J. (2008). "Romantic partner selection and socialization during early adolescence". Child Dev. 79 (6): 1676–92. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2008.01218.x. PMC 3420070. PMID 19037942.
- O'Sullivan L. F.; Cheng M.; Brooks-Gunn J.; Mantsun K. Harris (2007). "I wanna hold your hand: The progression of social, romantic and sexual events in adolescent relationships". Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health. 39 (2): 100–107. doi:10.1363/3910007. PMID 17565623.
- Manning W.; Longmore M.; Giordano P. (2000). "The relationship context of contraceptive use at first intercourse". Family Planning Perspectives. 32 (3): 104–110. doi:10.2307/2648158. JSTOR 2648158. PMID 10894255.
- Welsh D. P.; Haugen P. T.; Widman L.; Darling N.; Grello C. M. (2005). "Kissing is good: a developmental investigation of sexuality in adolescent romantic couples". Sexuality Research and Social Policy. 2 (4): 32–41. doi:10.1525/srsp.2005.2.4.32.
- Williams T.; Connolly J.; Cribbie R. (2008). "Light and heavy heterosexual activities of young Canadian adolescents: normative patterns and differential predictors". Journal of Research on Adolescence. 18: 145–72. doi:10.1111/j.1532-7795.2008.00554.x.
- Grello C. M.; Welsh D. P.; Harper MS; Dickson J. (2003). "Dating and sexual relationship trajectories and adolescent functioning". Adolescent & Family Health. 3: 103–12.
- Harden K.; Mendle J. (2011). "Adolescent sexual activity and the development of delinquent behavior: The role of relationship context". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 40 (7): 825–838. doi:10.1007/s10964-010-9601-y. PMID 21069562.
- Halpern C.; Oslak S.; Young M.; Martin S.; Kupper L. (2001). "Partner violence among adolescents in opposite-sex romantic: Findings from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health". American Journal of Public Health. 91 (10): 1679–1685. doi:10.2105/AJPH.91.10.1679. PMC 1446854. PMID 11574335.
- Halpern C.; Young M.; Waller M.; Martin S.; Kupper L. (2004). "Prevalence of partner violence in same-sex romantic and sexual relationships in a national sample of adolescents". Journal of Adolescent Health. 35 (2): 124–131. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2003.09.003. PMID 15261641.
- Collins W. A.; Welsh D. P.; Furman W. (2009). "Adolescent romantic relationships". Annual Review of Psychology. 60 (1): 631–652. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.60.110707.163459. PMID 19035830.
- Volpe EM, Hardie T, Cerulli C, Sommers MS, Morrison-Beedy D. What's age got to do with it? Partner age difference, power, intimate partner violence, and sexual risk in urban adolescents. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2013; 28(10): 2068-2087
- Teitelman AM, Ratcliffe SJ, McDonald CC, Brawner BM, Sullivan C. Relationships between physical and non-physical forms of intimate partner violence and depression among urban minority adolescent females. Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 2011; 16(2): 92-100
- Volpe EM, Morales-Aleman MM, Teitelman AM. Urban adolescent girls’ perspectives on romantic relationships: Initiation, involvement, negotiation and conflict. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 2014; 35: 776-790
- Thomas KA, Sorenson SB, Joshi M. Police-documented incidents of intimate partner violence against young women. Journal of Women's Health, 2010; 19: 1079-1087
- Mulrine, A."Risky Business." U.S. News & World Report. 27 May 2002: 42-49. SIRS Researcher. Web. 25 Oct 2010.
- Lerner, J.V.; Lerner, R.M.; Finkelstein, J. (2001). Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Santa Barbara.: ABC-CLIO. p. 807. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V.; Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein (2001). Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 807. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V.; Rosenberg, Richard M. (2001). Jordan Finkelstein, ed. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 271. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Melanie Tebbutt, Making Youth: A History of Youth in Modern Britain (2016).
- Selina Todd, and Hilary Young. "Baby-Boomers to ‘Beanstalkers’ Making the Modern Teenager in Post-War Britain." Cultural and Social History 9#3 (2012): 451-467.
- Laura Tisdall, "Inside the ‘blackboard jungle’ male teachers and male pupils at English secondary modern schools in fact and fiction, 1950 to 1959." Cultural and Social History 12.4 (2015): 489-507.
- Helena Mills, "Using the personal to critique the popular: women’s memories of 1960s youth." Contemporary British History 30#4 (2016): 463-483.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. foreword by Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 79. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Juang, L., Lerner, J. McKinney, J., & von Eye, A. (1999)
- Steinberg, L. (2011). "Adolescence," 9th ed. 292. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- Brown, B. Bradford; W. Larson, Reed; Saraswathi, T.S.; Nsamenang, A. Bame (2002). "3" (PDF). The World's Youth: Adolescence in Eight Regions of the Globe. Cambridge University Press. p. 69. Retrieved 11 September 2014.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 115. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 116. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 44. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. pp. 44–45. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Larson, R., & Verma, S. (1999). How children and adolescents spend their time: Time budgest for locations, activities, and companionship. "American Journal of Community Psychology, 29", 565-597.
- National Research Council. (2005). "Growing up global". Washington, DC: National Academy Press.
- Larson R.; Verma S. (1999). "How children and adolescents spend time across the world:Work, play, and developmental opportunities". Psychological Bulletin. 125 (6): 701–736. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.125.6.701. PMID 10589300.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 101. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 577. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. pp. 577–579. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- Lerner, Jacqueline V. (2001). Rosenberg, Richard M.; Jordan Finkelstein, eds. Adolescence in America : an encyclopedia. Mark L. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO. p. 578. ISBN 978-1-57607-205-9.
- [Fields, J. (2012). Sexuality Education in the United States: Shared Cultural Ideas across a Political Divide. Retrieved April 28, 2016.]
- Ford, C. & Beach, F. (1951). "Patterns of sexual behavior". New York: Harper & Row.
- Steinberg, L. (2011). "Adolescence", 9th ed. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- Diamond, L., Savin- Williams, R. (2009). Adolescent Sexuality. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), "Handbook of adolescent psychology" (3rd ed., Vol. 1, pp. 479–523). New York: Wiley.
- Furlong, Andy (2013). "Youth Studies", New York, NY: Routledge.
- "Ageofconsent.com". Ageofconsent.com. Archived from the original on 2012-10-23. Retrieved 2012-09-15.
- , National Institute of Drug Abuse. (2012, July). "Drugfacts: High school and youth."
- Mashamba, Tshilidzi; Mudhovozi, Pilot; Sodi, Tholene (September 2012). "Gender differences in cigarette smoking among college students". African Journal for Physical, Health Education, Recreation and Dance: 117–130.
- Greenblatt, Janet C. (2000). Patterns of Alcohol Use Among Adolescents and Associations with Emotional and Behavioral Problems (Report). Office of Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. Retrieved 2018-06-29.
- Duan, L.; Chou, C.; Andreeva, V.; Pentz, M. (July 2009). "Trajectories of Peer Social Influences as Long-term Predictors of Drug Use from Early Through Late Adolescence". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 38 (3): 454–465. doi:10.1007/s10964-008-9310-y. PMID 19636757.
- Kuntsche, E.; Knibbe, R.; Gmel, G.; Engels, R. (2006). "Who drinks and why? A review of socio-demographic, personality, and contextual issues behind the drinking motives in young people". Addictive Behaviors. 31 (10): 1844–1857. doi:10.1016/j.addbeh.2005.12.028. PMID 16460883.
- , TV-Free America. (2007). Television and Health. In The Sourcebook for Teaching Science. Retrieved 2012, from http://www.csun.edu/science/health/docs/tv&health.html.
- Mäkinen, M; et al. (2012). "Body dissatisfaction and body mass in girls and boys transitioning from early to mid-adolescence: additional role of self-esteem and eating habits". BMC Psychiatry. 12: 35. doi:10.1186/1471-244x-12-35. PMC 3370989. PMID 22540528.
- Ata, R. N.; Ludden, A.; Lally, M. M. (2007). "The effects of gender and family, friends, peers, and media influences on eating behaviors and body image during adolescence". Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 36 (8): 1024–1037. doi:10.1007/s10964-006-9159-x.
- Ferguson, C. J.; Winegard, B.; Winegard, B. (2011). "Who is the fairest one of all? How evolution guides peer and media influences on female body dissatisfaction" (PDF). Review of General Psychology. 15 (1): 11–28. doi:10.1037/a0022607. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-03-01.
- Lenhart, Amanda (2007). "Teens and social media". Pew Internet and American Life Project.
- Greene, M (March 2006). "Trajectories of perceived adult and peer discrimination among Black, Latino, and Asian American adolescents: patterns and psychological correlates". Developmental Psychology. 42 (2): 391–396. doi:10.1037/0012-1622.214.171.124. PMID 16569162.
- Reich, Stephanie M.; Kaveri Subrahmanyam; Guadalupe Espinoza (March 2012). "Friending, IMing, and Hanging Out Face-to-Face: Overlap in Adolescents' Online and Offline Social Networks". Developmental Psychology. 48 (2): 356–368. doi:10.1037/a0026980. PMID 22369341.
- "Teens are avid, daily users of social media". Social Media, Social Life: How Teens View Their Digital Lives. Common Sense Media. Retrieved 6 December 2012.
- Hamm, MP; Newton, AS; Chisholm, A; Shulhan, J; Milne, A; Sundar, P; Ennis, H; Scott, SD; Hartling, L (22 June 2015). "Prevalence and Effect of Cyberbullying on Children and Young People: A Scoping Review of Social Media Studies". JAMA Pediatrics. 169 (8): 770–7. doi:10.1001/jamapediatrics.2015.0944. PMID 26098362.
- Chen, Su-Yen; Fu, Yang-Chih (2009). "Internet use and academic achievement in early adolescence". Adolescence. 44 (176): 797–812. PMID 20432601. Retrieved 4 October 2012.
- Shanahan, N. (2000). "Pathways To Adulthood In Changing Societies: Variabilities and Mechanisms in Life Course Perspective"Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2000.
- Steinberg, L. (2011). "Adolescence", 9th ed. 101. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
- "The initiative to promote positive changes in youth". The Hindustan Times (New Delhi). 19th April, 2008.
- "Dr. Robert Epstein: The myth of the teen brain - Psychology Today" (PDF).
- Romer, Dan. "Why it's time to lay the stereotype of the 'teen brain' to rest". The Conversation. Retrieved 2017-11-21.
- "The Invention of Adolescence". Psychology Today. June 9, 2016. Retrieved February 19, 2017.
- Fasick, Frank A. (February 1994). "On the "Invention" of Adolescence". Journal of Early Adolescence. 14 (1): 6–23. doi:10.1177/0272431694014001002. "[...] the application of technology to increase productivity, the affluence generated by it, and the related structural changes in society have contributed to the creation of adolescence in the North American urban-industrial society."
- Epstein, Robert (2010). Teen 2.0: Saving Our Children and Families from the Torment of Adolescence. Linden Publishing. ISBN 978-1-61035-101-0.
- Demos, John; Demos, Virginia (1969). "Adolescence in Historical Perspective". Journal of Marriage and Family. 31 (4): 632–638. doi:10.2307/349302. JSTOR 349302. "The idea of adolescence is today one of our most widely held and deeply imbedded assumptions about the process of human development. Indeed most of us treat it not as an idea but as a fact. [...] The concept of adolescence, as generally understood and applied, did not exist before the last two decades of the nineteenth century."
- "The Danger of Treating Teens Like Children". help.fortroubledteens.com.
- Epstein, Robert; Ong, Jennifer (August 25, 2009). "Are the Brains of Reckless Teens More Mature Than Those of Their Prudent Peers?". Scientific American. Retrieved October 5, 2017.
- Moshman, David (2011-05-17). "The Teenage Brain: Debunking the 5 Biggest Myths". Huffington Post. Retrieved 2017-11-20.
- Paul, Richard W. (1988). "Ethics without Indoctrination". Educational Leadership. 45 (8): 10–19.
- Paul, Richard W.; Elder, Linda (2013). The Thinker's Guide to Ethical Reasoning (2nd ed.). Dillon Beach, CA: Foundation for Critical Thinking. ISBN 978-0-944583-17-3. OCLC 51633820.
| Stages of human development