Alliance

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Allies Day, May 1917, National Gallery of Art
Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery decorates Soviet Marshals and generals at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, 12 July 1945.

An alliance is a relationship among people, groups, or states that have joined together for mutual benefit or to achieve some common purpose, whether or not explicit agreement has been worked out among them.[1] Members of an alliance are called allies. Alliances form in many settings, including political alliances, military alliances, and business alliances. When the term is used in the context of war or armed struggle, such associations may also be called allied powers, especially when discussing World War I or World War II.

A formal military alliance is not required for being perceived as an ally—co-belligerence, fighting alongside someone, is enough. According to this usage, allies become so not when concluding an alliance treaty but when struck by war.

When spelled with a capital "A", "Allies" usually denotes the countries who fought together against the Central Powers in World War I (the Allies of World War I), or those who fought against the Axis Powers in World War II (the Allies of World War II). The term has also been used by the United States Army to describe the countries that gave assistance to the South Vietnamese during the Vietnam War.[2]

More recently, the term "Allied forces" has also been used to describe the coalition of the Gulf War, as opposed to forces the Multi-National Forces in Iraq which are commonly referred to as "Coalition forces" or, as by the George W. Bush administration, "the coalition of the willing".

The Allies in World War I (also known as the Entente Powers) were initially the United Kingdom, France, the Russian Empire, Belgium, Serbia, Montenegro and Japan, joined later by Italy, Portugal, Romania, the United States, Greece and Brazil. Some, such as the Russian Empire, withdrew from the war before the armistice due to revolution or defeat.

Effects[edit]

Scholars are divided as to the impact of alliances. Several studies find that defensive alliances deter conflict.[3][4][5][6] One study questions these findings, showing that alliance commitments deterred conflict in the prenuclear era but has no statistically meaningful impact on war in the postnuclear era.[7][8] Another study finds that while alliance commitments deter conflict between sides with a recent history of conflict, alliances tend to provoke conflicts between states without such a history.[9]

A 2003 study found that allies fulfill their alliance commitments approximately 75% of the time.[10] Most research suggests that democracies are more reliable allies than non-democracies.[11][12][13] A 2004 study did however question whether alliance commitments by democracies are more durable.[14]

International opinion[edit]

Map indicating international preferences for principle ally in the case a country were attacked, as of 2017.

According to a 2017 poll by WIN/GIA, the United States was the most preferred ally internationally. Russia and China, who preferred one another, both trailed America globally. Four countries, Bulgaria, Greece, Slovenia and Turkey, preferred Russia, despite being members of NATO.[15]

In Pakistan, 72% of respondents preferred ties to China, the largest margin of any country surveyed, while 46% of Bangladesh preferred India. A total of 22 countries indicated a preference for the United Kingdom at a rate of 10% or more, but the United States was the only country to prefer the Britain over any other, at a rate of 43%. Five counties preferred France at a rate of 10% or more, led by Belgium at a rate of 25%. A single country, Iraq expressed no preference, while three other countries, Lebanon, Palestine, and Slovenia, expressed no preference at a rate of 10% or more, although at a smaller rate than their preference for Russia on the part of Lebanon and Slovenia, and China on the part of Palestine. Kosovo reported the most unified opinion, preferring the United States at a rate of 92%, while Russia's most unified supporters were Mongolia (71%), Armenia (67%) and Serbia (56%). In total, 21 countries expressed a preference for America at a rate of 50% or more.[15]

Results of 2017 poll by WIN/GIA.
Most preferred ally in case of military threat[15][16]
figures of United States lower than 30%, Russia (<14%), of United Kingdom(<10%), France(<6%), none (<12%) and China(<10%) may be hidden
Country polled Russia United States United Kingdom China India France none
 Mongolia
71 %
 Armenia
67 %
 Serbia
56 %
16 %
 Greece
48 %
 China
47 %
 Bulgaria
42 %
17 %
4 %
 Ukraine
33 %
35 %
11%
 Slovenia
30 %
8 %
15 %
 Latvia
27%
11 %
14 %
 Lebanon
25 %
15%
23 %
 Turkey
23%
9 %
31%
 Macedonia
23 %
33 %
17 %
 Mexico
22 %
42 %
11 %
9 %
 Peru
21 %
44 %
14 %
 Iran
20 %
30%
 Bosnia and Herzegovina
19%
12%
43 %
 Vietnam
18 %
 India
16 %
50 %
 Finland
15%
37 %
16 %
 Romania
15 %
51%
7%
 South Africa
15 %
45 %
21 %
 Albania
14 %
66%
10 %
 Kosovo
92 %
 South Korea
81 %
10 %
 Papua New Guinea
70 %
13%
 Israel
68 %
 Philippines
67 %
16 %
 Japan
64 %
 Canada
62 %
12%
 Ghana
62 %
10 %
 United Kingdom
58 %
8 %
 Ecuador
58%
 Lithuania
58 %
10 %
 Paraguay
57 %
 Brazil
55 %
10 %
 France
54%
13 %
 Spain
52%
12 %
 Denmark
52 %
23%
 Fiji
52 %
15 %
12 %
 Norway
51 %
23%
 Australia
49%
16%
 Poland
49 %
10 %
 Germany
41 %
19 %
 Italy
41 %
11 %
 Nigeria
41%
 Portugal
40 %
21 %
 Afghanistan
39 %
22%
17%
 Iceland
38 %
27%
 Thailand
38 %
11 %
29 %
 Argentina
36 %
13%
22%
 Ireland
34 %
25%
 Indonesia
32 %
10 %
21 %
 Czech Republic
32%
15 %
6 %
 Sweden
31 %
29 %
6 %
 Estonia
31 %
16%
 Belgium
30 %
12%
25%
 Austria
16%
 Democratic Republic of the Congo
16 %
8%
 Palestine
17 %
8%
12%
 United States
43 %
14 %
7 %
 Iraq
6%
27%
 Pakistan
72 %
 Bangladesh
16%
46%
 Russia
44%
4 %

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Define Alliance". Dictionary.com. 
  2. ^ Larsen, Stanley; Collins, James (1975). Allied Participation in Vietnam. Vietnam Studies. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Army. OCLC 1119579. Retrieved January 15, 2013. 
  3. ^ Fang, Songying; Johnson, Jesse C.; Leeds, Brett Ashley (2014-10-01). "To Concede or to Resist? The Restraining Effect of Military Alliances". International Organization. 68 (4): 775–809. doi:10.1017/S0020818314000137. ISSN 0020-8183. 
  4. ^ Leeds, Brett Ashley; Johnson, Jesse C. (2016-11-10). "Theory, Data, and Deterrence: A Response to Kenwick, Vasquez, and Powers". The Journal of Politics. 79: 000–000. doi:10.1086/687285. ISSN 0022-3816. 
  5. ^ Johnson, Jesse C.; Leeds, Brett Ashley (2011-01-01). "Defense Pacts: A Prescription for Peace?1". Foreign Policy Analysis. 7 (1): 45–65. doi:10.1111/j.1743-8594.2010.00122.x. ISSN 1743-8594. 
  6. ^ Leeds, Brett Ashley (2003-07-01). "Do Alliances Deter Aggression? The Influence of Military Alliances on the Initiation of Militarized Interstate Disputes". American Journal of Political Science. 47 (3): 427–439. doi:10.1111/1540-5907.00031. ISSN 1540-5907. 
  7. ^ Kenwick, Michael R.; Vasquez, John A.; Powers, Matthew A. (2015-10-01). "Do Alliances Really Deter?". The Journal of Politics. 77 (4): 943–954. doi:10.1086/681958. ISSN 0022-3816. 
  8. ^ Kenwick, Michael R.; Vasquez, John A. (2016-11-10). "Defense Pacts and Deterrence: Caveat Emptor". The Journal of Politics. 79: 000–000. doi:10.1086/686700. ISSN 0022-3816. 
  9. ^ Morrow, James D. (2016-11-10). "When Do Defensive Alliances Provoke Rather than Deter?". The Journal of Politics. 79: 000–000. doi:10.1086/686973. ISSN 0022-3816. 
  10. ^ Leeds, Brett Ashley (2003-01-01). "Alliance Reliability in Times of War: Explaining State Decisions to Violate Treaties". International Organization. 57 (4): 801–827. doi:10.1017/s0020818303574057. JSTOR 3594847. 
  11. ^ "Analysis | Allies can't rely on America like they used to. And not just because of Trump". Washington Post. Retrieved 2017-05-31. 
  12. ^ Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor (1996-01-01). "Democratic states and commitment in international relations". International Organization. 50 (1): 109–139. doi:10.1017/S0020818300001685. ISSN 1531-5088. 
  13. ^ Leeds, Brett Ashley; Mattes, Michaela; Vogel, Jeremy S. (2009-04-01). "Interests, Institutions, and the Reliability of International Commitments". American Journal of Political Science. 53 (2): 461–476. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00381.x. ISSN 1540-5907. 
  14. ^ Gartzke, Erik; Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede (2004-10-01). "Why Democracies May Actually Be Less Reliable Allies". American Journal of Political Science. 48 (4): 775–795. doi:10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00101.x. ISSN 1540-5907. 
  15. ^ a b c "Four NATO Nations Would Pick Russia to Defend Them If Threatened". Bloomberg.com. 17 February 2017. 
  16. ^ "42% от българите искат Русия да ги защитава, 17% - САЩ". www.24chasa.bg. 

External links[edit]