Food in occupied Germany
||The neutrality of this article is disputed. (February 2014)|
American food policy in occupied Germany refers to the food supply policies enacted by the U.S., and to some extent its dependent Allies, in the western occupation zones of Germany in the first two years of the ten-year occupation of Western Germany following World War II.
Food relief shipments to Germany had been prohibited by the U.S. until December 1945, since "they might tend to negate the policy of restricting the German standard of living to the average of the surrounding European nations".
Shortly before the outbreak of World War II the German government instituted rationing which resulted in the restricted availability of food. Occasional shortages of food occurred during the war, and a black market developed. However, supplies were generally adequate, especially in comparison to the situation in some other European countries. In part, this was due to the ruthless exploitation of occupied countries by the German government. These policies included the "Hunger Plan", which resulted in the deaths of millions of people in German-occupied areas of the Soviet Union when food supplies were redirected to Germany and the German military units operating in the USSR. Inadequate food rations also formed part of The Holocaust, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths in Warsaw alone, and around two million Soviet prisoners of war were starved to death by German forces over the winter of 1941/42.
Widespread food shortages first began to occur in Germany following the end of the war in May 1945. The production of food was disrupted by the effects of the war, including the destruction of farmland, livestock, and machinery. In addition, labour shortages developed when the slave labourers who had been forced to work on German farms returned to their homes. The situation was worsened by a period of poor weather. As a result, the output of German farms was sufficient to provide city residents with only 1,000 calories of nutrition per day. At this time, food supplies were limited across much of Europe, including the United Kingdom and France, resulting in continued rationing.
Captured German soldiers
After the German surrender the U.S. chose to designate large numbers of German prisoners as Disarmed Enemy Forces (DEF) instead of using the Prisoner of War status under which the captives would have been under the protection of the Geneva convention and, therefore, would have been entitled to the same quantities of food as U.S. troops.
The conditions these prisoners had to endure were often harsh. A number of the camps in Western Germany, especially initially, were huge wired-in enclosures lacking sufficient shelter and other necessities. (see Rheinwiesenlager) Since there was no longer a danger of German retaliation against Allied POWs, ""less effort was put into finding ways of procuring scarce food and shelter than would otherwise have been the case, and, consequently, tens of thousands of prisoners died from hunger and disease who might have been saved".
The International Red Cross was never permitted to fully involve itself in the situation in DEF or SEP camps, and even though conditions in them gradually improved, even the most conservative estimates put the death toll in French camps alone at over 16,500 in 1945.
After the German surrender, the International Red Cross was prohibited from providing aid such as food or visiting the prisoner camps. However, after making approaches to the Allies in the autumn of 1945 it was allowed to investigate the camps in the UK and French occupation zones of Germany, as well as to provide relief to the prisoners held there.
On February 4, 1946, the Red Cross was permitted to visit and assist prisoners also in the U.S. occupation zone of Germany, although only with very small quantities of food. During their visits, the delegates observed that German prisoners of war were often detained in appalling conditions. They drew the attention of the authorities to this fact, and gradually succeeded in getting some improvements made.
German civilian population
The German Red Cross, which during the war had become thoroughly Nazified with its head Ernst Grawitz a major figure in medical experiments on Jews and "enemies of the state", was dissolved, and the International Red Cross and the few other allowed international relief agencies were kept from helping Germans through strict controls on supplies and on travel.
During 1945 it was estimated that the average German civilian in the U.S. and the United Kingdom occupation zones received 1,200 calories a day. Meanwhile, non-German Displaced Persons were receiving 2,300 calories through emergency food imports and Red Cross help.
Fearing a Nazi rising, U.S. occupation forces were under strict orders not to share their food with the German population, and this also applied to their wives when they arrived later in the occupation. The women were under orders not to allow their German maids to get hold of any leftovers; "the food was to be destroyed or made inedible", although in view of the starving German population facing them many housewives chose to disregard these official orders. Nevertheless, according to a U.S. intelligence survey a German university professor reportedly said: "Your soldiers are good-natured, good ambassadors; but they create unnecessary ill will to pour twenty litres of left-over cocoa in the gutter when it is badly needed in our clinics. It makes it hard for me to defend American democracy amongst my countrymen."
In early 1946 U.S. President Harry S. Truman allowed foreign relief organization to enter Germany in order to review the food situation. In mid-1946 non-German relief organizations were permitted to help starving German children. The German food situation became worst during the very cold winter of 1946–47, when German calorie intake ranged from 1,000 to 1,500 calories per day, a situation made worse by severe lack of fuel for heating. Average adult calorie intake in U.S was 3,200–3,300, in UK 2,900 and in U.S. Army 4,000.
The precise effect of the food crisis on German health and mortality has been a matter of some contention. Speaking of the Anglo-American zones, Herbert Hoover reported that in the fall of 1946, starvation produced a 40 percent increase in mortality among Germans over 70. However, John Farquharson cites statistics indicating that the incidence of hunger oedema was low in 1946–1947. According to the British Medical Journal, mortality in the British zone was above its pre-war level until June, 1946, when the death rate fell below that of 1938. Also, once it became clear there would be no rising, as threatened by the Nazis during the war, food controls were relaxed.
The historian Nicholas Balabkins notes that the Allied restrictions placed on German steel production, and their control over to where the produced coal and steel was delivered, meant that offers by Western European nations to trade food for desperately needed German coal and machinery were rejected. Neither the Italians nor the Dutch could sell the vegetables that they had previously sold in Germany, with the consequence that the Dutch had to destroy considerable proportions of their crop. Denmark offered 150 tons of lard a month; Turkey offered hazelnuts; Norway offered fish and fish oil; Sweden offered considerable amounts of fats. The Allies were however not willing to let the Germans trade.
Another consequence of the Allied policy of "Industrial Disarmament" (see The industrial plans for Germany) was that there was a drastic fall in fertilizer available for the German agriculture, further decreasing the food production.
German infant mortality rate was twice that of other nations in Western Europe until the close of 1948.
A Handbook for Military Government in Germany was ready in August 1944, it was an occupation document which advocated a quick restoration of normal life for the German people and reconstruction of Germany. The secretary of the U.S. Treasury Henry Morgenthau, Jr., author of the Morgenthau Plan for partition and deindustrialization of postwar Germany, brought it to the attention of President Franklin D. Roosevelt who after reading it rejected it with the words:
- "Too many people here and in England hold the view that the German people as a whole are not responsible for what has taken place – that only a few Nazis are responsible. That unfortunately is not based on fact. The German people must have it driven home to them that the whole nation has been engaged in a lawless conspiracy against the decencies of modern civilization."
A new document was drafted, the Joint Chiefs of Staff directive 1067 (JCS 1067). Here the military government of occupation was ordered to "…take no steps looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany [or] designed to maintain or strengthen the German economy" and it was also ordered that starvation, disease and civil unrest were to be kept below such levels where they would pose a danger to the troops of occupation.
On March 20, 1945, President Roosevelt was warned that the JCS 1067 was not workable: it would let the Germans "stew in their own juice". Roosevelt's response was "Let them have soup kitchens! Let their economy sink!" Asked if he wanted the German people to starve, he replied, "Why not?"
By August 1945 General Clay was becoming increasingly concerned about the humanitarian and political situation in the area under his responsibility. He stated "There is no choice between being a communist on 1,500 calories a day and a believer in democracy on 1000 calories".
Two years later, in July 1947, JCS 1067 was scrapped and replaced by JCS 1779 which noted that "an orderly, prosperous Europe requires the economic contributions of a stable and productive Germany." 
General Clay would later remark in his memoirs that "there was no doubt that JCS 1067 contemplated the Carthaginian peace which dominated our operations in Germany during the early months of occupation."
Nicholas Balabkins takes a favorable view of Allied policy, asserting that American food shipments saved the lives of "millions of Germans", although shortages persisted into 1948. Balabkins also notes that the distributed food rations were of poor composition and "considerably below minimum nutrition standards"; without access to additional food from alternative sources recipients would eventually fall prey to starvation. Balabkins also cites an authority who stated that the rations "represented a fairly rapid starvation level".
- Forced labor of Germans after World War II
- Industrial plans for Germany
- Hunger Plan
- CARE (relief agency)
- Steven Bela Vardy and T. Hunt Tooley, eds. Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe, Boulder: Columbia University Press, 2003, ISBN 0-88033-995-0. chapter by Richard Dominic Wiggers, "The United States and the Refusal to Feed German Civilians after World War II"
- William Langer, The Famine in Germany, Published by U.S. Govt. print. off., 1946
- Alexander Häusser, Gordian Maugg, Hungerwinter: Deutschlands humanitäre Katastrophe 1946/47, 2009, ISBN 978-3-549-07364-3
- Eugene Davidson, The Death and Life of Germany, University of Missouri Press, 1999 ISBN 0-8262-1249-2
- Nicholas Balabkins, Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament 1945–1948, Rutgers University Press, 1964
- Herbert Hoover, "The President's Economic Mission to Germany and Austria: Report No. 1 – German Agriculture and Food Requirements", February 28, 1947.
- The U.S. Army In The Occupation of Germany 1944–1946 by Earl F. Ziemke Footnotes to chapter 23, Further referenced to: (1) Memo, European Section Theater Group, OPD, for L & LD, sub: Establishment of Civilian Director of Relief, 8 Dec 45, in OPD, ABC 336 (sec. IV) (cases 155– ).
- The U.S. Army In The Occupation of Germany 1944–1946 by Earl F. Ziemke Footnotes to chapter 23, Further referenced to: (2) OMGUS, Control Office, Hist Br, History of U.S. Military Government in Germany, Public Welfare, 9 Jul 46, in OMGUS 21-3/5.
- Enssle (1987), p. 482
- Collingham (2012), pp. 216-218
- Collingham (2012), p. 207
- Collingham (2012), p. 194
- Collingham (2012), p. 467
- Buruma (2013), p. 63
- Buruma (2013), p. 64
- S. P. MacKenzie The Treatment of Prisoners of War in World War II, The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 66, No. 3. (Sep., 1994), pp. 487–520.
- Note: S. P. MacKenzie ...(ICRC) requested assurances from the belligerents that they intended to abide by the terms of the 1929 Geneva Convention. For these states to do so, however, would involve maintaining adequate standards regarding food, shelter, labor, and hygiene – all roughly equal to those granted rear-area troops.
- Staff. ICRC in WW II: German prisoners of war in Allied hands, 2 February 2005
- Staff. ICRC in WW II: German prisoners of war in Allied hands, 2 February 2005
- The humanitarians: the International Committee of the Red Cross, page 45 David P. Forsythe, Cambridge University Press
- Richard Dominic Wiggers pg. 281–82
- Richard Dominic Wiggers pg. 280
- Richard Dominic Wiggers pg. 279
- Eugene Davidson The Death and Life of Germany p.85 University of Missouri Press, 1999 ISBN 0-8262-1249-2
- Eugene Davidson The Death and Life of Germany p.86 University of Missouri Press, 1999 ISBN 0-8262-1249-2
- Richard Dominic Wiggers pg. 282
- Richard Dominic Wiggers p. 244
- Richard Dominic Wiggers p. 285
- The President's Economic Mission to Germany and Austria, No. 1, pg. 8
- John E. Farquharson, The Western Allies and the Politics of Food, pg. 237.
- British Medical Journal, November 30, 1946.
- Nicholas Balabkins, Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament 1945–1948, Rutgers University Press, 1964 p. 125
- Nicholas Balabkins, Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament 1945–1948, Rutgers University Press, 1964 p. 91
- Richard Dominic Wiggers pg. 286
- Nicholas Balabkins, Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament 1945–1948, Rutgers University Press, 1964 p. 101
- Richard Dominic Wiggers p. 274
- Richard Dominic Wiggers p. 279. "In postwar Germany and Japan, the U.S. Army financed the most urgent food imports by citing obligations under Article 43 of The Hague Rules of Land Warfare."
- Michael R. Beschloss, The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941—1945, pg. 196.
- Pas de Pagaille! Time Magazine, July 28, 1947.
- A Nation at War in an Era of Strategic Change, p.129 (Google Books)
- Balabkins,Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament, pp. 100–103
- Balabkins,Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament, pp. 102,107,108
- Balabkins,Germany Under Direct Controls: Economic Aspects of Industrial Disarmament, p.107
- Note to the previous reference: Specified in footnote as the Testimony in the 1947 Hearings of the House Committee on Appropriations by Dennis A. FitzGerald, Secretary General of the International Emergency Food Council
- Google books
- Buruma, Ian (2013). Year Zero : A History of 1945. New York: The Penguin Press. ISBN 9781594204364.
- Collingham, Lizzie (2012). The Taste of War : World War Two and the Battle for Food. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 9780141028972.
- Enssle, Manfred J. (October 1987). "The Harsh Discipline of Food Scarcity in Postwar Stuttgart, 1945-1948". German Studies Review 10 (3): 481–502.
- ICRC in WW II: German prisoners of war in Allied hands
- Winter of Starvation 1946/47 Film archive docudrama
- Foot in mouth Time magazine, March 18, 1946