Anti-Russian sentiment

Page extended-protected
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Anti-Russian sentiment or Russophobia, is dislike or fear or hatred of Russia, Russian people, Russian culture,[1] or Russian policy.[2] The Collins English Dictionary defines it as intense and often irrational hatred of Russia.[3] The opposite of Russophobia is Russophilia.

Historically, Russophobia has included state-sponsored and grassroots mistreatment and discrimination, as well as propaganda containing anti-Russian sentiment.[4][5] In Europe, Russophobia was based on various more or less fantastic fears of Russian conquest of Europe, such as those based on The Will of Peter the Great forgery documented in France in the 19th century and later resurfacing in Britain as a result of fears of a Russian attack on British-colonized India in relation to the Great Game. Pre-existing anti-Russian sentiment in Germany is considered to be one of the factors influencing treatment of Russian population under German occupation during World War II.

Nowadays, a variety of popular culture clichés and negative stereotypes about Russians still exist, notably in the Western world.[6] Some individuals may have prejudice or hatred against Russians due to history, racism, propaganda, or ingrained stereotypes.[7][8][9][10][11] Negative views of Russia are widespread, but most prevalent in Western liberal democracies.[12][13][14]

Some analysts have argued that official Western rhetoric and journalism about Russian actions abroad have contributed to the resurgence of anti-Russian sentiment, besides disapproval of the Second Chechen War, Russian reaction to NATO expansion, the 2008 Russo-Georgian war and Russian interference in the 2016 United States election.[15][16][17] Anti-Russian sentiment worsened considerably after the Russian actions in Ukraine in 2014.[18] By the summer of 2020, majority of Western nations had unfavorable views of Russia.[19] Academic and former US Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul spoke about "combatting Russophobia", appealing to US officials and journalists to cease "demonizing" Russian people, criticizing propagation of stereotypes about Russians, Russian culture and Russian national proclivities.[20] Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Russian-speaking immigrants experienced harassment, open hostility and discrimination.[21][22][23]

Some researchers have described use of "Russophobia" narratives to be a tactic used by Vladimir Putin. These narratives emphasizes the belief that Russia faces an existential threat from the Western powers and must take drastic measures to ensure domestic stability including support for the ongoing war in Ukraine. Such narratives have been described as Russian imperialism.[24][25][26]

History

18th and 19th centuries

1831 French engraving "Barbarism and Cholera enter Europe. Polish people fight, the powers make the protocols and France..." by Denis Auguste Marie Raffet, depicting Russian suppression of November Uprising in Poland in 1831.[27]
A 1903 Puck llustration depicting a large bear wearing a crown labeled "Russia" clutching a diminutive Émile Loubet labeled "France" as an explosion sends clouds of smoke labeled "Balkan Trouble" billowing skyward

On 19 October 1797, the French Directory received a document from a Polish general, Michał Sokolnicki, entitled "Aperçu sur la Russie". This forgery is known as the so-called "The Will of Peter the Great" and was first published in October 1812, during the Napoleonic wars, in Charles Louis-Lesur's much-read Des progrès de la puissance russe: this was at the behest of Napoleon I, who ordered a series of articles to be published showing that "Europe is inevitably in the process of becoming booty for Russia".[28][29] Subsequent to the Napoleonic wars, propaganda against Russia was continued by Napoleon's former confessor, Dominique Georges-Frédéric de Pradt, who in a series of books portrayed Russia as a power-grasping "barbaric" power hungry to conquer Europe.[30] With reference to Russia's new constitutional laws in 1811 the Savoyard philosopher Joseph de Maistre wrote the now famous statement: "Every nation gets the government it deserves" ("Toute nation a le gouvernement qu'elle mérite").[31][32]

Beginning from 1815 and lasting roughly until 1840, British commentators began criticizing the perceived conservatism of the Russian state and its resistance to reform efforts.[33] In 1836, The Westminster Review attributed growth of British navy to "Ministers [that] are smitten with the epidemic disease of Russo-phobia".[34] However, Russophobia in Britain for the rest of the 19th century was primarily related to British fears that the Russian conquest of Central Asia was a precursor to an attack on British-colonized India. These fears led to the "Great Game", a series of political and diplomatic confrontations between Britain and Russia during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[35]

In 1843 the Marquis de Custine published his hugely successful 1800-page, four-volume travelogue La Russie en 1839. Custine's scathing narrative reran what were by now clichés which presented Russia as a place where "the veneer of European civilization was too thin to be credible". Such was its huge success that several official and pirated editions quickly followed, as well as condensed versions and translations in German, Dutch, and English. By 1846 approximately 200 thousand copies had been sold.[36]

In 1867, Fyodor Tyutchev, a Russian poet, diplomat and member of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery, introduced the actual term of "russophobia" in a letter to his daughter Anna Aksakova on 20 September 1867,[citation needed] where he applied it to a number of pro-Western Russian liberals who, pretending that they were merely following their liberal principles, developed a negative attitude towards their own country and always stood on a pro-Western and anti-Russian position, regardless of any changes in the Russian society and having a blind eye on any violations of these principles in the West, "violations in the sphere of justice, morality, and even civilization". He put the emphasis on the irrationality of this sentiment.[37] Tyutchev saw Western anti-Russian sentiment as the result of misunderstanding caused by civilizational differences between East and West.[38]

World War II

Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels, in Das Reich, explained Russian resistance in terms of a stubborn but bestial soul,[39] while Russians were termed "Asiatic".[40]

According to the racial policy of Nazi Germany, Russians like other Slavs were classified as Untermenschen ("subhumans", inferior to Germanic Übermenschen).[41] In Nazi Generalplan Ost, territories populated by Russians were designated as future Lebensraum (living space) for settlement by German Wehrbauer ("warrior farmers"), with existing cities and industry to be destroyed, while the local population, regarded as unsuitable for Germanisation, was to be exterminated, enslaved or resettled beyond the Ural mountains. Because of the destiny planned for Russians, the initial willingness of the German occupation forces to compromise was more limited than in the case of Croats, Czechs, and Ukrainians, however, as the war progressed, the insufficient German military and administrative presence in the region necessitated the opportunistic and gradually increased use of Russian Hilfswilliger for guard and police functions and later, contrary to Hitler's strict orders in 1941, even as soldiers, with tens of thousands of Russians fighting on the German side by the end of the war and being offered land grants for distinguished service.[42]

Cold War

An extreme interpretation of George F. Kennan's "X Article" was exploited by American politicians in the Cold War to advance aggressive "containment" policy towards Russia (in spite of Kennan later denouncing this interpretation). Russophobic stereotypes of an illiberal tradition were also favored by Cold War historiographers, even as scholars of early Russia debunked such essentialist notions.[43]

Widely criticized for being antisemitic and extremist nationalistic, Igor Shafarevich's 1981 work Russophobia[44] blamed "Jews seeking world rule" for alleged "vast conspiracy against Russia and all mankind" and seeking destruction of Russia through adoption of a Western-style democracy.[45]

After 1989

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the collapse of Communism, anti-Russian sentiment in the United States was at an all-time low. However, it has experienced a resurgence during the late 1990s due to Russia's opposition to the enlargement of NATO. According to a Gallup poll, 59% of surveyed Americans viewed Russia negatively in 1999, compared to 25% in 1991.[46]

Anatol Lieven considered the Western commentary on the Second Chechen War and a Russian reaction to eastward NATO expansion to be the main cause of growing Russophobia in the 90s. Condemning the brutality of the Russian army and an exaggerated fear of NATO, he argued that the influence of the § Cold War elites and ethnic lobbies, coupled with 19th century stereotypes about Russian expansionism led Western journalists and intellectuals to drop professional standards and engage in propaganda, spreading Russophobia and national hatred.[15] In April 2007, David Johnson, founder of the Johnson's Russia List, said in interview to the Moscow News: "I am sympathetic to the view that these days Putin and Russia are perhaps getting too dark a portrayal in most Western media. Or at least that critical views need to be supplemented with other kinds of information and analysis. An openness to different views is still warranted."[47] California-based international relations scholar Andrei Tsygankov has remarked that anti-Russian political rhetoric coming from Washington circles has received wide echo in American mainstream media, asserting that "Russophobia's revival is indicative of the fear shared by some U.S. and European politicians that their grand plans to control the world's most precious resources and geostrategic sites may not succeed if Russia's economic and political recovery continues."[48] In contrast, Krystyna Kurczab-Redlich and some other reporters active in Chechnya alarmed already in early 2000s that Putin's true nature and intentions have been exposed by the Russian atrocities during the Second Chechen War as by no means resembling those of a Western democrat. It was, however, convenient for the Western elites to brand these reports as Russophobic and disregard them, in spite of such reports being delivered also by Anna Politkovskaya, a Russian journalist and human rights activist, later assassinated.[49][50] The first among these views has ultimately suffered utter discreditation in a humiliating manner after 2014, primarily because it was inherently flawed as it focused exclusively on the fantastic motivations behind anti-Russian sentiment in Western Europe, while entirely disregarding the precisely specified reasons of negative views of Russia in Central and Eastern Europe which stem in turn from real experience and knowledge.[51][52][53]

In October 2004, the International Gallup Organization announced that according to its poll, anti-Russia sentiment remained fairly strong throughout Europe and the West in general. It found that Russia was the least popular G-8 country globally. Overall, the percentage of respondents with a positive view of Russia was only 31%.[54]

Anti-Russian sentiment in the United States and Western European countries decreased during the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev, with about half of respondents in US, UK, Germany, Spain and France having positive views of Russia in 2011. It began to deteriorate again after 2012.[19] The Transatlantic Trends 2012 Report indicated that "views of Russia turned from favorable to unfavorable on both sides of the Atlantic", noting that most Americans and Europeans, as well as many Russians, said that they were not confident that the election results expressed the will of voters.[55]

Attitudes towards Russia in most countries worsened considerably following Russia's annexation of Crimea, the subsequent fomenting of the 2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine and its intervention in the resulting War in Donbas. From 2013 to 2014, the median negative attitudes in Europe rose from 54% to 75%, and from 43% to 72% in the United States. Negative attitudes also rose compared to 2013 throughout the Middle East, Latin America, Asia and Africa.[18]

According to political scientist Peter Schulze, the accusations of collusion with Trump campaign, coupled with the criminal case of Lisa F., which was reported in Germany as an instance of Russia's hybrid war, sparked fears that the Kremlin could meddle in German campaigns as well, resulting in growth of anti-Russian sentiment in Germany after 2016.[56]

By the summer of 2020, majority of Western nations had unfavorable views of Russia, with an exception of Italy, which was attributed by Pew Research Center to a delivery of medical aid by Moscow early during the pandemic.[19]

85% of Americans polled by Gallup between 1 and 17 February 2022 had unfavorable view of Russia.[46]

2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine

There was a sharp uptick in manifestations of anti-Russian sentiment after the beginning of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine;[57][58] following the start of the invasion, anti-Russian sentiment soared across the Western world.[55][59][60][61][62] Since the invasion commenced, ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking immigrants from post-Soviet states are globally reporting rising instances of open hostility and discrimination towards them.[23][22] This hostility is not just towards Russian people; it has also been seen directed towards businesses as well.[63] Boycotts of Russian products prompted a rename of Latvian-made vodka Stolichnaya to Stoli, by a companywide effort to distance the brand from its Russian origin.[64] An NBCNews.com columnist argued that symbolic boycotts of Russian products and culture evolve into discrimination, "rattle the bones of Russophobia and turn them to flesh".[65]

A "pervasive climate of distrust" towards Russian passport holders in Europe and rejections of bank account applications because of nationality were reported.[66] United Kingdom limited how much Russian nationals are allowed to save on bank accounts. The banking industry considered the restriction to violate UK equality laws, which forbid discrimination by nationality.[67] Leonid Gozman called European restrictions discriminatory and said that they harmed dissidents who were forced to leave Russia, leaving them without means to survive.[68]

Outrage was caused by pro-war demonstrations held in Athens, Berlin, Dublin, Hanover, Frankfurt and Limassol, consisting of "vehicles emblazoned with the pro-war Z symbol and marches attended by hundreds of flag-waving nationalists". Experts surveyed by The Times said that the rallies were likely coordinated by the Kremlin via the soft power Rossotrudnichestvo agency, stressing that a "bottom-up element" of support for Russia also exists.[69]

Public opinion about Russia (2022)

By June 2022, the most negative perception of Russia was in Poland (net negative 87%), followed by Ukraine with 80%, Portugal with 79%, and Sweden with 77%, according to the 2022 Democracy Perception Index.[70]

Researchers[who?] describe the present use of the term Russophobia by the Russian government to a political strategy that implies that other countries are enemies of Russia: "building up an image of Russophobic countries is a tool for shaping the neo-imperial political identity of Russia's citizens, of mobilising them in the face of real or alleged threats, and of restoring psychological comfort to them in the face of the failure of the Kremlin's actions (as in Ukraine)".[26] (See § As a polemic device, below.)

By country

Within Russia

Northern Caucasus

In 2001, a Chechen man, Goychaev, was sentenced to death for murder, rape and robbery. His sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. According to information from prosecutors, Goychaev's gang targeted Russians and murdered 10 in Chervlyonnaya (Shelkovskoy District, Republic of Chechnya) between 1997 and 1999.[71] Goyachev was charged with genocide, however the court did not find him guilty of genocide because genocide was understood to be a crime against the peace and safety of humanity.[72][73] Russian NTV channel journalist Yelena Masyuk, who was captured by Chechens, said in 2009 that she had not seen any signs of ethnic cleansing in Chechnya that had been rumoured.[74]

As a polemic device

The Kremlin and its supporters are sometimes criticised for using allegations of "Russophobia" as a form of propaganda to counter criticism of government policy.[75][26] Sources critical of the Russian government claim that it is Russian state-owned media and administration who attempt to discredit the "neutral" criticism by generalizing it into indiscriminate accusations of the whole Russian population – or Russophobia.[26][76][77] In 2006, poet and essayist Lev Rubinstein wrote that similarly to the term "fascism", the term "Russophobia" has become a political sticker slapped onto people who disagree with words or actions of people or organizations who position themselves as "Russian ones" in the ideological, rather than an ethnic or geographical sense.[78]

Russian responses to outside anti-Russian criticism has intensified the growth of contemporary Russian nationalist ideology, which in many ways mirrors its predecessor, Soviet nationalism.[26][79] Sociologist Anatoly Khazanov states that there's a national-patriotic movement which believes that there's a "clash of civilizations, a global struggle between the materialistic, individualistic, consumerist, cosmopolitan, corrupt, and decadent West [ru] led by the United States and the idealist, collectivist, morally and spiritually superior Eurasia led by Russia."[80] In their view, the United States wants to break up Russia and turn it into a source of raw materials. The West being accused of Russophobia is a major part of their beliefs.[81]

Joseph Stiglitz wrote that these attitudes are reinforced by the failure of the post-Soviet liberal economic reforms, which are perceived to have been influenced by the US Treasury.[82] A mismatch between U.S. rhetoric about promoting democratic reforms in Russia and actual U.S. actions and policy has been said to cause deep resentment among Russians, helping Russian propaganda to construct a narrative of U.S. malign interference.[83]

Since the 2014 annexation of Crimea and subsequent sanctions, there was a rapid growth of charges of Russophobia in the official discourse. Use of the term on the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs website rose dramatically during the period between 2014 and 2018.[84] Russian President Vladimir Putin compared Russophobia to antisemitism.[85][86][87] Academic Jade McGlynn considered conflation of modern Russophobia and Nazi antisemitism to be a part of propaganda strategy that uses historical framing to create a flattering narrative that the Russo-Ukrainian War is a restaging of the Great Patriotic War.[88][89] Kathryn Stoner and Michael McFaul explained the turn to radical nationalism as a strategy to preserve the regime within domestic economical and political pressures, claiming that "To maintain his argument for legitimacy at home, Putin needs... constant confrontation that supports the narrative that Russia is under siege from the West, that Russia is at war with the United States."[24]

A Russian political scientist and a senior visiting fellow at the George Washington University Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies Maria Lipman said that this narrative was made more convincing by imposing sanctions on Russia and supporting Ukraine with weapons, as well as by statements about weakening Russia made by American establishment, amplified on Russian television.[90]

The Washington Post reported effectiveness of using the label of "Russophobia" by Russian propaganda to sustain support for the invasion of Ukraine by presenting it as an existential confrontation with the West. According to an independent polling agency, "people explain that a significant part of the world is against us and it's only Putin who hopes to hold onto Russia, otherwise we would be eaten up completely. To them it is Russia that is defending itself".[25]

South Caucasus

Armenia

After Nicholas II intensified russification policies and did not provide significant opposition to the Ottoman Empire's massacres against Armenians, anti-Russian sentiment among Armenian nationalist groups rose. After the Russian government confiscated Armenian Church lands in 1903, this led to attacks on Russian authorities and Armenians who cooperated with them by Armenians mobilised by the ARF party.[91]

In July 1988, during the Karabakh movement, the killing of an Armenian man and the injury of tens of others by the Soviet army in a violent clash at Zvartnots Airport near Yerevan sparked anti-Russian and anti-Soviet demonstrations.[92] In 2015, relations between Armenia and Russia were strained after the massacre of an Armenian family of 7 in Gyumri by a Russian serviceman, stationed at the Russian base there.[93][94]

Relations between Armenia and Russia have worsened in recent years, due to Russia's refusal to help Armenia in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and the September 2022 Armenia–Azerbaijan clashes,[95] as well as due to statements perceived to be anti-Armenian made by figures close to Russian President Vladimir Putin.[96] This has resulted in anti-Russian sentiment rising sharply in the country.[97]

Azerbaijan

The 1990 Black January massacre prior to Azerbaijani independence and Russia's complicated role in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War between Azerbaijan and Armenia increased the negative perception of Russia.[98] Under Abulfaz Elchibey's presidency in 1992–93, relations between Russia and Azerbaijan were damaged due to his anti-Russian policies,[99] however under Ilham Aliyev, relations instead improved.[100]

Georgia

Anti-Russian signs in Georgia.

There has been increased animosity towards Russians in Tbilisi after the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, which has also been directed towards exiled Russians who recently fled their home country. It has included signs from businesses and posts from Airbnb hosts declaring “Russians not welcome”, anti-Russian graffiti found on many central streets, the famous Bassiani nightclub banning anyone with a Russian passport, and an online petition signed by thousands of locals demanding tougher immigration rules for Russians.[101][102]

Accordingly, in March 2022 a strong majority of 84% of respondents to a Georgian poll said Russia is the enemy of Georgia,[103] a sharp uptick compared with a decade earlier. According to a 2012 poll, 35% of Georgians perceived Russia as Georgia's biggest enemy.[104] Furthermore, in a February 2013 poll a majority of 63% said Russia is Georgia's biggest political and economic threat as opposed to 35% of those who looked at Russia as the most important partner for Georgia.[105] In November 2023, 11% preferred closer ties with Russia, while abandoning western ties, and 25% wanted to deepen ties with Russia.[106]

The root of the Georgian anti-Russian sentiment lies in the history of Russian colonialism of Transcaucasia. For Georgians, the country was twice occupied and annexed by Russia. First in 1801 under the Tsarist regime, and then, after a short interlude of independence of the Democratic Republic of Georgia (1918-1921), a 70-year period of forceful Soviet occupation.[107] This sentiment was further fed by the events of the 1990s, when Russia supported the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, two historically inalienable parts of Georgia, causing the Abkhaz–Georgian conflict, the Georgian–Ossetian conflict and later the war with Russia in 2008.[108] It was also followed by Georgian sympathy to the Chechens during the Chechen–Russian conflict of the 1990s.[109]

Rest of Europe

Anti-Russian sentiment in Europe has a long history, dating back several centuries. Initially, it was largely driven by religious and cultural differences, as well as Russia's expansionist policies.[110]: 114–115  This sentiment has evolved over time, but the underlying themes of perceived barbarism, imperialism, and cultural inferiority have remained constant.[110]: 104–105 

Negative views of Russia in Europe began to take shape in the 15th century during the period of Russian expansion into non-Russian lands under Ivan III. Russia's campaigns against Poland-Lithuania, Livonian cities, and Swedish-held Finland marked the beginning of a perception of Russia as a threat. During this era, Russia was often portrayed as a barbaric, un-Christian, and imperialistic nation by its European adversaries.[110]: 104–105  Michael C. Paul argued that the crusades of the 13th century against Russian Christian cities like Novgorod and Pskov may highlight even more deeply rooted religious and cultural animosity.[110]: 106 

During the Livonian War (1558–83), European powers, particularly Poland-Lithuania and the Livonian German cities, intensified their negative perception of Russia. They imposed embargoes on war supplies to Russia, fearing the possibility of it receiving military supplies from England, which had an active trade mission in Russia. Queen Elizabeth denied the accusations.[110]: 106–107 

Contemporaries described Tsardom of Russia and early Russian Empire as a barbaric enemy of Christianity. Accounts by Western travelers like Austrian Ambassador Sigismund von Herberstein and English Ambassador Giles Fletcher in the 16th century portrayed Russia in a negative light, focusing on aspects like superstition, brutality, and backwardness. Negative views persisted into the 17th and 18th centuries, with Western observers continuing to highlight aspects like superstition, drunkenness, and barbaric practices in Russian society. Notable figures like Captain John Perry and French travelers Jacques Margeret and Jean Chappe d'Auteroche contributed to these perceptions, often comparing Russian society unfavorably with Western standards.[110]: 107–109 

More recently, Russophobia in Western Europe was based on various more or less fantastic fears of Russian conquest of Europe, such as those based on The Will of Peter the Great forgery documented in France in the 19th century and later resurfacing in Britain as a result of fears of a Russian attack on British-colonized India in relation to the Great Game. The modern-day negative attitude and distrust to Russia in nations of Central and Eastern Europe has in turn been firmly anchored in historic violence by the Soviet Union and present-day Russia.[53][citation needed]

In a 2012 survey, the percentage of Russian immigrants in the EU that indicated that they had experienced racially motivated hate crimes was 5%, which is less than the average of 10% reported by several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities in the EU.[111] 17% of Russian immigrants in the EU said that they had been victims of crimes in the preceding 12 months, as compared to an average of 24% among several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities.[112]

Baltics

In 2015, the chairman of the Russian State Duma's Foreign Affairs Committee Aleksey Pushkov alleged that Russophobia had become the state policy in the Baltic states[113] and in 2021 Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov accused the Baltic states of being "the leaders of the Russophobic minority" in NATO and the European Union.[114]

Estonia

A poll conducted by Gallup International suggested that 34% Estonians have a positive attitude towards Russia, but it is supposed that survey results were likely impacted by a large ethnic Russian minority in the country.[54] However, in a 2012 poll only 3% of the Russian minority in Estonia reported that they had experienced a hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% among ethnic minorities and immigrants in EU).[111]

According to Estonian philosopher Jaan Kaplinski, the birth of anti-Russian sentiment in Estonia dates back to 1940, as there was little or none during the czarist and first independence period, when anti-German sentiment predominated. Kaplinski states the imposition of Soviet rule under Joseph Stalin in 1940 and subsequent actions by Soviet authorities led to the replacement of anti-German sentiment with anti-Russian sentiment within just one year, and characterized it as "one of the greatest achievements of the Soviet authorities".[115] Kaplinski supposes that anti-Russian sentiment could disappear as quickly as anti-German sentiment did in 1940, however he believes the prevailing sentiment in Estonia is sustained by Estonia's politicians who employ "the use of anti-Russian sentiments in political combat," together with the "tendentious attitude of the [Estonian] media."[115] Kaplinski says that a "rigid East-West attitude is to be found to some degree in Estonia when it comes to Russia, in the form that everything good comes from the West and everything bad from the East";[115] this attitude, in Kaplinski's view, "probably does not date back further than 1940 and presumably originates from Nazi propaganda."[115]

Latvia

According to The Moscow Times, Latvia's fears of Russia are rooted in recent history, including conflicting views on whether Latvia and other Baltic states were occupied by the USSR or joined it voluntarily, as well as the 1940–1941 June and 1949 March deportations that followed and more recently the annexation of Crimea that fueled a fear that Latvia could also be annexed by Russia.[116] Russian-American journalist and broadcaster Vladimir Pozner believed the fact that many Russian migrants in the Latvian SSR did not learn Latvian and expected the local population to speak Russian also contributed to an accumulation of anti-Russian sentiment.[117]

No Russians have ever been killed or even wounded for political, nationalistic or racist reasons in Latvia ever since it regained its independence[118][119][120] and in a 2012 poll only 2% of the Russian minority in Latvia reported having experienced a 'racially' motivated hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% among immigrants and minorities in EU).[111] An earlier 2004 research "Ethnic tolerance and integration of the Latvian society" by the Baltic Institute of Social Sciences found that Latvian respondents on average rated their relations with Russians 7.8 out of 10, whereas non-Latvian respondents rated their relationship with Latvians 8.4 out of 10. Both groups believed that the ties between them were satisfactory, had not changed in the last five years and were to either remain the same or improve in the next five years. 66% of non-Russian respondents said they would also support their son or daughter marrying an ethnic Russian. Respondents did mention some ethnic conflicts, but all of them were classified as psycholinguistic such as verbal confrontations.[121]

Occasionally, Russians in Latvia have been targeted by anti-Russian rhetoric from some of the more radical members of both the mainstream and radical right parties in Latvia. In 2010, Civic Union's internal e-mail correspondence between Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis and Latvian American doctor and party member Aivars Slucis was leaked.[122] In one of the e-mails titled "Do Latvians Surrender?"[123] Slucis complained of the current situation in Latvia and being unable to return and work in Latvia, because he would not be able to treat Russians in the same way as Latvians.[123][124] Kristovskis agreed with his opinion and evaluation,[123] but warned against hysterical responses, cautioning party members to avoid discussions counterproductive to the party's political goals. After the leak the Civic Union ousted Slucis from the party for views unacceptable to the party and returned his financial contributions, while the opposition parties Harmony Centre and For a Good Latvia initiated an unsuccessful vote of no confidence against Kristovskis.[124][123]

On the other hand, the results of a yearly poll by the research agency "SKDS" showed that the population of Latvia was more split on its attitude towards the Russian Federation. In 2008, 47 percent of respondents had a positive view of Russia and 33% had a negative one, while the remaining 20 percent found it hard to define their opinion. It peaked in 2010 when 64 percent of respondents felt positive towards Russia, in comparison with the 25 percent that felt negative. In 2015, following the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, however, it dropped to the lowest level since 2008 and for the first time, the people with a negative attitude towards Russia (46%) surpassed people with a positive attitude (41%).[125] 43.5 percent also believed Russia posed a military threat to Latvia and even in 2019 that number had decreased only slightly and stood at 37.3 percent.[126]

Lithuania

Due to historical experiences, there is a fear prevailed in Lithuania that Russia has never stopped wanting to consolidate power over the Baltics, including fears of Russian plans for an eventual annexation of Lithuania as was seen in Crimea.[127] There are also concerns over Russia's increasing military deployment, such as in the Russian region of Kaliningrad, an exclave of Russia bordering Lithuania.[128][129]

Eastern Europe

Romania

Anti-Russian sentiment dates back to the conflict between the Russian and Ottoman empires in the 18th and early 19th centuries and the ceding of part of the Moldavian principality to Russia by the Ottoman Empire in 1812 after its de facto annexation, and to the annexations during World War II and after by the Soviet Union of Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia and the policies of ethnic cleansing, Russification and deportations that have taken place in those territories against ethnic Romanians. Following WWII, Romania, a former ally of Nazi Germany, was occupied by Soviet forces. Soviet dominance over the Romanian economy was manifested through the so-called Sovroms, exacting a tremendous economic toll ostensibly as war-time reparations.[130][131][132][133]

The emergence of anti-Russian sentiment in the Danubian Principalities, the precursors to unified Romania which became independent of the Ottoman Empire with the 1829 Treaty of Adrianople concluding the 1828–1829 Russo-Turkish War, arose from the post-1829 relationship of the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia to Russia, and was caused by mutually economic and political grievances of two influential classes that were often odds also with each other. As per the 1829 treaty, Russia was named the protector of the two principalities, allowed to occupy them, and also drafted a quasi-constitution known as the Organic Regulations which formed a powerful assembly of 800 boyars (the local landowning economic elite) nominally under the authority of the less nominal prince, the document crafted with strong support from the boyars. The boyars, a "reactionary oligarchy" as described by Misha Glenny, stopped short any hint of liberal reform, and the growing urban elite began to associate Russia with the slow progress of reform and the obstacles they faced in building an industrial base. On the other hand, the boyars themselves began to sour on Russia during the 1830s and 1840s due to their economic conflict of interest with Russia. After the Ottomans withdrew from the three forts along the Danube basin, the boyars exploited the highly fertile land to drastically increase Romanian wheat production, such that eventually future Romania consisting of Wallachia unified with Moldavia would become the fourth-largest wheat producer in the world. Whereas before 1829 Wallachian and Moldavian wheat had been limited to Ottoman markets, Russia increasingly felt threatened by growing competition in its jurisdiction that it feared could drive down the price of Russian wheat. Accordingly, Russia exploited its role as protector of the Principalities to let the Danube silt up, sabotaging the possible market competitor. As a result of this as well as "Russian foot-dragging on the economy", the boyars too became increasingly resentful of Russian domination. The rapid erosion of public relations with Russia led to a revolution in 1848, in which the newly emerging Romanian intellectual and political class sought the help of the Ottomans, their old hegemon, to drive out Russian influence—although, after pressure applied by Russia, the Russian and Ottoman armies joined forces to squash the movement.[134]

Ukraine
Xenophobic graffiti inscriptions "Lenin was a Zhyd" (Jew) and "Death to Moskals" (Russians). Lviv, 2008

In 2004, the leader of the marginal Svoboda party Oleh Tyahnybok urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia" ruling Ukraine.[135] For these remarks Tyahnybok was expelled from the Our Ukraine parliamentary faction in July 2004.[136] The former coordinator of Right Sector in West Ukraine, Oleksandr Muzychko talked about fighting "communists, Jews and Russians for as long as blood flows in my veins."[137]

In May 2009, a poll held by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in Ukraine said that 96% of respondents were positive about Russians as an ethnic group, 93% respected the Russian Federation and 76% respected the Russian establishment.[138]

In October 2010, statistics by the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Science of Ukraine said that positive attitudes towards Russians have been decreasing since 1994. In response to a question gauging tolerance of Russians, 15% of Western Ukrainians responded positively. In Central Ukraine, 30% responded positively (from 60% in 1994); 60% responded positively in Southern Ukraine (from 70% in 1994); and 64% responded positively in Eastern Ukraine (from 75% in 1994). Furthermore, 6–7% of Western Ukrainians would banish Russians entirely from Ukraine, and 7–8% in Central Ukraine responded similarly. This level of sentiment was not found in Southern or Eastern Ukraine.[139]

The ultranationalist party Svoboda (once prominent, but now marginal),[140][141][142] has invoked radical anti-Russian rhetoric[143] and has electoral support enough to garner majority support in local councils,[144] as seen in the Ternopil regional council in Western Ukraine.[145] Analysts explained Svoboda's victory in Eastern Galicia during the 2010 Ukrainian local elections as a result of the policies of the Azarov Government who were seen as too pro-Russian by the voters of "Svoboda".[146][147] According to Andreas Umland, Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy,[148] Svoboda's increasing exposure in the Ukrainian media has contributed to these successes.[149] According to British academic Taras Kuzio the presidency of Viktor Yanukovich (2010–2014) fabricated this exposure in order to discredit the opposition.[150] Since the Euromaidan revolution, the Svoboda party lost a lot of its support. In the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election Svoboda formed a united party list with the Governmental Initiative of Yarosh, Right Sector and National Corps.[151] The united list received only 2.15% of the votes, less than half of the 5% election threshold, and thus no parliamentary seats via the national party list.[152]

According to the Brookings Institution after Ukraine regained its independence, only a small minority of nationalists expressed strong anti-Russian views; the majority hoped to have good relations with Russia. In 2014, after the Russian annexation of Crimea, the attitude to Russia changed sharply. In April 2017, a poll by Sociological group "RATING" found that 57% of respondents expressed a "very cold" or "cold" attitude toward Russia while 17% expressed a "very warm" or "warm" attitude.[153] In February 2019, 77% of Ukrainians had a positive attitude towards Russians, 57% of Ukrainians had a positive view of Russia, but only 13% of Ukrainians had positive attitude towards the Russian government.[154] Sentiments due to the 2022 war have declined enormously. In March 2022, 97% of Ukrainians said they had an unfavourable view of Russian President Putin, with a further 81% saying they had a very unfavourable or somewhat unfavourable view of the Russian people. However, 65% of Ukrainians agreed that "despite our differences there is more that unites ethnic Russians living in Ukraine and Ukrainians than divides us."[155] Ukrainian officials are working to rid the country's cities of streets named after Russian historical figures like Tchaikovsky or Tolstoy.[156] According to historian at the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv Vasyl Kmet [uk], this is being done to undo the Russian propaganda "of the so-called Russkiy Mir — the Russian-speaking world" by creating "a powerful alternative, a modern Ukrainian national discourse.”[156]

Central Europe

Czech Republic
A caricature of a Russian traditional matryoshka doll as a negative symbol of communism; Prague, Czech Republic.

Russia remains continuously among the most negatively perceived countries among Czechs in polls conducted since 1991, and just 26% of Czechs responded that they had a positive opinion about Russia in November 2016.[157][158][159]

According to writer Tim Nollen in 2008, Russians in Czechia were almost universally disliked as a people due in part to the presence of Russian mafiosi, as well as the "arrogant hordes of Russian visitors that descend upon Prague and the Spas in Karlovy Vary".[160]

Following the start of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, anti-Russian tensions rose in the country.[161][162] Martin Dlouhý, a professor at the Prague University of Economics and Business, wrote on Facebook on February 24 that he would not conduct, test, or correct the final thesis of Russian students “due to conscience and moral principles”; but deleted the post after a strong backlash.[163] Violence in elementary schools prompted attack by students on their ethnic Russian classmates, prompting a condemnation by Prime Minister Petr Fiala.[164] Many Czech shops and restaurants put up signs saying that Russians and Belarusians were not allowed.[165]

Poland

In 2005, The New York Times reported after the Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza that "relations between the nations are as bad as they have been since the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989."[166] Jakub Boratyński, the director of international programs at the independent Polish think tank Stefan Batory Foundation, said in 2005 that anti-Russian feelings have substantially decreased since Poland joined the EU and NATO, and that Poles feel more secure than before, but he also admitted that many people in Poland still look suspiciously at Russian foreign-policy moves and are afraid Russia is seeking to "recreate an empire in a different form."[167] According to Boris Makarenko, deputy director of the Moscow-based think tank Center for Political Technologies, much of the modern anti-Russian feelings in Poland is caused by grievances of the past.[167] One contentious issue is the Katyn massacre in 1940 as well as the Stalinist-era ethnic-cleansing operations including the deportation of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Poles, even though the Russian government has officially acknowledged and apologized for the atrocity.[168]

According to a 2013 BBC World Service poll, 19% of Poles viewed Russia's influence positively, with 49% expressing a negative view.[169] According to a Gazeta.pl report in 2019, some Polish hoteliers disliked Russian guests,[170] and the vice president of Poland's Chamber of Tourism admitted back in 2014 that some private guesthouses were rejecting Russian tourists.[171]

Hungary

Hungary's relations with Russia are shadowed by the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 which was crushed with the help of Russian troops[172] as well the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 which was brutally crushed by the Red Army and was followed by the mass arrest and imprisonment of Hungarians.[173][174][175] The current government of Viktor Orbán is seen as friendlier toward Russia.[176] According to a 2019 survey by Pew Research, 3% of Hungarian respondents had a favourable opinion of Russia, 32% had a somewhat favourable opinion, 31% had a somewhat unfavourable opinion and 16% had a very unfavourable opinion.[177]

Northern Europe

Norway

Norway's diplomatic and cultural ties with the West have complicated continuing relations with Russia.[178] A 2017 poll of Norwegians found that 58% believe that Vladimir Putin and Russia pose a security threat.[179]

Russian officials escalated the tensions. A Russian deputy foreign minister stated in Oslo that Russia views the October 2018 Trident Juncture NATO military exercises in Norway to be "anti-Russian" in nature.[180][181] Russian expansion in the arctic has contributed to increasing mutual distrust between Russia and Norway.[182] Norway's perceptions of Russian militarism and regional antagonism, as well as Norway's hosting of the US Marine Corps in the country, have contributed to the deterioration of relations between Norway and Russia.[181][183]

Finland
Edvard Isto's painting Attack (1899) symbolizes the beginning of Finland's Russification. The two-headed eagle of Russia is tearing away the law book from the Finnish Maiden's arms.

In Finland, anti-Russian sentiment has been studied since the 1970s. The history of anti-Russian sentiment has two main theories. One of them claims that Finns and Russians have been archenemies throughout history. The position is considered to have been dominated at least the 1700s since the days of the Greater Wrath. This view largely assumes that through the centuries, "Russia is a violent slayer and Finland is an innocent, virginal victim". Another, perhaps a more plausible view, holds that idea of Russia as the archenemy was only invented during the early years of independence for the purposes of building the national identity.[184]

The Finnish Civil War in 1918 between the Reds and the Whites—won by the Whites—left behind a popular wave of anti-Russian and anti-Communist feelings in Finland.[185] Hundreds of ethnic Russians were executed in 1918 in the city of Vyborg.[186]

According to polls in 2004, 62% of Finnish citizens had a negative view of Russia.[54] In a 2012 poll, 12% of Russian immigrants in Finland reported that they had experienced a racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% of immigrants in the EU).[111] A 2012 report by the Ministry of Employment and the Economy said that job applicants with Russian or Russian-sounding names tended to have to send in twice the amount of applications as an applicant with a Finnish name.[187]

Western Europe

France

In the mid 18th century Voltaire gave French intellectuals a positive image, portraying Russia as an opportunity society, in which an all-powerful leaders such as Peter the Great could create a rational and enlightened society by decree. On the other hand, equally influential French enlightenment writers especially Denis Diderot portrayed Russia in dark colours, emphasizing the lack of an enlightenment tradition or a middle class, and a propensity toward harsh dictatorship.[188][189]

Relations between France and Russian during the 19th century oscillated between one of relative friendship to open conflict. French Emperor Napoleon established a military alliance with Russia, before unsuccessfully launching an invasion of the country in 1812 over Russia's refusal to abide by the Continental System. Russophobia in France grew during the 1830s over Russia's suppression of the November Uprising in Poland, with the French public fearing the expansion of a militarily strong "Asiatic" power into Europe. This national mood of Russophobia created support in France for going to war with Russia in 1854.[190][191][192] Fyodor Dostoyevsky noted in A Writer's Diary (1873–1876):

Europeans do not trust appearances: “Grattez le russe et vous verrez le tartare”, they say (scratch a Russian and you'll find a Tatar). That may be true, but this is what occurred to me: do the majority of Russians, in their dealings with Europe, join the extreme left because they are Tatars and have the savage's love of destruction, or are they, perhaps, moved by other reasons?"[193]

According to a 2017 Pew Global Attitudes Project survey, 36% of French people have a favorable view of Russia, with 62% expressing an unfavorable view.[194] In return numerous French scholars and politics argue that France had a longstanding positive opinion about Russia and regret that France from the late 2000s tends to follow American positions against Russia blindly.[195][original research?]

Germany
Rudolf Hess, Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich listening to Konrad Meyer at a Generalplan Ost exhibition, 20 March 1941.

Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party regarded Slavic peoples (especially Poles and East Slavs) as non-Aryan Untermenschen (subhumans).[196] As early as 1925, Hitler suggested in Mein Kampf that the German people needed Lebensraum ("living space") to achieve German expansion eastwards (Drang nach Osten) at the expense of the inferior Slavs. Hitler believed that "the organization of a Russian state formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming efficacity of the German element in an inferior race."[197]

After the invasion of the Soviet Union, Hitler expressed his plans for the Slavs:

As for the ridiculous hundred million Slavs, we will mold the best of them as we see fit, and we will isolate the rest of them in their pig-styes; and anyone who talks about cherishing the local inhabitants and civilizing them, goes straight off into a concentration camp![198]

Plans to eliminate Russians and other Slavs from Soviet territory to allow German settlement included starvation. American historian Timothy D. Snyder maintains that there were 4.2 million victims of the German Hunger Plan in the Soviet Union, "largely Russians, Belarusians and Ukrainians," including 3.1 million Soviet POWs and 1.0 million civilian deaths in the Siege of Leningrad.[199] According to Snyder, Hitler intended eventually to exterminate up to 45 million Slavs by planned famine as part of Generalplan Ost.[200]

Influenced by the guidelines, in a directive sent out to the troops under his command, General Erich Hoepner of the 4th Panzer Army stated:

The war against Russia is an important chapter in the German nation's struggle for existence. It is the old battle of the Germanic against the Slavic people, of the defense of European culture against Muscovite-Asiatic inundation and the repulse of Jewish Bolshevism. The objective of this battle must be the demolition of present-day Russia and must, therefore, be conducted with unprecedented severity. Every military action must be guided in planning and execution by an iron resolution to exterminate the enemy remorselessly and totally. In particular, no adherents of the contemporary Russian Bolshevik system are to be spared.[201]

In 2019, outrage was sparked by the murder of Zelimkhan Khangoshvili in a Berlin park. Ethnic Chechen Zelimkhan Khangoshvili was a Georgian citizen and fought against Russia in the Second Chechen War in the early 2000s. A court found that the killing was contracted by the Russian state.[202]

Russophobic incidents and harassments skyrocketed in 2022,[21][203] with about 200 hate-crime related offences involving the war in Ukraine happening every week.[204] A boy in North Rhine-Westphalia was severely beaten by a mob,[205] and vandals carried out an arson attack against a Russian school in Berlin.[206]

United Kingdom
The Russian menace, a British cartoon from 1877 showing Russia as an octopus devouring neighboring lands, especially the Ottoman Empire.

Though Anglo-Russian relations were traditionally warm from the 16th to the 18th century, by the beginning of the 19th century Russophobia started to appear in the media.[207] Depictions of Russia by British travel writers and newspaper correspondents described the country "as a semi-barbaric and despotic country", an image which ingrained itself in the British public consciousness as such depictions were frequently published in the British media; these depictions had the effect of increasing Russophobia in Britain despite growing economic and political ties between the two countries.[208] The Russian conquest of Central Asia was perceived in Britain as being a precursor to an attack on British India and led to the "Great Game", while the Crimean War between the two countries in 1853–1856 deepened Russophobia in Britain.[209][page needed]

In 1874, tension lessened as Queen Victoria's second son Prince Alfred married Tsar Alexander II's only daughter Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna, followed by a state visit to Britain by the tsar. The goodwill lasted no more than three years, when structural forces again pushed the two nations to the verge of war, leading to a re-emergence of Russophobia in Britain.[210] Large outbursts of Russophobia in Britain typically occurred during periods of tense political standoffs, such as the 1904 Dogger Bank incident, when the Baltic Fleet of the Imperial Russian Navy attacked a group of British fishing trawlers in the mistaken belief they were Japanese warships; outrage in Britain led to the Russian government paying compensation to the fishermen involved.[211]

British Russophobia also manifested itself in popular literature of the period; Bram Stoker's Dracula has been seen by some historians as depicting an allegorical narrative in which the eponymous character (representing Imperial Russia) is "destroyed by warriors pledged to the Crown."[209][page needed] However, by the tail end of the 19th century, Russophobia in Britain subsided somewhat as Russian literature, including works written by authors such as Leo Tolstoy and Fyodor Dostoevsky began to gain a level of popularity in Britain; positive views of the Russian peasantry also started to appear in British writing during this period.[212]

A May 2021 YouGov poll had 73% of British respondents expressing an unfavourable view of Russia, with no other country more negatively viewed in the UK except for Iran at 74% unfavourability.[213] Russian people in the UK, however, generally didn't encounter harassment or infringement of their rights based on nationality or ethnicity until 2022.[214]

Some Russians in the UK have reported experiences of local hostility after Russia's invasion of Ukraine.[215] Conservative MP Roger Gale called for all Russian nationals to be expelled from the country.[216] Gale acknowledged that most Russians in the UK were not a threat to national security, he believed it was necessary to "send a very harsh message through the Russian people to Putin."[217] MP Tom Tugendhat also suggested in one occasion that Russian citizens should be expelled from the country.[218][219][217] Evgeny Lebedev, a Russian-born British businessman, claimed that businesses and institutions declined to collaborate with the Evening Standard newspaper, which he owns, amid the war in Ukraine, citing anti-Russian sentiment.[220] Poole-born Alexandra Tolstoy had her account closed by NatWest, which she suspected to have happened because of her Russian name.[221][222]

North America

A National Hockey League agent who works with most of the Russian and Belarusian players in the league has claimed that since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, many of his clients have faced extreme harassment because of their nationality and high prominence, including xenophobia and death threats, as have those Russians and Belarusians who play in other professional North American leagues.[223][224]

Canada

In February 2022, a Russian Orthodox Church in Calgary was vandalized with red paint.[225][226] On 4 March 2022, a parish of the Russian Orthodox Church in Victoria, British Columbia was painted blood red by vandals, possibly in response to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.[227][228] The next day, the colours of the Ukrainian flag were spray painted on the doors of a Vancouver Russian Community Centre.[229][230] The Calgary Police Service announced in March they were investigating reports of anti-Russia hate speech and harassment on social media.[231][232][233][234]

In October 2022, numerous threats were made towards individuals affiliated with a Russian Orthodox Church in Calgary.[235] Police stated, "As it is believed the church was targeted because of its Russian heritage, this incident has been deemed a hate-motivated crime".[236] Around the same time Calgary police received several other reports related to threats and harassment of Russian Calgarians which they believe are related. An individual has been located and charged with multiple counts of hate-motivated criminal harassment. A representative of the Calgary police stated, "We would like to make it clear that hate-motivated crimes of any kind will not be tolerated in our city."[236][234][237]

United States

After friendly relations from the United States' founding in 1776 to the mid-19th century, Americans' view of Russia gradually deteriorated by the 1880s because of pogroms as well as the monarchical system.[238] Relations with the Russian Communist government had been highly hostile ever since the Bolshevik coup in 1917 and their subsequent crackdown on all opposition and the state-sponsored Red Terror.[239] The United States recognized Soviet Russia only in 1933 under the Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the countries were allies against Germany in World War II.[240]

Relations quickly turned hostile again in 1945–1947, after the war ended, and remained so during the Cold War years, 1947–1989. The Soviet Union's aggressive and increasingly militaristic foreign policy that led to their takeover of Eastern Europe and establishment of a network of satellite states, known as the Soviet Bloc,[241] as well as totalitarian rule at home that was accompanied by political repression and persecution of dissidents.[239] However, Americans often conflated the terms "Russians" and "Communists"/"Soviets". To stop that in 1973 a group of Russian immigrants in the US founded the Congress of Russian Americans with the purpose of drawing a clear distinction between Russian national identity and Soviet ideology, and preventing the formation of anti-Russian sentiment on the basis of anti-communism.[242] Members of the Congress see the conflation itself as Russophobic, believing "Russians were the first and foremost victim of Communism".[243]

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the collapse of Communism, anti-Russian sentiment in the United States was at an all-time low. 62% of Americans expressed a positive view of Russia in 1991 and only 25% viewed the country negatively. In 1997, 66% of Americans indicated their friendliness to Russia.[244] However, Russophobia has experienced a resurgence during the late 1990s due to Russia's opposition to the enlargement of NATO. According to a Gallup poll, 59% of surveyed Americans viewed Russia negatively in 1999, compared to only 25% in 1991.[46] Still, as relations recovered after the September 11 attacks, and Russia's support for the United States, favorability ratings of Russia again rose to 66% in 2002.[244]

Recent events (since 2012) such as the Anti-Magnitsky bill,[245] the Boston Marathon bombing,[246] annexation of Crimea,[18] the Syrian Civil War, the allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections,[247] the mistreatment of LGBT people in Russia following the passage of a 2013 anti-LGBT propaganda law in the country, and the seizure and destruction of banned Western food imports in Russia starting in August 2015[248] are many examples of events which have been deemed[according to whom?] to have caused a rising negative attitude toward Russia in the United States.[citation needed]

In 2013, the formerly majority positive view of Russia among American respondents critically declined and this perception was replaced by a majority negative view of 60% by 2014. By 2019, a record 73% of Americans had a negative opinion of Russia as a country, and formerly dominant positive opinions had fallen from 66% down to 24%. In 2019, the share of Americans considering Russia to be a "critical" threat to national security reached a majority of 52% for the first time.[249]

2001 to Russian reset

In 2005, scholars Ira Straus and Edward Lozansky described negative coverage of Russia in mainstream American media, contrasting sentiment in media coverage with largely positive sentiment of the American public and U.S. government.[250][251]

The 2008 Russo-Georgian War was one of the recent events that contributed to growth of the negative sentiment toward Russia by the U.S. government. However, in 2011 the majority of American respondents still viewed Russia favorably.[244] According to researchers Oksan Bayulgen and Ekim Arbatli, whose content analysis of the coverage of the events in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal indicated presence of anti-Russian framing bias, people who followed the news more closely had a more negative opinion of Russia than those who rarely followed the conflict. They describe the politicization of foreign policy in the 2008 United States presidential election debates, concurrence of which with the Russo-Georgian War "made Russia a part of the national political conversation". They also suggest that the links between media, public opinion and foreign policy exist, where U.S. media had an important role in sustaining the Cold War mentality and anti-Russian public sentiment.[17]

End of Russian reset to present

According to surveys by Pew Research Center, favorable views of Russia in the United States started to decrease after reaching their peak in 2011, reducing from 51% to 37% by 2013.[19] In a 2013 survey, 60% of Americans said the United States could not trust Russia.[252] Additionally, 59% of Americans had a negative view of Russia, 23% had a favorable opinion, and 18% were uncertain.[253] According to a survey by Pew Research Center, negative attitudes towards Russia in the United States rose from 43% to 72% from 2013 to 2014.[18]

Whereas in 2006 only 1% of Americans listed Russia as "America's worst enemy", by 2019 32% of Americans, including a plurality of 44% of Democrats, shared this view,[249] with a partisan split having emerged during the 2016 presidential campaign. The sharper distaste among the Democrat population stands in contrast to the prior history of American public opinion on Russia, as Republicans were formerly more likely to view Russia as a greater threat.[254]

In May 2017, former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper stated on NBC's Meet The Press that Russians are "almost genetically driven" to act deviously.[255][256] Freelance journalist Michael Sainato criticized the remark as xenophobic.[257] In June 2017, Clapper said that "[t]he Russians are not our friends", because it is in their "genes to be opposed, diametrically opposed, to the United States and Western democracies."[258] Yuliya Komska in The Washington Post took note of a Russiagate-awareness media project featuring Morgan Freeman and James Clapper and wrote that its "hawkish tenor stokes blanket Russophobia that is as questionable as the Russian state media's all-out anti-Americanism."[259]

In June 2020, Russian American professor Nina L. Khrushcheva wrote: "Normally, I would not side with the Kremlin. But I cannot help wondering whether the Russophobia found in some segments of America's political class and media has become pathological."[260] In July 2020, academic and former U.S. Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul spoke about "combatting Russophobia", appealing to U.S. officials and journalists to cease "demonizing" Russian people, and criticizing propagation of stereotypes about Russians, Russian culture and Russian national proclivities.[20] He, and some other commentators, have argued that the U.S. media does not make enough distinction between Putin's government and Russia and the Russians, thus effectively vilifying the whole nation.[261][262]

On July 2, 2020, the Lincoln Project, a group of anti-Trump Republicans,[263] released Fellow Traveler, an ad saying in Russian with English subtitles that "Comrade Trump" had been "chosen" by Vladimir Putin and had "accepted the help of Mother Russia." The ad featured communist imagery such as the hammer and sickle, as well as photographs and imagery of Bolshevik dictators Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, and Mikhail Gorbachev. Eliot Borenstein, Professor of Russian and Slavic Studies at NYU, criticized the Lincoln Project's "Russophobic" ad, saying: "How would we feel about a two-minute video filled with Stars of David, men in Orthodox garb, sinister snapshots of Bibi, and soldiers in tanks, all to the tune of “Hava Nagila”? If that doesn't make you uncomfortable, I'm not sure what to tell you."[264]

The Wall Street Journal argued in an editorial that the White House blamed Russia for the 2021–2022 inflation surge to deflect criticism of the domestic economic policies.[265]

Hollywood and video games

Russians and Russian Americans are usually portrayed as ruthless agents, brutal mobsters, psychopaths, and villains in Hollywood movies[266][267][268] and video games. In a 2014 news story, Fox News reported that "Russians may also be unimpressed with Hollywood's apparent negative stereotyping of [the Russian people] in movies. The Avengers featured a ruthless former KGB agent, Iron Man 2 centers on a rogue Russian scientist with a vendetta, and action thriller Jack Ryan: Shadow Recruit saw Kenneth Branagh play an archetypal Russian bad guy, just to name a few. Some games in the critically-acclaimed Grand Theft Auto series depict Russians and the Russian Mafia they are supposedly part of as ruthless and heavily-armed enemies which the player has to fight against as part of the storyline, particularly Grand Theft Auto IV which features a Russian mobster named Dimitri Rascalov as its primary antagonist.[269][270][271][272][273]

The video game Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2 portrays Russian soldiers as over-the-top villains and contains a controversial mission titled "No Russian", which involves the player engaging in a mass shooting in a Russian airport. In Russia, the game sparked calls for boycotts and prompted live streamers to pull out of deals with publisher Activision, with Russians also flooding Metacritic online to vote down the game's user score.[274]

Pacific

New Zealand

Russophobia in New Zealand dates back to the colonial era; early anti-Russian sentiment among New Zealanders was influenced by "the general Victorian dislike of Tsarist autocracy" and British immigrants to the colony who brought "with them the high level of anti-Russian sentiment at home." Polish, Hungarian and Jewish refugees fleeing Russia's suppression of various rebellions and outbreaks of anti-Jewish pogroms also influenced Russophobia in New Zealand. In the aftermath of the Crimean War, suspicion of a possible Russian invasion of New Zealand led the colonial government to construct a series of "Russian-scare" coastal fortifications along the coastline. However, during the First World War, anti-Russian sentiment subsided as New Zealand and Russia found themselves fighting on the same side against Imperial Germany and anti-German sentiment grew in its place. By late 1920s pragmatism moderated anti-Russian sentiment in official circles, especially during the Great Depression. Influential visitors to the Soviet Union, such as George Bernard Shaw, provided a sympathetic view of what they experienced.[275] The history of Russophobia in New Zealand was analyzed in Glynn Barratt's book Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838–1908,[276] expanded to cover the period up to 1939 in an article by Tony Wilson.[275]

Asia and Middle East

Iran

16th-18th centuries

Anti-Russian sentiment in Iran dates back centuries. The modern historian Rudi Matthee explains that already by the Safavid period (1501-1736), the Iranians "had long despised Russians for their uncouthness".[277] Russians enjoyed a bad reputation in Iran, where, by the 17th century, they were known as the Uzbegs of Europe, the worst of all Christians, unmannered, unintelligent and perpetually intoxicated.[278] This perception can be traced back to ancient Greco-Roman cosmographical conceptions which had been conveyed to the Islamic world. According to this concept, the world was divided into seven climes; the farther away the concentric clime from the center, the more barbarian its inhabitants were deemed. The notion was also connected to the old concept of Gog and Magog as found in the Quran, according to which, beyond this boundary lay a murky land inhabited by dimwitted people.[278] Hence, describing this stereotype, in written Safavid sources the denigratory adjective rus-e manhus ("inauspicious Russia" or "ominous Russia") was coined.[278][279] Over time, it became a generic term for Iranians referring to Russians.[278]

By the mid-17th century, the term rus-e manhus designated Cossacks in particular who created havoc around the Caspian littoral, and whom the Iranians did not really distinguish from "real" Russians. By the 18th century, according to Matthee "stereotypes about a primitive people more given to act out of instinct than reason are also likely to have been reinforced by the fact that Iranians, in Jonas Hanway’s words, probably did not see more of “Russians” than tribal, nomadic peoples living around the Caspian Sea, and of “real” Russians at most uncouth soldiers and illiterate fishermen."[278] It is to be noted however that contemporaneous Iranians were probably no less prone to view Russians as primitive and uncivilized than contemporary English commentators were.[280]

Due to said perceptions, 17th-century Russian envoys were treated with occasional rudeness by the Iranians. Most of the mistreatment of said envoys was however grounded in suspicion and resentment about possible hidden objectives and designs by the Russians. However this was a common global view at the time regarding envoys. Envoys and emissaries were basically invariably seen as having (secret) motives and being spies. In fact, it was this very view that prevented the establishment of permanent diplomatic missions in Europe in the early modern period.[280] Iranian suspicions in the mid-17th century about Russian motives were nevertheless longstanding, ran deep amongst the populace, and were based on genuine concerns.[281]

At the time, the Russians tried to present profitable commercial missions as diplomatic embassies, and covertly tried to support Cossack attacks on Iran. The construction of fortresses in the Caucasus however was the most important factor at the time (see also; Russo-Persian War (1651-1653), with Iranian concerns about Russian plans to subjugate the Caucasus dating back to the mid-16th century. With the rise of the Tsarist realm of Peter the Great and his aggression against Iran in the first half of the 18th century, such concerns were quickly reinvigorated, and were ultimately prophetic in view of the later Russian annexation of the Caucasus in the course of the 19th century.[281]

In the course of the 18th century Iranian views of Russians were somewhat adjusted, due to Peter the Great's modernization efforts and expansionism as initiated by Catherine the Great. However, Iranian views of their northern neighbors as being somewhat bland and primitive were apparently never relinquished.[280]

19th-21st centuries

In his book Iran at War: Interactions with the Modern World and the Struggle with Imperial Russia, focusing on the two Russo-Iranian Wars of the first half of the 19th century (1804-1813, 1826-1828), the historian Maziar Behrooz explains that Iranian and Russian elites held a demeaning view of each other prior to the reunification campaigns of Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar (r.1789–1797), as well as through the early 19th century.[279] They viewed each other as uncivilized and backwards, and thus held each other in contempt.[279] For instance, the most commonly used contemporaneous denigratory adjective in Iran for Russians was the aforementioned adjective rus-e manhus.[279] The contemporaneous British diplomat, traveller and novelist James Justinian Morier, writing in 1808, noted that the Iranians spoke of Russians with the greatest disdain.[282] As a result of aforementioned wars, Russia annexed large parts of Iranian territory in the Caucasus; With the Treaty of Gulistan (1813) and Treaty of Turkmenchay (1828), Iran was forced to cede what is present-day Azerbaijan, Armenia, eastern Georgia and southern Dagestan to Russia.[283] This fuelled anti-Russian sentiment which led to an angry mob storming the Russian embassy in Tehran and killing everyone in 1829. Among those killed in the massacre was the newly appointed Russian ambassador to Iran, Alexander Griboyedov, a celebrated playwright. Griboyedov had previously played an active role in negotiating the terms of the treaty of 1828.[284][285]

Soviet involvement in the Azerbaijani and Kurdish separatist movements also fueled negative attitudes.[286] In 2009, negative attitudes to Russia among the Iranian opposition was also observed due to Russian support of the Iranian government.[287] A September 2021 poll done by the Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland had 42% of Iranian respondents holding an unfavourable view of Russia compared to 56% holding a favourable view.[288]

India

Russian visitors to Goa make up one of the largest groups in the state and according to Indian media, there has been tension between them and the locals due to violence and other illegal activities committed by some visitors.[289][290][291] In February 2012, Indian politician Shantaram Naik accused Russians (as well as Israelis) of occupying certain coastal villages in Goa.[292] In August 2012, Indian politician Eduardo Faleiro rejected the Russian consul general's claim that there was no existence of the Russian mafia there, alleging "a virtual cultural invasion" was occurring in Morjim.[293] According to the Indian Express in 2013, Goan resentment of foreigners had been building, with anger particularly directed towards Russians and Nigerians.[294]

In 2014, after Goan taxi drivers protested against Russian tour operators allegedly snatching tourist transport services from them, Goa's ministry of tourism cancelled an Indo-Russian music festival, sparking criticism from a few Russian diplomats.[295] In 2015, the Russian information centre reportedly said India and Goa "were not considered as good destinations for Russian travellers".[296][297]

Japan

An anti-Russian satirical map produced in Japan during the Russo–Japanese War.

Many Japanese interactions with Russians as of 2009 occurred with seamen and fishermen of the Russian fishing fleet, therefore some Japanese carried negative stereotypes associated with sailors over to Russians.[298][299][300]

According to a 2012 Pew Global Attitudes Project survey, 72% of Japanese people view Russia unfavorably, compared with 22% who viewed it favorably, making Japan the most anti-Russian country surveyed.[301] A 2017 poll from the Japanese government found that 78.1% of Japanese said they felt little or no affinity to Russia, which was the second highest percentage out of 8 regions polled (behind China at 78.5%).[302]

In December 2016, protesters gathered in Tokyo demanding the return of islands in the Kuril Islands dispute.[303]

Instances of harassment, hate speech and discrimination targeting Russians living in Japan were reported after 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi condemned human rights abuses against Russians that took place.[304]

Kazakhstan

According to the Jamestown Foundation, while previously not known for being anti-Russian, Kazakhstan since independence has grown increasingly hostile to both Russia and China. Russian commentator Yaroslav Razumov alleges that "anti-Russian articles are a staple of the Kazakh media".[305] Recently, Kazakh nationalists have criticized people who prefer speaking in Russian than Kazakh despite being one of the two official languages in the country.[306] In 2014, ethnic Kazakhs were enraged with the statement of Russian president Vladimir Putin that "Kazakhs never had any statehood" before independence.[307][308]

China

Tensions between Russia and China began with the Sino-Russian border conflicts, which began in 1652 and lasted until 1689.[309] During the 19th century, when the Qing dynasty of China was distracted suppressing the Taiping Rebellion and fighting the Second Opium War, the Russian government annexed the region of Outer Manchuria through the Unequal Treaties of late imperial China.[310] Russia would continue to sponsor various groups, both pro and anti-Chinese, helping to destabilize China with the Dungan rebellion and Russian occupation of Ili.[311] Towards the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Russia invaded Manchuria and was among a major participant that crushed the Boxer Rebellion against European powers.[312][313]

With the collapse of the Tsarist Empire in Russia, the Soviet Union was founded. Nonetheless, tensions between the USSR and China remained high. The Soviet Union waged the 1929 war against China, which ended in Soviet victory.[314] The Soviet Union would continue following Imperial Russia's expansion of influence by sponsoring a number of various militia groups destabilizing China, especially in Xinjiang which resulted in the Kumul Rebellion, Soviet invasion of Xinjiang and followed by the Islamic rebellion and Ili Rebellion in 1937 and 1944.[315] The Soviet invasion and occupation of Manchuria in 1945 following Japanese control increased anti-Russian and anti-Soviet sentiment as a result of war crimes committed by Soviet troops, including rape and looting.[316][317][318][319][320][321]

Nowadays however, anti-Russian sentiment in China has greatly downgraded, due to perceived common anti-Western sentiment among Russian and Chinese nationalists.[322][323] Ethnic Russians are one of the 56 ethnic groups officially recognized by the People's Republic of China.[324]

South Korea

A 2020 Gallup International poll had 75% of South Koreans viewing Russia's foreign policy as destabilizing to the world, which was the third highest percentage out of 44 countries surveyed.[325][326] A Morning Consult poll finished on February 6, 2022, had South Korean respondents holding a more unfavorable than favorable impression of Russia by a difference of 25% (the second highest percentage in the Far East).[327] Anti-Russia protests against the country's invasion of Ukraine were held in Seoul and Gwangju,[328] with one also planned in Busan.[329]

Turkey

According to a 2013 survey, 73% of Turks viewed Russia unfavorably against 16% with favorable views.[330] A 2011 SETA poll had 51.7% of Turks expressing a negative opinion of Russians compared to 20.7% expressing a positive opinion.[331] According to a 2012 report, hoteliers in Antalya viewed Russian tourists more negatively than tourists from the West.[332]

Historically, Russia and Turkey fought several wars and had caused great devastation for each nation. During the old Tsardom of Russia, the Ottomans often raided and attacked Russian villagers. With the transformation into Russian Empire, Russia started to expand and clashed heavily with the Turks; which Russia often won more than lost, and reduced the Ottoman Empire heavily. The series of wars had manifested the ideas among the Turks that Russia wanted to turn Turkey into a vassal state, leading to a high level of Russophobia in Turkey.[333] In the 20th century, anti-Russian sentiment in Turkey was so great that the Russians refused to allow a Turkish military attache to accompany their armies.[334] After the World War I, both Ottoman and Russian Empires collapsed, and two nations went on plagued by their civil wars; during that time Soviet Russia (who would later become Soviet Union) supported Turkish Independence Movement led by Mustafa Kemal, leading to a warmer relations between two states, as newly established Turkish Republic maintained a formal tie with the Soviet Union.[335] But their warm relations didn't last long; after the World War II, the Bosphorus crisis occurred at 1946 due to Joseph Stalin's demand for a complete Soviet control of the straits led to resurgence of Russophobia in Turkey.[336]

Anti-Russian sentiment started to increase again since 2011, following the event of the Syrian Civil War. Russia supports the Government of Bashar al-Assad, while Turkey supports the Free Syrian Army and had many times announced their intentions to overthrow Assad, once again strained the relations.[337] Relations between the two went further downhill after a Russian jet was shot down by a Turkish jet,[338] flaring that Russia wanted to invade Turkey over Assad's demand; and different interests in Syria. Turkish media have promoted Russophobic news about Russian ambitions in Syria, and this has been the turning point of remaining poor relations although two nations have tried to re-approach their differences. Turkish military operations in Syria against Russia and Assad-backed forces also damage the relations deeply.[339]

Business

In May and June 2006, Russian media cited discrimination against Russian companies as one possible reason why the contemplated merger between the Luxembourg-based steelmaker Arcelor and Russia's Severstal did not finalize. According to the Russian daily Izvestiya, those opposing the merger "exploited the 'Russian threat' myth during negotiations with shareholders and, apparently, found common ground with the Europeans",[340] while Boris Gryzlov, speaker of the State Duma observed that "recent events show that someone does not want to allow us to enter their markets."[341] On 27 July 2006, The New York Times quoted the analysts as saying that many Western investors still think that anything to do with Russia is "a little bit doubtful and dubious" while others look at Russia in "comic book terms, as mysterious and mafia-run."[342]

See also

References

  1. ^ "Russophobia". The American Heritage Dictionary. Retrieved 27 December 2020.
  2. ^ "Russophobia". Merriam-Webster. Retrieved 10 July 2022.
  3. ^ "Russophobia". Collins English Dictionary. Retrieved 9 July 2022.
  4. ^ McNally, Raymond T. (1958). "The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812-1830". Slavic Review. 17 (2): 173–189. doi:10.2307/3004165. JSTOR 3004165.
  5. ^ Williams, Robert C. (1966). "Russians in Germany: 1900-1914". Journal of Contemporary History. 1 (4): 121–149. doi:10.1177/002200946600100405. JSTOR 259894. S2CID 154477120.
  6. ^ Brook, Tom (5 November 2014). "Hollywood stereotypes: Why are Russians the bad guys". BBC News. BBC. Retrieved 1 August 2022.
  7. ^ "Submission to the United States Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination". Human Rights Documents Online. doi:10.1163/2210-7975_hrd-9211-20180082.
  8. ^ Macgilchrist, Felicitas (21 January 2009). "Framing Russia: The construction of Russia and Chechnya in the western media". Europa-Universitat Viadrina Frankfurt (Oder). Archived from the original on 28 April 2012. Retrieved 5 April 2015.
  9. ^ Le, E´lisabeth (2006). "Collective Memories and Representations of National Identity in Editorials: Obstacles to a renegotiation of intercultural relations" (PDF). Journalism Studies. 7 (5): 708–728. doi:10.1080/14616700600890372. S2CID 59404040. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2012-10-14.
  10. ^ Mertelsmann, Olaf. "How the Russians Turned into the Image of the 'National Enemy' of the Estonians" (PDF). Estonian National Museum. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 May 2013. Retrieved 14 October 2012.
  11. ^ Luostarinen, Heikki (May 1989). "Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy Image". Journal of Peace Research. 26 (2): 123–137. doi:10.1177/0022343389026002002. JSTOR 423864. S2CID 145354618.
  12. ^ "Democracy Perception Index 2022". Alliance of Democracies. 30 May 2022.
  13. ^ "Globalism 2019/20" (PDF). YouGov. 27 December 2020.
  14. ^ "Pew Research Center, Spring 2019 Global Attitudes Survey" (PDF). Pew Research Center. 7 December 2020. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 March 2021.
  15. ^ a b Lieven, Anatol (1 January 2001). "Against Russophobia". World Policy Journal. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Archived from the original on 17 May 2021. Retrieved 1 June 2022.
  16. ^ Lopez, Oscar (28 September 2018). "US-Russian journalist talks rise of Putin". Yale Daily News. Archived from the original on 27 February 2022. Retrieved 6 June 2022. Pozner also claimed that mainstream journalists in both the U.S. and Russia contributed to the formation of the negative opinions the citizens of both countries have of each other.
  17. ^ a b Bayulgen, Oksan; Arbatli, Ekim (1 December 2013). "Cold War redux in US–Russia relations? The effects of US media framing and public opinion of the 2008 Russia–Georgia war". Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 46 (4): 513–527. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.08.003. Retrieved 17 June 2022.
  18. ^ a b c d "Russia's Global Image Negative amid Crisis in Ukraine". Pew Research Center. 9 July 2014. Retrieved 1 April 2015.
  19. ^ a b c d Christine, Huang (December 16, 2020). "Views of Russia and Putin remain negative across 14 nations". Pew Research Center. Archived from the original on May 3, 2022. Retrieved May 5, 2021.
  20. ^ a b McFaul, Michael (25 November 2020). "A U.S. Strategy to Contain and Engage Putin's Russia". American Ambassadors Review (Fall 2020).
  21. ^ a b "Germany reports rise in attacks against Russian, Ukrainian migrants". Reuters. 2022-04-05. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  22. ^ a b "Anti-Russian hate in Europe is making chefs and school children out to be enemies". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 2022-03-28.
  23. ^ a b "As Ukraine war intensifies, some Russian speakers far from Moscow are feeling hostility". The Washington Post. 3 March 2022.
  24. ^ a b Stoner, Kathryn; McFaul, Michael (2015). "Who Lost Russia (This Time)? Vladimir Putin". Washington Quarterly. 38 (2): 167–187. doi:10.1080/0163660X.2015.1064716. S2CID 153400297.
  25. ^ a b Dixon, Robyn (2022-06-07). "Russians weary of Ukraine war want return to normal life". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 2022-06-07.
  26. ^ a b c d e Darczewska, Jolanta; Żochowsky, Piotr (October 2015). "Russophobia in the Kremlin's strategy: A weapon of mass destruction" (PDF). Point of View (56). OSW Centre for Eastern Studies. ISBN 978-83-62936-72-4. Retrieved 11 November 2016.
  27. ^ Lloyd S. Kramer (2000). Lafayette in Two Worlds: Public Cultures and Personal Identities in an Age of Revolutions. Univ of North Carolina Press. p. 283. ISBN 9780807862674.
  28. ^ Neumann, Iver B. (2002). "Europe's post-Cold War memory of Russia: cui bono?". In Müller, Jan-Werner (ed.). Memory and power in post-war Europe: studies in the presence of the past. Cambridge University Press. p. 132. ISBN 978-0-5210-0070-3.
  29. ^ McNally, Raymond T. (April 1958). "The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812-1830". American Slavic and East European Review. 17 (2): 173–189. doi:10.2307/3004165. JSTOR 3004165.
  30. ^ Neumann (2002), p. 133.
  31. ^ Latham, Edward (1906). Famous Sayings and Their Authors: A Collection of Historical Sayings in English, French, German, Greek, Italian, and Latin. Swan Sonnenschein. p. 181.
  32. ^ Bartlett's Roget's Thesaurus. Little Brown & Company. 2003. ISBN 9780316735872.
  33. ^ John Howes Gleason (5 February 1950). The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion. Harvard University Press. pp. 16–56. ISBN 9780674281097.
  34. ^ "Art. XII. State of politics in 1836.". The Westminster Review, Volume 25. Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy. April–July 1836. p. 276.
  35. ^ Barbara Jelavich, St. Petersburg and Moscow: Tsarist and Soviet Foreign Policy, 1814–1974 (1974) p 200
  36. ^ Fisher, David C. "Russia and the Crystal Palace 1851" in Britain, the Empire, and the World at the Great Exhibition of 1851 ed. Jeffery A. Auerbach & Peter H. Hoffenberg. Ashgate, 2008:pp. 123–124.
  37. ^ Ширинянц А.А., Мырикова А.В. «Внутренняя» русофобия и «польский вопрос» в России XIX в. Проблемный анализ и государственно-управленческое проектирование. № 1 (39) / том 8 / 2015. С. 16
  38. ^ Ширинянц А.А., Мырикова А.В. «Внутренняя» русофобия и «польский вопрос» в России XIX в. Проблемный анализ и государственно-управленческое проектирование. № 1 (39) / том 8 / 2015. С. 15
  39. ^ Goebbels, Joseph (19 July 1942). "The So-Called Russian Soul". Das Reich.
  40. ^ R. J. Overy (2004). The dictators: Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russia. W. W. Norton. p. 537. ISBN 978-0-393-02030-4.
  41. ^ Jill Stephenson (31 December 2006). "4 Racial Health and Presecution". Hitler's home front : Württemberg under the Nazis. A&C Black. p. 135. ISBN 1-85285-442-1. Retrieved 16 December 2020. Alt URL
  42. ^ Peter Hayes; John K. Roth, eds. (25 November 2010). "18. Gypsies, Homosexuals, and Slavs". The Oxford Handbook of Holocaust Studies. Oxford University Press. p. 286. ISBN 978-0-191-59472-4. In the case of Russians, Nazi willingness to compromise was limited. The reason lay in part in long-standing anti-Russian sentiments in the German population, but also in the destiny assigned to Russians by the Nazi strategy of attaining living space: their cities and industry were to be destroyed to make way for German rural settlements. According to the Generalplan Ost, the Russian population was to be largely resettled beyond the Ural mountains. Yet here, too, German policy stopped short of complete destruction. In 1941, Hitler gave strict orders that Russians were not to be used as soldiers, yet by the end of the war tens of thousands were fighting on the German side. The breakdown of his injunction was gradual and opportunistic: first, German troops began using Russian POW's as helpers of all kinds and learned that giving better rations resulted in better work. As early as 1941, these Hilswillige were used for guard and police functions, then as soldiers. Beginning in 1941, the Nazis offered land grants to "Eastern soldiers"—many of them Russian—who had distinguished themselves in service. These compromises were necessitated by the fact that the German military and administrative presence was insufficient to oversee the local population
  43. ^ David-Fox, Michael; Holquist, Peter.; Poe, Marshall. (2001). "Russophobia and the American Politics of Russian History". Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 2 (3): 465–467. doi:10.1353/kri.2008.0106. ISSN 1538-5000.
  44. ^ Shafarevich, Igor (Mar 1990). Russophobia (PDF). Joint Publications Research Service. Archived from the original on February 7, 2016.
  45. ^ Dunlop, John (1994). "The 'sad case' of Igor Shafarevich". East European Jewish Affairs. 24 (1): 19–30. doi:10.1080/13501679408577760.
  46. ^ a b c "Russia – Gallup Historical Trends". Gallup. 21 February 2007. Archived from the original on 2022-04-02. Retrieved 1 June 2022.
  47. ^ Interview with David Johnson Archived 11 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine by the Moscow News, April 2007
  48. ^ Tsygankov, Andrei. "The Russophobia Card". Archived 10 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine Atlantic Community. 19 May 2008. Retrieved 17 August 2009.
  49. ^ "Krystyna Kurczab-Redlich: Przezywano mnie rusofobką, ale to minęło [WYWIAD RIGAMONTI] – GazetaPrawna.pl".
  50. ^ Anna Politkovskaya Encyclopædia Britannica
  51. ^ "Myths and misconceptions in the debate on Russia". Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank. May 13, 2021.
  52. ^ "Myths and misconceptions around Russian military intent". Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank. July 14, 2022.
  53. ^ a b "'We told you so!' How the West didn't listen to the countries that know Russia best". March 9, 2022.
  54. ^ a b c Helsingin Sanomat, 11 October 2004, International poll: Anti-Russian sentiment runs very strong in Finland. Only Kosovo has more negative attitude
  55. ^ a b "Survey: Respondents' Views on Other Countries Shift or Remain Static". Transatlantic Trends. Archived from the original on 14 December 2014. Retrieved 5 April 2015.
  56. ^ Schulze, Peter (17 August 2017). Core Europe and Greater Eurasia: A Roadmap for the Future. Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag. pp. 117–118. ISBN 9783593507842.
  57. ^ Beardsworth, James (4 March 2022). "Russians Abroad: Blamed for a Regime They Sought to Escape". The Moscow Times. Archived from the original on 6 March 2022.
  58. ^ Floudas, Demetrius A. (14 March 2022). "Ukraine-Russia conflict: 'Forced to take sides?' Interview". BBC TV (Video). Archived from the original on 15 March 2022. Retrieved 15 March 2022.
  59. ^ Floudas, Demetrius A. (8 March 2022). "Ukraine War: Russians in Britain are facing some difficult choices". BBC News (Interview). Archived from the original on 9 March 2022. Retrieved 11 March 2022.
  60. ^ "Russophobia in US nears Cold War levels, 80% see Russia as enemy: Poll". WION. Retrieved 10 March 2022.
  61. ^ "Russian-owned businesses in US face discrimination, vandalism over Ukraine invasion". Fox 6 News Milwaukee. Retrieved 2022-03-14.
  62. ^ Lourgos, Angie Leventis (10 March 2022). "Russian Tea Time restaurant in downtown Chicago was founded by Ukrainians. Now it faces misplaced backlash". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 2022-03-14.
  63. ^ Matusek, Sarah (10 March 2022). "Russian Americans face misdirected blame for war in Ukraine". The Monitor.
  64. ^ Pomranz, Mike (7 March 2022). "Stolichnaya Vodka Officially Changes Its Name to 'Stoli' Outside of Russia". Food & Wine. Retrieved 10 March 2022.
  65. ^ Brooks, Hannah (3 May 2022). "Putin invaded Ukraine. But Russian immigrants are paying the price". NBCNews.com. Archived from the original on 7 June 2022. Retrieved 8 June 2022.
  66. ^ Ridley, Kirstin; Neghaiwi, Brenna Hughes; Kaye, Danielle (30 March 2022). "Sanctioned or not, Russians abroad find their money is 'toxic'". Reuters. Archived from the original on 30 March 2022. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  67. ^ Bottaro, Guilia (31 March 2022). "Ban on Russian bank deposits over £50,000 is illegal, warn finance chiefs". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 1 April 2022. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  68. ^ Gozman, Leonid (23 May 2022). "Sanctions Should Punish Putin, Not His Opponents". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 23 May 2022. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  69. ^ Parker, Charlie (14 April 2022). "Kremlin 'is behind pro-Russian protests in Europe'". The Times. Archived from the original on 16 April 2022.
  70. ^ Wintour, Patrick (30 May 2022). "Negative views of Russia mainly limited to western liberal democracies, poll shows". Guardian. Archived from the original on 12 June 2022. Retrieved 13 June 2022.
  71. ^ Chechen terrorist Goychaev sentenced to death (Archive) // Nezavisimaya gazeta, 18 April 2001.
  72. ^ Bandits were killing Russians // Kommersant, № 206 (2336), 10 November 2001 (in Russian)'
  73. ^ The first death sentence for five years Archived 31 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine // Gazeta.Ru, 18 April 2001 (in Russian)
  74. ^ Total Albatz show Archived 6 December 2019 at the Wayback Machine, Echo of Moscow, 13 December 2009
  75. ^ Umland, Andreas (21 January 2016). "The Putinverstehers' Misconceived Charge of Russophobia: How Western Apology for the Kremlin's Current Behavior Contradicts Russian National Interests". Harvard International Review. Archived from the original on 11 November 2016. Retrieved 11 November 2016.
  76. ^ "Kremlin's Campaign against Russophobia Threatens both Russia and the West, Polish Experts Say". www.interpretermag.com. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
  77. ^ "Four Types of Russian Propaganda". Aspen Institute. Archived from the original on 10 March 2016. Retrieved 11 March 2016.
  78. ^ Lev Rubuinstein, "РуСССкие на марше" ("RuSSSians are Marching"), Grani.ru]
  79. ^ Horvath, Robert (2005). The legacy of Soviet dissent: dissidents, democratisation and radical nationalism in Russia. Psychology Press. p. 262. ISBN 978-0-415-33320-7.
  80. ^ Khazanov, Anatoly (2012). "Contemporary Russian Nationalism between East and West". Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen. Archived from the original on 2021-02-24. Retrieved 2022-05-31.
  81. ^ Khazanov, Anatoly M. (2003). "A State without a Nation? Russia after Empire". In Paul, T.V. (ed.). The nation-state in question. G. John Ikenberry, John A. Hall. Princeton University Press. pp. 96–97. ISBN 978-0691115092.
  82. ^ Stiglitz, Joseph (3 April 2017). "Putin's illiberal stagnation in Russia offers a valuable lesson". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 29 March 2021. Retrieved 31 May 2022.
  83. ^ Rumer, Eugene; Sokolsky, Richard (20 June 2019). "Thirty Years of U.S. Policy Toward Russia: Can the Vicious Circle Be Broken?". Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Archived from the original on 1 June 2022. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  84. ^ Robinson, Neil (2019). ""Russophobia" in Official Russian Political Discourse" (PDF). DeEuropa. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2022-01-16. Retrieved 2023-02-27.
  85. ^ "PA Chairman Abbas to meet Russia's President Putin". Israel National News. 12 February 2018.
  86. ^ "Netanyahu lashes out at Iran in talks with Putin". Hürriyet Daily News. 30 January 2018.
  87. ^ "Putin Speaks Against Holocaust Denial and Anti-Semitism". The Moscow Times. 30 January 2018.
  88. ^ McGlynn, Jade (8 March 2022). "Russian rekindling of the Great Patriotic War". The British International Studies Association. Archived from the original on 1 June 2022.
  89. ^ McGlynn, Jade (26 March 2022). "What TV is telling Russians – and why they believe it". The Spectator. Archived from the original on 24 March 2022.
  90. ^ Chotiner, Isaac (8 June 2022). "Putin Has a Patriotism Problem". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 8 June 2022.
  91. ^ Batalden, Stephen K.; Batalden, Sandra L. (1997). The Newly Independent States of Eurasia: Handbook of Former Soviet Republics (2nd ed.). Phoenix: Oryx. p. 99. ISBN 9780897749404.
  92. ^ Cohen, Ariel (1998). Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 135. ISBN 9780275964818. At his funeral, the Armenians erupted in anti-Russian and anti-Soviet demonstrations.
  93. ^ Nikoghosyan, Alina (13 January 2015). "Shock and Questions: Gyumri mourns murders as it looks for reasons". ArmeniaNow. Archived from the original on 14 January 2015.
  94. ^ Grigoryan, Armen (16 January 2015). "Murder of Armenian Family by Russian Soldier Severely Strains Moscow-Yerevan Relations". Eurasia Daily Monitor. Washington, DC: The Jamestown Foundation.
  95. ^ "Pashinyan refuses to sign CSTO declaration after bloc's failure to help Armenia". bne IntelliNews. 25 November 2022.
  96. ^ "Russia Today, Sputnik head accuses Armenian gov't of being anti-Russian". JAM news. 19 July 2020.
  97. ^ "Putin visits Armenia as anti-Russia sentiment blooms". Eurasia. 23 November 2022.
  98. ^ "Betwixt and between: the reality of Russian soft-power in Azerbaijan". Böll SOUTH CAUCASUS.
  99. ^ Cornell, Svante (1 December 2000). Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9780203988879. Retrieved 29 September 2016 – via Google Books.
  100. ^ "Official web-site of President of Azerbaijan Republic - NEWS» Receptions Ilham Aliyev received Deputy Chairman of Council of Federation of Russian Federal Assembly and chairman of People's Assembly of Dagestan". en.president.az. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
  101. ^ Inna Lazareva (April 3, 2022). "Russians in Tbilisi, Georgia, face public anger despite their anti-Putin activism". The Washington Post.
  102. ^ "Georgia, a bleak new home for Russian exiles". France 24, Agence France Presse. 2022-03-08.
  103. ^ "87% of Georgians: Ukraine's War Ours Too". Civil Georgia. 2022-03-10. Retrieved 2024-02-09.
  104. ^ Kempe, Iris, ed. (17 June 2013). "The South Caucasus Between The EU And The Eurasian Union" (PDF). Caucasus Analytical Digest (51–52). Forschungsstelle Osteuropa, Bremen and Center for Security Studies, Zürich: 20–21. ISSN 1867-9323. Retrieved 12 November 2016.
  105. ^ "Georgian National Study February 18 – 27, 2013" (PDF). International Republican Institute, Baltic Surveys Ltd., The Gallup Organization, The Institute of Polling And Marketing. February 2013. p. 35. Retrieved 12 November 2016.
  106. ^ "Results of October-November 2023 Public Opinion Polls in Georgia" (PDF). NDI / CRRC Georgia. 2023-11-11. pp. 94–97. Retrieved 2024-02-09.
  107. ^ "'Ruzzki not welcome': the Russian exiles getting a hostile reception in Georgia". The Guardian. 2023-08-08. Retrieved 2024-02-09.
  108. ^ Levy, Clifford J. (26 August 2008). "Russia Backs Independence of Georgian Enclaves". The New York Times.
  109. ^ Peuch, Jean-Christophe (9 April 2008). "Caucasus: Georgians, Chechens Take Stand Against Russia Over Pankisi". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
  110. ^ a b c d e f Paul, C. Michael (2001). "Western Negative Perceptions of Russia: "The Cold War Mentality" Over Five Hundred Years". International Social Science Review. 76 (3/4): 103–121.
  111. ^ a b c d Pressrelase and Fact sheet Archived 21 June 2019 at the Wayback Machine for the study "Hate crime in the European Union" by EU Fundamental Rights Agency November 2012
  112. ^ EU-MIDIS, European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey: Minorities as Victims of crime (PDF). European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2016.
  113. ^ "Duma Committee Chairman hits out at Baltic "Russophobia"". The Baltic Times. 10 November 2015. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
  114. ^ "Russia will never turn the other cheek in foreign policy matters, top diplomat says". TASS. 21 May 2021. Retrieved 7 August 2021.
  115. ^ a b c d Subrenat, Jean-Jacques, ed. (2004). Estonia: Identity and Independence. Rodopi. p. 273. ISBN 978-90-420-0890-8. Retrieved 12 November 2016.
  116. ^ "Latvia's Russia Fears Rooted in History". The Moscow Times. 14 June 2015. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
  117. ^ "Posner explained the anti-Russian sentiment in Latvia". The Quebec Post. 8 July 2018. Archived from the original on 9 July 2018. Retrieved 8 July 2018.
  118. ^ Human Rights and Democratization in Latvia. Implementation of the Helsinki Accords. United States Congress, Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. 1993. p. 6. Russian officials, including Yeltsin and Kozyrev, have even used the term "ethnic cleansing" to describe Latvian and Estonian policies, despite the total absence of inter-ethnic bloodshed.
  119. ^ Rislakki, Jukka (2008). The Case for Latvia: Disinformation Campaigns Against a Small Nation. Rodopi. p. 37. ISBN 978-90-420-2424-3. Not a single Russian or Jew has ever been wounded or killed for political, nationalistic or racist reasons during the new independence of Latvia.
  120. ^ Clemens, Walter C. Jr. (2001). The Baltic Transformed: Complexity Theory and European Security. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 130. ISBN 978-08-476-9858-5. But no one died in the Baltics in the 1990s from ethnic or other political fighting, except for those killed by Soviet troops in 1990–1991.
  121. ^ "Ethnic tolerance and integration of the Latvian society" (PDF). Baltic Institute of Social Sciences. 2004. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
  122. ^ Wodak, Ruth; Mral, Brigitte; Khosravinik, Majid (2013). "Comparing Radical-Right Populism in Estonia and Latvia". Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. London/New York: Bloomsbury Academic. p. 242. ISBN 978-1-78093-245-3.
  123. ^ a b c d "Standing by their man". The Baltic Times. 10 November 2010. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
  124. ^ a b Strautmanis, Andris (10 November 2010). "Doctor at center of political scandal faces repercussions in Minnesota". Latvians Online. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
  125. ^ "Latvians' Negativity Toward Russia Reaches 7-Year High". The Moscow Times. 19 October 2015. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
  126. ^ "Survey: Latvians slightly less apprehensive about Russia than they were". Public Broadcasting of Latvia. 15 March 2019. Retrieved 26 May 2019.
  127. ^ Graham-Harrison, Emma; Boffey, Daniel (3 April 2017). "Lithuania fears Russian propaganda is prelude to eventual invasion". The Guardian.
  128. ^ "Lithuania: Russia permanently stationing Iskander missiles in Kaliningrad". 5 February 2018.
  129. ^ "Lithuania: Russia deploying more missiles into Kaliningrad". 5 February 2018. Archived from the original on 19 March 2018. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
  130. ^ Olga Popescu: Ion Iliescu pentru presa rusa: Nu stim cine a tras la Revolutie, este o enigma. Probabil au fost oameni extrem de devotati lui Ceausescu"
  131. ^ George Roncea: Realitatea TV, ecoul Moscovei în România contra lui Băsescu Archived 17 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine
  132. ^ Popa, Liliana (22 January 2010). "Traian Basescu tuna impotriva Rusiei, dar apropiatii sai obtin contracte grase de la Gazprom" [Traian Basescu thunders against Russia, but his friends get fat contracts from Gazprom] (in Romanian). Fin.ro. Archived from the original on 20 July 2011. Retrieved 26 January 2010.
  133. ^ Dan Tapalaga: Cortina de vorbe goale (in Romanian)
  134. ^ Glenny, Misha (1999). The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 1804–1999. Pages 60–63.
  135. ^ The Ukrainian Nationalism at the Heart of ‘Euromaidan’, The Nation (21 January 2014)
  136. ^ (in Ukrainian) Олег Тягнибок Archived 2021-05-08 at the Wayback Machine, Ukrinform
    Yushchenko Finally Gets Tough On Nationalists, The Jamestown Foundation (3 August 2004)
  137. ^ "Blind eye turned to influence of far-right in Ukrainian crisis: critics". Global News. 7 March 2014.
  138. ^ "Россияне об Украине, украинцы о России – Левада-Центр" [Russians about Ukraine, Ukrainians about Russia]. Levada Center. Archived from the original on 27 June 2009. Retrieved 5 April 2015.
  139. ^ "Institute of Sociology: Love for Russians dwindling in Western Ukraine". zik. Archived from the original on 9 August 2011. Retrieved 21 October 2010.
  140. ^ "Ukraine's orange-blue divide". The Christian Science Monitor. 28 September 2007. Retrieved 5 April 2015.
  141. ^ Sewall, Elisabeth (16 November 2006). "David Duke makes repeat visit to controversial Kyiv university". Kyiv Post. Archived from the original on 19 April 2008.
  142. ^ "Tiahnybok considers 'Svoboda' as the only right-wing party in Ukraine", Hazeta po-ukrainsky, 6 August 2007. Russian edition Archived 18 November 2008 at the Wayback Machine, edition
  143. ^ UKRAINIAN Appeals to Anti-Semitism in Election Win Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine, Internet Centre Anti-Racism Europe (4 November 2010)
  144. ^ (in Ukrainian) Вибори: тотальне домінування Партії регіонів [Elections: total dominance of the Party of Regions], BBC Ukrainian (6 November 2010)
  145. ^ "МУКАЧІВСЬКИЙ СИНДРОМ" [Mukachevo Syndrome]. Ukrayina Moloda (in Ukrainian). 2009-03-17.
  146. ^ Nationalist Svoboda scores election victories in western Ukraine, Kyiv Post (11 November 2010)
  147. ^ (in Ukrainian) Підсилення "Свободи" загрозою несвободи [Strengthening Svoboda with the threat of non-freedom], BBC Ukrainian (4 November 2010)
  148. ^ On the move: Andreas Umland, Kyiv – Mohyla Academy, Kyiv Post (30 September 2010)
  149. ^ Ukraine right-wing politics: is the genie out of the bottle? Archived 2017-10-14 at the Wayback Machine, openDemocracy.net (3 January 2011)
  150. ^ Kuzio, Taras (23 June 2015). Ukraine: Democratization, Corruption, and the New Russian Imperialism: Democratization, Corruption, and the New Russian Imperialism. ABC-CLIO. p. 183. ISBN 978-1-4408-3503-2.
  151. ^ (in Ukrainian) Yarosh, Tyagnibok and Biletsky have all formed a single list for the elections (Ярош, Тягнибок та Білецький таки сформували єдиний список на вибори), Glavcom (9 June 2019)
  152. ^ CEC counts 100 percent of vote in Ukraine's parliamentary elections, Ukrinform (26 July 2019)
    (in Russian) Results of the extraordinary elections of the People's Deputies of Ukraine 2019, Ukrayinska Pravda (21 July 2019)
  153. ^ How Ukraine views Russia and the West, Brookings Institution (18 October 2017)
  154. ^ "Attitude of the population of Ukraine to Russia and the population of Russia to Ukraine, February 2021". Kyiv International Institute of Sociology. 2 March 2021.
  155. ^ "Ukrainians want to stay and fight, but don't see Russian people as the enemy. A remarkable poll from Kyiv". European Leadership Network. 14 March 2022.
  156. ^ a b "Goodbye, Tchaikovsky and Tolstoy: Ukrainians look to 'decolonize' their streets". The New York Times. 7 June 2022.
  157. ^ Milan Tuček (5 January 2017). "Sympatie české veřejnosti k některým zemím – listopad 2016" [Sympathy of the Czech public towards certain countries - November 2016] (PDF). CVVM (in Czech).
  158. ^ "In Eastern Europe, Pact With Russians Raises Old Specters". The New York Times. 7 April 2010.
  159. ^ "Rusové přicházejí!" (the title is the popular phrase "The Russians are coming!"), Oskar Krejčí, 26 February 2008
  160. ^ Nollen, Tim (15 September 2008). CultureShock! Czech Republic: A Survival Guide to Customs and Etiquette. Marshall Cavendish International Asia Pte Ltd. p. 65. ISBN 978-981-4435-63-5.
  161. ^ "Amid war in Ukraine, Czechia sees a worrying rise in Russophobia". www.expats.cz. 2022-02-28. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  162. ^ "The Increasing "Russophobia" in the Czech Republic". Prague Morning. 2022-03-09. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  163. ^ "Professor at Prague University of Economics Refuses to Teach Russian Students". Prague Morning. 2022-02-25. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  164. ^ EuroZprávy.cz. "Fiala odsoudil útoky vůči ruským občanům, zejména dětem, žijícím v tuzemsku | EuroZprávy.cz" [Fiala condemned attacks against Russian citizens, especially children, living in the country]. eurozpravy.cz (in Czech). Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  165. ^ Adam, Karla; Bauerova, Ladka; Rosenzweig-Ziff, Dan; Pitrelli, Stefano (March 7, 2022). "Anti-Russian hate in Europe is making chefs and school children out to be enemies". The Washington Post.
  166. ^ Bernstein, Richard (4 July 2005). "For Poland and Russia, old enmity persists". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 2 August 2005.
  167. ^ a b Radio Free Europe. Eastern Europe: Russian-Polish Tensions Rise Over Attack On Russian Children In Warsaw, by Valentinas Mite. 3 August 2005; last accessed on 14 July 2007
  168. ^ The Saint Petersburg Times. Lingering Bitterness Over 9 May. 26 April 2005. retrieved on 14 July 2007
  169. ^ "BBC 2013 World Service Poll: Views of China and India Slide While UK's Ratings Climb: Global Poll" (PDF). BBC. 22 May 2013. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 October 2015. Retrieved 20 October 2016.
  170. ^ Ewa Jankowska (August 5, 2019). "New tourists from abroad visit Poland. Norwegians, Chinese, Saudi sheikhs". Gazeta.pl (in Polish). Archived from the original on January 19, 2020.
  171. ^ "Rosjanie (nie)mile widziani w Polsce? "Polacy z natury są bardzo tolerancyjni"" [Russians (not) welcome in Poland? "Poles by nature are very tolerant".]. TVN24 (in Polish). July 23, 2014.
  172. ^ "The Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1848–1849". www.5percangol.hu. 14 March 2021.
  173. ^ "Introduction: The 1956 Hungarian uprising". Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung.
  174. ^ Szelke, László (6 October 2020). "Vér és megtorlás 1849-ben: így jutottunk el a szabadságharc tragédiájáig" [Blood and retribution in 1849: how we arrived at the tragedy of the War of Independence]. multkor.hu. Múlt-kor történelmi magazin.
  175. ^ "Orosz fogság. Hadifoglyok, kényszermunkások, politikai elítéltek" [Russian captivity. Prisoners of war, forced labourers, political prisoners]. rubicon.hu. Rubicon Kiadó.
  176. ^ Szabolcs, Panyi (23 November 2018). "Lord of War in Budapest: The DEA busted two Russian arms dealers, and Hungary extradited them to Moscow".
  177. ^ "Pew Research Center, Spring 2019 Global Attitudes Survey, February 7, 2020 Release" (PDF). Pew Research. 7 February 2020.
  178. ^ Holtsmark, Sven G. (22 September 1988). "Between "russophobia" and "bridge-building": the Norwegian government and the Soviet Union, 1940–1945". Institutt for forsvarsstudier – via Google Books.
  179. ^ "Norwegians Believe Vladimir Putin Is Threat to World Peace". The Nordic Page. 18 July 2017. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  180. ^ Clem, Ralph. "Today, NATO begins a huge military exercise. Here's what you need to know". Washingtonpost.com. Amazon. Retrieved 17 November 2018.
  181. ^ a b Luhn, Alec (25 October 2018). "Nato holds biggest exercises since Cold War to counter Russia's growing presence around the Arctic". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 17 November 2018.
  182. ^ Wintour, Patrick (13 March 2017). "Troubled waters: Norway keeps watch on Russia's Arctic manoeuvres". The Guardian.
  183. ^ Knudsen, Camilla (17 November 2018). "Russia vows consequences after Norway invites more U.S. Marines". Reuters. Thomson Reuters.
  184. ^ Osmo Kuusi; Hanna Smith; Paula Tiihonen (eds.). "Venäjä 2017: Kolme skenaariota" (in Finnish). Eduskunnan tulevaisuusvaliokunta. Archived from the original on 20 May 2013. Retrieved 15 February 2008.
  185. ^ Jussi M. Hanhimäki (1997). Containing Coexistence: America, Russia, and the "Finnish Solution". Kent State UP. p. 4. ISBN 9780873385589.
  186. ^ The Finnish Civil War 1918: History, Memory, Legacy. BRILL. 2014-08-14. p. 166. ISBN 978-90-04-28071-7.
  187. ^ Viimaranta, Hannes; Protassova, Ekaterina; Mustajoki, Arto (2019-02-11). "Russian-Speakers in Finland". Revue d'études comparatives Est-Ouest. 4 (4): 95–128. doi:10.3917/receo1.494.0095. ISSN 0338-0599.
  188. ^ Ezequiel Adamovsky, Euro-orientalism: Liberal Ideology and the Image of Russia in France (c. 1740–1880) (Peter Lang, 2006) pp. 36, 83
  189. ^ Michael Confino, "Re-inventing the Enlightenment: western images of eastern realities in the eighteenth century." Canadian Slavonic Papers 36.3–4 (1994): 505–522.
  190. ^ McNally, T. (1958). "The Origins of Russophobia in France: 1812 – 1830". American Slavic and East European Review. 17 (2): 173–189. doi:10.2307/3004165. JSTOR 3004165.
  191. ^ On the "Tatar" theme see Ezequiel Adamovsky, Euro-orientalism: Liberal Ideology and the Image of Russia in France (c. 1740-1880) (Peter Lang, 2006).
  192. ^ "Иностранцы против России" [Foreigners Against Russia]. arzamas.academy (in Russian). Arzamas. Retrieved 10 December 2020.
  193. ^ "Fyodor Dostoyevsky "My Paradox" (Extract)". russianuniverse.org. 16 April 2015. Retrieved 15 December 2020.[permanent dead link]"7 aphorisms that are essential to understanding Russian civilization". rbth.com. Russia Beyond. June 19, 2017. Archived from the original on 2020-09-20. Retrieved 15 December 2020. Grattez, they would say, lе russе еt vouz vеrrеz lе tartаrе, and so it continues still. We have become part of a proverb for them.
  194. ^ "Publics Worldwide Unfavorable Toward Putin, Russia". Pew Research Center. 30 November 2017.
  195. ^ Jourdan, Alain (11 September 2016). "Chevènement dénonce la "russophobie" ambiante". Tribune de Genève – via www.tdg.ch.
  196. ^ Longerich, Peter (2010). Holocaust: The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. p. 241. ISBN 978-0-19-280436-5.
  197. ^ Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, 1925
  198. ^ H. R. Trevor-Roper; Gerhard L. Weinberg (18 October 2013). Hitler's Table Talk 1941–1944: Secret Conversations. Enigma Books. p. 466. ISBN 978-1-936274-93-2.
  199. ^ Snyder (2010), Bloodlands,p. 411. Snyder states "4.2 million Soviet citizens starved by the German occupiers"
  200. ^ Snyder (2010), Bloodlands, p. 160
  201. ^ Burleigh, Michael (2001). The Third Reich: A New History. Pan Macmillan. p. 521. ISBN 978-0-330-48757-3.
  202. ^ Oltermann, Philip (15 December 2021). "Berlin expels Russian diplomats after court rules Moscow ordered dissident's murder". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 15 April 2022.
  203. ^ Welle (www.dw.com), Deutsche. "German police report hundreds of anti-Russian attacks | DW | 16.03.2022". DW.COM. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  204. ^ "Ukraine War Sparks Hate Crimes in Germany". Human Rights Watch. 2022-05-30. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  205. ^ Bubola, Emma; Safronova, Valeriya (2022-05-09). "In Europe's Schoolyards, Putin's War Hurts Russian-Speaking Children". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  206. ^ Fröhlich, Alexander; Wurtscheid, Sonja (2022-03-11). "Brandanschlag auf deutsch-russische Schule in Berlin-Marzahn". Der Tagesspiegel Online (in German). ISSN 1865-2263. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  207. ^ John Howes Gleason, The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion, 1971, p.1 Archived 2018-12-30 at the Wayback Machine
  208. ^ Iwona Sakowicz (2005). "Russia and the Russians: opinions of the British press during the reign of Alexander II (dailies and weeklies)". Journal of European Studies. 35 (3): 271–282. doi:10.1177/0047244105055103. S2CID 154796136.
  209. ^ a b Jimmie E. Cain Jr. (15 May 2006), Bram Stoker and Russophobia: Evidence of the British Fear of Russia in Dracula and The Lady of the Shroud, McFarland & Co Inc., U.S., ISBN 978-0-7864-2407-8
  210. ^ Sir Sidney Lee (1903). Queen Victoria. p. 421.
  211. ^ Peter Hopkirk. The Great Game, Kodansha International, 1992, pg.38 ISBN 4-7700-1703-0
  212. ^ Martin Malia, Russia Under Western Eyes (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2000) doi:10.7249/RR2539 ISBN 978-1-9774-0199-1
  213. ^ "YouGov / Eurotrack Survey Results" (PDF). YouGov. May 25, 2021.
  214. ^ "On Violations of the Rights of Russian Citizens and Fellow Citizens in Foreign Countries". MFA Russia. 14 June 2022. Archived from the original on 2022-08-17.
  215. ^ Jack, Andrew (2022-03-08). "'This is Putin's fault': Russian diaspora feels growing distress over Ukraine war". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 2022-04-22.
  216. ^ "Ukraine Crisis Spurs Anti-Russian Hate Around the World". Time. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  217. ^ a b "Tory MP says every Russian living in Britain should be 'sent home'". The Independent. 2022-02-28. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  218. ^ "Britain could expel all Russian citizens from the UK, senior Conservative MP says". ca.news.yahoo.com. 24 February 2022. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  219. ^ O’Neill, Brendan (25 February 2022). "Tom Tugendhat and the worrying rise of Russophobia | The Spectator". www.spectator.co.uk. Retrieved 2022-06-03.
  220. ^ "Russian-born Press Baron Decries UK 'Russophobia'". Agence France Presse. Barrons.com. 27 July 2023.
  221. ^ Bourne, Alice (5 July 2023). "'I don't know if it's because I have a Russian name': British aristocrat says her bank account was unexplainably closed". LBC.
  222. ^ Johnston, Neil (4 July 2023). "Alexandra Tolstoy: 'NatWest closed my accounts, but never told me why'". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 4 July 2023.
  223. ^ Goldberg, Rob (1 March 2022). "NHL Agent: Russian Clients Harassed to 'Disturbing Levels' After Ukraine Invasion". Bleacher Report. Retrieved 14 March 2022.
  224. ^ "Ukraine Crisis Spurs Anti-Russian Hate Around the World". Time. 10 March 2022. Retrieved 14 March 2022.
  225. ^ Marif, D. (29 March 2022), "An anti-Russian wave sweeps over Canada", New Canada Media, retrieved 1 January 2023
  226. ^ "Photos of Russian Orthodox Church vandalism suspect released by Calgary police". CTV News. 1 March 2022. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
  227. ^ "Vandalism at Russian church may be hate crime: Victoria police". Vancouver Island. 4 March 2022. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
  228. ^ "Jack Knox: As vandals hit church, Victoria Russians oppose invasion". Victoria Times Colonist. 4 March 2022. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
  229. ^ "Vancouver Russian Community Centre vandalized with blue and yellow paint | Globalnews.ca". Global News. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
  230. ^ "Police investigate after Russian Community Centre in Vancouver vandalized". CBC News. 5 March 2022. Retrieved 7 March 2022.
  231. ^ Brown, A. (March 3, 2022), "Calgary police investigating multiple reports of anti-Russia hate speech on social media", The Western Standard, retrieved 1 January 2023
  232. ^ "Calgary police investigate reports of online hate speech targeting Russian-Canadians – Calgary | Globalnews.ca". Global News. Retrieved 8 March 2022.
  233. ^ Law, T. (March 10, 2022), "Ukraine Crisis Spurs Anti-Russian Hate Around the World", Time, retrieved 28 December 2022, Some attacks on Russians and others perceived to be Russian, have been criminal. A Russian Orthodox Church in Calgary, Canada was splattered with red paint on Feb. 26.
  234. ^ a b Le, K. (October 14, 2022), "Calgary man charged after allegedly threatening congregation of Russian Orthodox Church", CTV News Calgary, retrieved 28 December 2022
  235. ^ Melgar, A., Laycraft, T. (October 14, 2022), "Calgary Russian church target of hate crimes", CityNews Calgary, retrieved 28 December 2022
  236. ^ a b "Man charged with hate-motivated harassment", Calgary News, October 13, 2022, retrieved 28 December 2022
  237. ^ Staff writer (October 13, 2022), "Threats made against Russian Orthodox church in Calgary leads to charges", CBC News, retrieved 28 December 2022
  238. ^ Jane E. Good, "America and the Russian revolutionary movement, 1888–1905." Russian Review 41.3 (1982): 273–287. JSTOR 129602
  239. ^ a b "Internal Workings of the Soviet Union - Revelations from the Russian Archives | Exhibitions - Library of Congress". www.loc.gov. June 15, 1992.
  240. ^ Curt Cardwell. "Review of Glantz, Mary E., FDR and the Soviet Union: The President's Battles over Foreign Policy". H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews (January, 2007) online
  241. ^ Graebner, Norman (1959). "The West and the Soviet Satellites". Current History. 36 (212): 193–199. doi:10.1525/curh.1959.36.212.193. JSTOR 45313651. S2CID 249702075 – via JSTOR.
  242. ^ Steven Ferry (1995). Russian Americans. Benchmark Books. p. 42. ISBN 9780761401643. Retrieved 15 August 2017.
  243. ^ "History". 20 June 2015.
  244. ^ a b c "Russia". Gallup.com. February 21, 2007.
  245. ^ Russia blacklists more U.S. citizens from entry under "anti-Magnitsky" bill 19 January 2013
  246. ^ What Boston Bombers' Chechen Ties May Mean for U.S.-Russia Relations 9 April 2013
  247. ^ "Why the Russia Story Is a Minefield for Democrats and the Media". Rolling Stone. 8 March 2017.
  248. ^ "Russians despair at food destruction as Moscow says it is having desired effect". TheGuardian.com. August 7, 2015.
  249. ^ a b Saad, Lydia (27 February 2019). "Majority of Americans Now Consider Russia a Critical Threat". GallupALLUP News.
  250. ^ "Pravda" on Potomac Archived 29 December 2005 at the Wayback Machine, by Edward Lozansky, Johnson's Russia List, December 2005
  251. ^ Why are the American media, both liberal and conservative, so unanimously anti-Russian? Archived 26 January 2005 at the Wayback Machine, by Ira Straus, Johnson's Russia List, January 2005
  252. ^ Horowitz, Juliana Menasce (2013-09-12). "Few Americans have confidence in Putin or trust Russia". Pew Research Center. Archived from the original on 2021-04-17. Retrieved 30 May 2022.
  253. ^ "BBC World Service poll: Views of China and India Slide While UK's Ratings Climb: Global Poll" (PDF). BBC. 22 May 2013. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 September 2013. Retrieved 4 October 2013.
  254. ^ "Climate Change and Russia Are Partisan Flashpoints in Public's Views of Global Threats". Pew Research Center. 30 July 2019.
  255. ^ "James Clapper on Trump-Russia Ties: 'My Dashboard Warning Light Was Clearly On". NBC News. 28 May 2017.
  256. ^ "James Clapper Tells NBC's Chuck Todd That Russians Are 'Genetically Driven' to Co-opt". Yahoo News. 30 May 2017. Archived from the original on 9 January 2018. Retrieved 5 March 2018.
  257. ^ "James Clapper Tells NBC's Chuck Todd That Russians Are 'Genetically Driven' to Co-opt". The Observer. 30 May 2017.
  258. ^ "SPEECH – Professor James Clapper AO address to the National Press Club". Australian National University. 2017-06-08. Retrieved 2021-03-12.
  259. ^ Komska, Yuliya (29 September 2017). "Morgan Freeman is educating Americans on Russia. That's a problem". The Washington Post.
  260. ^ "Russian derangement syndrome". The Japan Times. 2 June 2020.
  261. ^ Bruk, Diana (19 June 2017). "Russophobia Isn't Just Hurting Donald Trump—It's Helping Vladimir Putin". Observer.
  262. ^ Lind-Guzik, Anna (7 June 2017). "American Russophobia is real—and it's helping Putin". Medium.
  263. ^ Donald Trump said in March 2023: "The greatest threat to Western civilisation today is not Russia (...) It's probably, more than anything else, ourselves and some of the horrible, USA-hating people that represent us": Anthony Zurcher, What a Donald Trump second term would look like, BBC news, 3 November 2023.
  264. ^ Borenstein, Eliot (2 July 2020). "The Lincoln Project's Red Scare". New York University Jordan Center. Archived from the original on 3 July 2020.
  265. ^ "This Isn't Putin's Inflation". The Wall Street Journal. 12 April 2022. Archived from the original on 13 April 2022. Retrieved 13 April 2022.
  266. ^ "Hollywood stereotypes: Why are Russians the bad guys?". BBC News. 5 November 2014.
  267. ^ "5 Hollywood Villains That Prove Russian Stereotypes Are Hard to Kill". The Moscow Times. 9 August 2015.
  268. ^ "Will the cliche of the 'Russian baddie' ever leave our screens?". The Guardian. 10 July 2017.
  269. ^ "Russian film industry and Hollywood uneasy with one another", Fox News, 14 October 2014
  270. ^ Khruscheva, Nina (27 August 2014). "As if things weren't Badenov: Even in good times, Russians are villains in Hollywood". Reuters. Archived from the original on 31 August 2014.
  271. ^ Kurutz, Steven (17 January 2014). "Russians: Still the Go-To Bad Guys". The New York Times. Retrieved 18 January 2014.
  272. ^ Queenan, Joe (14 November 2014). "Comrades in arms: why big-screen bad guys are always Russian". The Guardian.
  273. ^ Donald, Ella (28 July 2017). "From Russia, With Love: the Sudden Resurgence of the Soviet Villain". Vanity Fair.
  274. ^ Alex Horton (November 5, 2019). "The new Call of Duty game casts Russians as villains. It sparked an online revolt". The Washington Post.
  275. ^ a b Tony Wilson, Russophobia and New Zealand-Russian Relations, 1900s to 1939, New Zealand Slavonic Journal, (1999), pp. 273–296
  276. ^ Barratt, Glynn (1981). Russophobia in New Zealand, 1838–1908. Dunmore Press. ISBN 978-0-908564-75-0.
  277. ^ Matthee, Rudolph P. (1999). The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600–1730. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 221. ISBN 978-0-521-64131-9.
  278. ^ a b c d e Matthee, Rudi (2013). "Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century". Iranian Studies. 46 (3): 350–351. doi:10.1080/00210862.2012.758500. S2CID 145596080.
  279. ^ a b c d Behrooz, Maziar (2023). Iran at War: Interactions with the Modern World and the Struggle with Imperial Russia. I.B. Tauris. p. 49. ISBN 978-0755637379.
  280. ^ a b c Matthee, Rudi (2013). "Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century". Iranian Studies. 46 (3): 356. doi:10.1080/00210862.2012.758500. S2CID 145596080.
  281. ^ a b Matthee, Rudi (2013). "Rudeness and Revilement: Russian–Iranian Relations in the Mid-Seventeenth Century". Iranian Studies. 46 (3): 357. doi:10.1080/00210862.2012.758500. S2CID 145596080.
  282. ^ Behrooz, Maziar (2023). Iran at War: Interactions with the Modern World and the Struggle with Imperial Russia. I.B. Tauris. pp. 49–50. ISBN 978-0755637379.
  283. ^ Kazemzadeh, Firuz (1991). "Iranian relations with Russia and the Soviet Union, to 1921". In Avery, Peter; Hambly, Gavin; Melville, Charles (eds.). The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 7. Cambridge University Press. pp. 328–330. ISBN 978-0521200950.
  284. ^ See Hopkirk, Peter. The Great Game: The Struggle for Empire in Central Asia. New York: Kodansha Globe, 1997, ISBN 1-56836-022-3
  285. ^ Bitis, Alexander (30 November 2006). The Origins and Conduct of the Russo-Persian War, 1826–1828. doi:10.5871/bacad/9780197263273.001.0001. ISBN 9780197263273.
  286. ^ "Iran and the Cold War: The Azerbaijan Crisis of 1946". Foreign Affairs. 28 January 2009.
  287. ^ Mackey, Robert (July 20, 2009). "For Iran's Opposition, 'Death to Russia' Is the New 'Death to America'". The New York Times.
  288. ^ Nancy Gallagher; Ebrahim Mohseni; Clay Ramsay (September 2021). "Iranian Public Opinion, At the Start of the Raisi Administration (page 35)" (PDF). Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland.
  289. ^ Naik, Keshav (19 December 2011). "Meet the latest colonizers". The Times of India.
  290. ^ "In Goa Russians, French, Iranians guides are "robbing the daily bread" of Indian guides". India Today, Indo-Asian News Service. 26 April 2013.
  291. ^ "From Russia with love? Well, not really". The Times of India. 25 February 2010.
  292. ^ "Russians, Israelis have 'occupied' Goa's coastal villages: Congress". Deccan Herald. 21 February 2012.
  293. ^ "Russia's 'no mafia in Goa' claim is false: Eduardo". The Times of India. 15 August 2012.
  294. ^ Shaikh, Zeeshan (24 November 2013). "The Shrinking Goa: State caught between clash of cultures,dependence on tourism". The Indian Express.
  295. ^ "Goa cancels Indo-Russian music fest , sparks diplomatic row". Deccan Herald. 1 February 2014.
  296. ^ "Russia strikes off Goa, India from its list of safe travel destinations". Firstpost. 29 November 2015.
  297. ^ "Goa Off Russia's List Of 'Safe' Travel Destinations". HuffPost. 29 November 2015.
  298. ^ Debito Arudou (August 30, 2017). ""Japanese Only" signs come down in Monbetsu, Hokkaido. Finally. It only took 22 years".
  299. ^ Tsuneo Akaha; Anna Vassilieva (2005). Crossing National Borders: Human Migration Issues in Northeast Asia. Monterey Institute of International Studies: United Nations University Press. p. 110. ISBN 978-92-808-1117-9.
  300. ^ Letman, Jon (31 March 2000). "Russian visitors boiling over Japanese bathhouses". Vladivostok News. Archived from the original on 30 September 2007.
  301. ^ "Opinion of Russia". Pew Research Center. 2012. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
  302. ^ "Overview of the Public Opinion Survey on Diplomacy (page 4)" (PDF). Public Relations Office, Government of Japan. December 2017. Archived (PDF) from the original on 1 March 2021.
  303. ^ "Anti-Russian protest". Japan Today. 2016. Archived from the original on 17 September 2017.
  304. ^ "Japan foreign minister concerned about discrimination against Russians". The Japan Times. 20 April 2022. Archived from the original on 13 June 2022. Retrieved 13 June 2022.
  305. ^ Goble, Paul. "Kazakhs Increasingly Hostile to Both Russians and Chinese". Jamestown. Archived from the original on 25 July 2018.
  306. ^ "Ukrainian nationalism splashes out on Kazakhstan". Pravda.ru (9 November 2018). 9 November 2018.
  307. ^ "Kazakhstan's troubles switching from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet". TRT World (7 February 2019). Archived from the original on 7 February 2019.
  308. ^ Najibullah, Farangis (3 September 2014). "Putin Downplays Kazakh Independence, Sparks Angry Reaction". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
  309. ^ "Sino-Russian border conflicts". www.onwar.com. Archived from the original on 25 February 2019. Retrieved 25 February 2019.
  310. ^ Denisov, Igor. "Aigun, Russia, and China's "Century of Humiliation"". Carnegie Moscow Center.
  311. ^ Kim, Kwangmin (28 March 2018). "Xinjiang Under the Qing". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History. 1. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.13. ISBN 9780190277727 – via oxfordre.com.
  312. ^ Eskridge-Kosmach, Alena N. (12 March 2008). "Russia in the Boxer Rebellion". The Journal of Slavic Military Studies. 21 (1): 38–52. doi:10.1080/13518040801894142. S2CID 143812301.
  313. ^ Kamalakaran, Ajay (30 March 2017). "How a Russia-China political game resulted in Mongolian independence". www.rbth.com.
  314. ^ "The 1929 Sino-Soviet War". kansaspress.ku.edu. Archived from the original on 2021-09-09. Retrieved 2019-02-25.
  315. ^ "The Soviets in Xinjiang (1911–1949)". www.oxuscom.com. Archived from the original on 23 October 2008. Retrieved 25 February 2019.
  316. ^ Jones, FC (1949). "XII. Events in Manchuria, 1945–47" (PDF). Manchuria since 1931. London, Oxford University Press: Royal Institute of International Affairs. pp. 224–5 and pp.227–9. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 December 2013. Retrieved 17 May 2012.
  317. ^ Christian Science Monitor, 12 October 1945, Japanese armies were guilty of appalling excesses, both in China and elsewhere, and had the Russians dealt harshly with only Japanese nationals in Manchuria this would have appeared as just retribution. But the indiscriminate looting and raping inflicted upon the unoffending Chinese by the Russians naturally aroused the keenest indignation.
  318. ^ Pakula, Hannah (2009). The last empress: Madame Chiang Kai-Shek and the birth of modern China. Simon & Schuster. p. 530. ISBN 978-1-4391-4893-8. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  319. ^ Heinzig, Dieter (2004). The Soviet Union and communist China, 1945–1950: the arduous road to the alliance. ME Sharpe. p. 82. ISBN 978-0-7656-0785-0. Retrieved 28 November 2010.
  320. ^ Lim, Robyn (2003). The geopolitics of East Asia: the search for equilibrium. Psychology Press. p. 86. ISBN 978-0-415-29717-2. Retrieved 28 November 2010.
  321. ^ Spector, Ronald H (2008). In the Ruins of Empire: The Japanese Surrender and the Battle for Postwar Asia. Random House. p. 33. ISBN 978-0-8129-6732-6. Retrieved 28 November 2010.
  322. ^ "Russia and China's anti-West partnership threatens global order". Nikkei Asia.
  323. ^ Kuhrt, Natasha (29 March 2021). "Russia and China present a united front to the west – but there's plenty of potential for friction". The Conversation.
  324. ^ Li 2003, p. 100
  325. ^ "VOICE OF THE PEOPLE Annual Global End of Year Surveys (page 123)" (PDF). Gallup International Association. December 2020.
  326. ^ George Metakides (November 23, 2021). Perspectives on Digital Humanism. Springer Nature. p. 221. ISBN 9783030861445.
  327. ^ "Tracking Global Opinion on the Russia-Ukraine Crisis" (PDF). Morning Consult. February 2022.
  328. ^ 황장진 (2022-02-28). "(LEAD) S. Korean civic groups hold anti-Russia protests, call for peace in Ukraine". Yonhap News Agency.
  329. ^ "[단독] "우크라 전쟁 반대" 부산 러 총영사관에 50대 난입 시도" [[Exclusive] "Against the war in Ukraine" 50 people attempted to storm the Russian Consulate General in Busan]. Hankook Ilbo (in Korean). 2022-02-28.
  330. ^ Poushter, Jacob (31 October 2014). "The Turkish people don't look favorably upon the U.S., or any other country, really". Pew Research Center.
  331. ^ "Türkler kimi sever kimi sevmez?" [Who do Turks like and who don't?]. Vatan (in Turkish). September 29, 2021. Archived from the original on March 13, 2022.
  332. ^ Moufakkir, Omar; Reisinger, Yvette (2012). The Host Gaze in Global Tourism. CABI. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-78064-114-0.
  333. ^ "Russo-Turkish wars | Russo-Turkish history". Encyclopedia Britannica.
  334. ^ Towle, Philip (1980). "British Assistance to the Japanese Navy during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5". The Great Circle: Journal of the Australian Association for Maritime History. 2 (1). Australian Association for Maritime History: 44–54. JSTOR 41562319.
  335. ^ "Soviet Financial Aid to Turkey during Independence War | History Forum". Historum.com. 15 May 2013. Retrieved 22 September 2018.
  336. ^ "7 August 1946: Turkish Straits crisis reaches its climax". MoneyWeek. 7 August 2014.
  337. ^ Stack, Liam (27 October 2011). "Turkey Shelters Anti-Assad Group, the Free Syrian Army". The New York Times.
  338. ^ "Turkey's downing of Russian warplane – what we know". BBC News. 1 December 2015.
  339. ^ "Turkish troops have entered Syria in a major operation to support anti-Assad rebels". The Independent. 9 October 2017. Archived from the original on 2022-05-07.
  340. ^ Nikolaeva, Evgenia (26 June 2006). Как закалялась "Северсталь" [How "Severstal" was hardened] (in Russian). Izvestija. Archived from the original on 2 July 2006.
  341. ^ Russian: Председатель Госдумы Борис Грызлов, комментируя пропагандистскую кампанию против слияния российской "Северстали" и европейской "Arcelor", заявил, что Россию не хотят пускать на мировые рынки, lit.'Commenting on the propaganda campaign against the merger of Russian Severstal and European Arcelor, Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov said that Russia is not wanted to be allowed into world markets', by Rossijskaya Gazeta 27 June 2006
  342. ^ Russian Politicians See Russophobia in Arcelor's Decision to Go With Mittal Steel, by The New York Times 27 July 2006

Further reading

18th and 19th centuries

20th century, Soviet period

Contemporary

Russia

Georgia

Rest of Europe and USA

By country

Historical by country

Asia
  • Kim, Taewoo (2018). "The Intensification of Russophobia in Korea from Late Chosŏn to the Colonial Period: Focusing on the Role of Japan". Seoul Journal of Korean Studies. 31 (1): 21–46. doi:10.1353/seo.2018.0002.
Western Europe
  • Luostarinen, Heikki (1989). "Finnish Russophobia: The story of an enemy image". Journal of Peace Research. 26 (2): 123–137. doi:10.1177/0022343389026002002.

General sources

External links

Media related to Anti-Russian sentiment at Wikimedia Commons Quotations related to Anti-Russian sentiment at Wikiquote