|Part of a series on|
Anti-fascism is a political movement in opposition to fascist ideologies, groups and individuals. Beginning in European countries in the 1920s, it was at its most significant shortly before and during World War II, where the Axis powers were opposed by many countries forming the Allies of World War II and dozens of resistance movements worldwide. Anti-fascism has been an element of movements across the political spectrum and holding many different political positions such as anarchism, communism, pacifism, republicanism, social democracy, socialism and syndicalism as well as centrist, conservative, liberal and nationalist viewpoints.
Fascism, a far-right ultra-nationalistic ideology best known for its use by the Italian Fascists and the Nazis, became prominent beginning in the 1910s while organization against fascism began around 1920. Fascism became the state ideology of Italy in 1922 and of Germany in 1933, spurring a large increase in anti-fascist action, including German resistance to Nazism and the Italian resistance movement. Anti-fascism was a major aspect of the Spanish Civil War, which foreshadowed World War II.
Prior to World War II, the West had not taken seriously the threat of fascism, and anti-fascism was sometimes associated with communism. However, the outbreak of World War II greatly changed Western perceptions, and fascism was seen as an existential threat by not only the Communist Soviet Union but also by the liberal-democratic United States and United Kingdom. The Axis Powers of World War II were generally fascist, and the fight against them was characterized in anti-fascist terms. Resistance during World War II to fascism occurred in every occupied country, and came from across the ideological spectrum. The defeat of the Axis powers generally ended fascism as a state ideology.
After World War II, the anti-fascist movement continued to be active in places where organized fascism continued or re-emerged. There was a resurgence of antifa in Germany in the 1980s, as a response to the invasion of the punk scene by neo-Nazis. This influenced the antifa movement in the United States in the late 1980s and 1990s, which was similarly carried by punks. In the 21st century, this greatly increased in prominence as a response to the resurgence of the radical right, especially after the election of Donald Trump.
With the development and spread of Italian Fascism, i.e. the original fascism, the National Fascist Party's ideology was met with increasingly militant opposition by Italian communists and socialists. Organizations such as Arditi del Popolo and the Italian Anarchist Union emerged between 1919 and 1921, to combat the nationalist and fascist surge of the post-World War I period.
In the words of historian Eric Hobsbawm, as fascism developed and spread, a "nationalism of the left" developed in those nations threatened by Italian irredentism (e.g. in the Balkans, and Albania in particular). After the outbreak of World War II, the Albanian and Yugoslav resistances were instrumental in antifascist action and underground resistance. This combination of irreconcilable nationalisms and leftist partisans constitute the earliest roots of European anti-fascism. Less militant forms of anti-fascism arose later. During the 1930s in Britain, "Christians – especially the Church of England – provided both a language of opposition to fascism and inspired anti-fascist action".
Michael Seidman argues that traditionally anti-fascism was seen as the purview of the political left but that in recent years this has been questioned. Seidman identifies two types of anti-fascism, namely revolutionary and counterrevolutionary:
- Revolutionary anti-fascism was expressed amongst communists and anarchists, where it identified fascism and capitalism as its enemies and made little distinction between fascism and other forms of authoritarianism. It did not disappear after the Second World War but was used as an official ideology of the Soviet bloc, with the "fascist" West as the new enemy.
- Counterrevolutionary anti-fascism was much more conservative in nature, with Seidman arguing that Charles de Gaulle and Winston Churchill represented examples of it and that they tried to win the masses to their cause. Counterrevolutionary antifascists desired to ensure the restoration or continuation of the prewar old regime and conservative antifascists disliked fascism's erasure of the distinction between the public and private spheres. Like its revolutionary counterpart, it would outlast fascism once the Second World War ended.
Seidman argues that despite the differences between these two strands of anti-fascism, there were similarities. They would both come to regard violent expansion as intrinsic to the fascist project. They both rejected any claim that the Versailles Treaty was responsible for the rise of Nazism and instead viewed fascist dynamism as the cause of conflict. Unlike fascism, these two types of anti-fascism did not promise a quick victory but an extended struggle against a powerful enemy. During World War II, both anti-fascisms responded to fascist aggression by creating a cult of heroism which relegated victims to a secondary position. However, after the war, conflict arose between the revolutionary and counterrevolutionary anti-fascisms; the victory of the Western Allies allowed them to restore the old regimes of liberal democracy in Western Europe, while Soviet victory in Eastern Europe allowed for the establishment of new revolutionary anti-fascist regimes there.
Anti-fascist movements emerged first in Italy during the rise of Benito Mussolini, but they soon spread to other European countries and then globally. In the early period, Communist, socialist, anarchist and Christian workers and intellectuals were involved. Until 1928, the period of the United front, there was significant collaboration between the Communists and non-Communist anti-fascists.
In 1928, the Comintern instituted its ultra-left Third Period policies, ending co-operation with other left groups, and denouncing social democrats as "social fascists". From 1934 until the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, the Communists pursued a Popular Front approach, of building broad-based coalitions with liberal and even conservative anti-fascists. As fascism consolidated its power, and especially during World War II, anti-fascism largely took the form of partisan or resistance movements.
Italy: against Fascism and Mussolini
In Italy, Mussolini's Fascist regime used the term anti-fascist to describe its opponents. Mussolini's secret police was officially known as the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism. During the 1920s in the Kingdom of Italy, anti-fascists, many of them from the labor movement, fought against the violent Blackshirts and against the rise of the fascist leader Benito Mussolini. After the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) signed a pacification pact with Mussolini and his Fasces of Combat on 3 August 1921, and trade unions adopted a legalist and pacified strategy, members of the workers' movement who disagreed with this strategy formed Arditi del Popolo.
The Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGL) and the PSI refused to officially recognize the anti-fascist militia and maintained a non-violent, legalist strategy, while the Communist Party of Italy (PCd'I) ordered its members to quit the organization. The PCd'I organized some militant groups, but their actions were relatively minor. The Italian anarchist Severino Di Giovanni, who exiled himself to Argentina following the 1922 March on Rome, organized several bombings against the Italian fascist community. The Italian liberal anti-fascist Benedetto Croce wrote his Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals, which was published in 1925.[page needed] Other notable Italian liberal anti-fascists around that time were Piero Gobetti and Carlo Rosselli.
Concentrazione Antifascista Italiana (Italian Anti-Fascist Concentration), officially known as Concentrazione d'Azione Antifascista (Anti-Fascist Action Concentration), was an Italian coalition of Anti-Fascist groups which existed from 1927 to 1934. Founded in Nérac, France, by expatriate Italians, the CAI was an alliance of non-communist anti-fascist forces (republican, socialist, nationalist) trying to promote and to coordinate expatriate actions to fight fascism in Italy; they published a propaganda paper entitled La Libertà.
Between 1920 and 1943, several anti-fascist movements were active among the Slovenes and Croats in the territories annexed to Italy after World War I, known as the Julian March. The most influential was the militant insurgent organization TIGR, which carried out numerous sabotages, as well as attacks on representatives of the Fascist Party and the military. Most of the underground structure of the organization was discovered and dismantled by the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism (OVRA) in 1940 and 1941, and after June 1941 most of its former activists joined the Slovene Partisans.
During World War II, many members of the Italian resistance left their homes and went to live in the mountains, fighting against Italian fascists and German Nazi soldiers. Many cities in Italy, including Turin, Naples and Milan, were freed by anti-fascist uprisings.
Slovenians and Croats under Italianization
The anti-fascist resistance emerged within the Slovene minority in Italy (1920–1947), whom the Fascists meant to deprive of their culture, language and ethnicity. The 1920 burning of the National Hall in Trieste, the Slovene center in the multi-cultural and multi-ethnic Trieste by the Blackshirts, was praised by Benito Mussolini (yet to become Il Duce) as a "masterpiece of the Triestine fascism" (capolavoro del fascismo triestino). The use of Slovene in public places, including churches, was forbidden, not only in multi-ethnic areas, but also in the areas where the population was exclusively Slovene. Children, if they spoke Slovene, were punished by Italian teachers who were brought by the Fascist State from Southern Italy. Slovene teachers, writers, and clergy were sent to the other side of Italy.
The first anti-fascist organization, called TIGR, was formed by Slovenes and Croats in 1927 in order to fight Fascist violence. Its guerrilla fight continued into the late 1920s and 1930s. By the mid-1930s, 70,000 Slovenes had fled Italy, mostly to Slovenia (then part of Yugoslavia) and South America.
The Slovene anti-fascist resistance in Yugoslavia during World War II was led by Liberation Front of the Slovenian People. The Province of Ljubljana, occupied by Italian Fascists, saw the deportation of 25,000 people, representing 7.5% of the total population, filling up the Rab concentration camp and Gonars concentration camp as well as other Italian concentration camps.
Germany: against the NSDAP and Hitlerism
The specific term anti-fascism was primarily used by the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), which held the view that it was the only anti-fascist party in Germany. The KPD formed several explicitly anti-fascist groups such as Roter Frontkämpferbund (formed in 1924 and banned by the Social Democrats in 1929) and Kampfbund gegen den Faschismus (a de facto successor to the latter).[need quotation to verify][need quotation to verify] At its height, Roter Frontkämpferbund had over 100,000 members. In 1932, the KPD established the Antifaschistische Aktion as a "red united front under the leadership of the only anti-fascist party, the KPD". Under the leadership of the committed Stalinist Ernst Thälmann, the KPD primarily viewed fascism as the final stage of capitalism rather than as a specific movement or group, and therefore applied the term broadly to its opponents, and in the name of anti-fascism the KPD focused in large part on attacking its main adversary, the centre-left Social Democratic Party of Germany, whom they referred to as social fascists and regarded as the "main pillar of the dictatorship of Capital."
The movement of Nazism, which grew ever more influential in the last years of the Weimar Republic, was opposed for different ideological reasons by a wide variety of groups, including groups which also opposed each other, such as social democrats, centrists, conservatives and communists. The SPD and centrists formed Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold in 1924 to defend liberal democracy against both the Nazi Party and the KPD, and their affiliated organizations. Later, mainly SPD members formed the Iron Front which opposed the same groups.
The name and logo of Antifaschistische Aktion remain influential. Its two-flag logo, designed by Max Gebhard and Max Keilson, is still widely used as a symbol of militant anti-fascists in Germany and globally, as is the Iron Front's Three Arrows logo.
Spain: Civil War with the Nationalists
The historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote: "The Spanish civil war was both at the centre and on the margin of the era of anti-fascism. It was central, since it was immediately seen as a European war between fascism and anti-fascism, almost as the first battle in the coming world war, some of the characteristic aspects of which - for example, air raids against civilian populations - it anticipated."
In Spain, there were histories of popular uprisings in the late 19th century through to the 1930s against the deep-seated military dictatorships. of General Prim and the Primo de la Rivieras These movements further coalesced into large-scale anti-fascist movements in the 1930s, many in the Basque Country, before and during the Spanish Civil War. The republican government and army, the Antifascist Worker and Peasant Militias (MAOC) linked to the Communist Party (PCE), the International Brigades, the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), Spanish anarchist militias, such as the Iron Column and the autonomous governments of Catalonia and the Basque Country, fought the rise of Francisco Franco with military force.
The Friends of Durruti, associated with the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI), were a particularly militant group. Thousands of people from many countries went to Spain in support of the anti-fascist cause, joining units such as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, the British Battalion, the Dabrowski Battalion, the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion, the Naftali Botwin Company and the Thälmann Battalion, including Winston Churchill's nephew, Esmond Romilly. Notable anti-fascists who worked internationally against Franco included: George Orwell (who fought in the POUM militia and wrote Homage to Catalonia about his experience), Ernest Hemingway (a supporter of the International Brigades who wrote For Whom the Bell Tolls about his experience), and the radical journalist Martha Gellhorn.
The Spanish anarchist guerrilla Francesc Sabaté Llopart fought against Franco's regime until the 1960s, from a base in France. The Spanish Maquis, linked to the PCE, also fought the Franco regime long after the Spanish Civil war had ended.
France: against Action Française and Vichy
In the 1920s and 1930s in the French Third Republic, anti-fascists confronted aggressive far-right groups such as the Action Française movement in France, which dominated the Latin Quarter students' neighborhood. After fascism triumphed via invasion, the French Resistance (French: La Résistance française) or, more accurately, resistance movements fought against the Nazi German occupation and against the collaborationist Vichy régime. Resistance cells were small groups of armed men and women (called the maquis in rural areas), who, in addition to their guerrilla warfare activities, were also publishers of underground newspapers and magazines such as Arbeiter und Soldat (Worker and Soldier) during World War Two, providers of first-hand intelligence information, and maintainers of escape networks.
United Kingdom: against Mosley's BUF
The rise of Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF) in the 1930s was challenged by the Communist Party of Great Britain, socialists in the Labour Party and Independent Labour Party, anarchists, Irish Catholic dockmen and working class Jews in London's East End. A high point in the struggle was the Battle of Cable Street, when thousands of eastenders and others turned out to stop the BUF from marching. Initially, the national Communist Party leadership wanted a mass demonstration at Hyde Park in solidarity with Republican Spain, instead of a mobilization against the BUF, but local party activists argued against this. Activists rallied support with the slogan They shall not pass, adopted from Republican Spain.
There were debates within the anti-fascist movement over tactics. While many East End ex-servicemen participated in violence against fascists, Communist Party leader Phil Piratin denounced these tactics and instead called for large demonstrations. In addition to the militant anti-fascist movement, there was a smaller current of liberal anti-fascism in Britain; Sir Ernest Barker, for example, was a notable English liberal anti-fascist in the 1930s.
United States, World War II
There were fascist elements in the United States in the 1930s such as the Friends of New Germany, the German American Bund, the Ku Klux Klan, and Charles Coughlin. During the Second Red Scare which occurred in the United States in the years that immediately followed the end of World War II, the term "premature anti-fascist" came into currency and it was used to describe Americans who had strongly agitated or worked against fascism, such as Americans who had fought for the Republicans during the Spanish Civil War, before fascism was seen as a proximate and existential threat to the United States (which only occurred generally after the invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany and only occurred universally after the attack on Pearl Harbor). The implication was that such persons were either Communists or Communist sympathizers whose loyalty to the United States was suspect. However, the historians John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr have written that no documentary evidence has been found of the US government referring to American members of the International Brigades as "premature antifascists": the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Office of Strategic Services, and United States Army records used terms such as "Communist", "Red", "subversive", and "radical" instead. Indeed, Haynes and Klehr indicate that they have found many examples of members of the XV International Brigade and their supporters referring to themselves sardonically as "premature antifascists".
Anti-fascist Italian expatriates in the United States founded the Mazzini Society in Northampton, Massachusetts in September 1939 to work toward ending Fascist rule in Italy. As political refugees from Mussolini's regime, they disagreed among themselves whether to ally with Communists and anarchists or to exclude them. The Mazzini Society joined together with other anti-Fascist Italian expatriates in the Americas at a conference in Montevideo, Uruguay in 1942. They unsuccessfully promoted one of their members, Carlo Sforza, to become the post-Fascist leader of a republican Italy. The Mazzini Society dispersed after the overthrow of Mussolini as most of its members returned to Italy.
Burma, World War II
The Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) was a resistance movement against the Japanese occupation of Burma and independence of Burma during World War II. It was the forerunner of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League. The AFO was formed at a meeting in Pegu in August 1944 held by the leaders of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), the Burma National Army (BNA) led by General Aung San, and the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP), later renamed the Burma Socialist Party. Whilst in Insein prison in July 1941, CPB leaders Thakin Than Tun and Thakin Soe had co-authored the Insein Manifesto, which, against the prevailing opinion in the Burmese nationalist movement led by the Dobama Asiayone, identified world fascism as the main enemy in the coming war and called for temporary cooperation with the British in a broad allied coalition that included the Soviet Union. Soe had already gone underground to organise resistance against the Japanese occupation, and Than Tun as Minister of Land and Agriculture was able to pass on Japanese intelligence to Soe, while other Communist leaders Thakin Thein Pe and Thakin Tin Shwe made contact with the exiled colonial government in Simla, India. Aung San was War Minister in the puppet administration set up on 1 August 1943 which also included the Socialist leaders Thakin Nu and Thakin Mya. At a meeting held between 1 and 3 March 1945, the AFO was reorganised as a multi-party front named the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League.
Poland, World War II
The Anti-Fascist Bloc was an organization of Polish Jews formed in the March 1942 in the Warsaw Ghetto. It was created after an alliance between leftist-Zionist, communist and socialist Jewish parties was agreed upon. The initiators of the bloc were Mordechai Anielewicz, Józef Lewartowski (Aron Finkelstein) from the Polish Workers' Party, Josef Kaplan from Hashomer Hatzair, Szachno Sagan from Poale Zion-Left, Jozef Sak as a representative of socialist-Zionists and Izaak Cukierman with his wife Cywia Lubetkin from Dror. The Jewish Bund did not join the bloc though they were represented at its first conference by Abraham Blum and Maurycy Orzech.
After World War II
The anti-fascist movements which emerged during the period of classical fascism, both liberal and militant, continued to operate after the defeat of the Axis powers in response to the resilience and mutation of fascism both in Europe and elsewhere. In Germany, as Nazi rule crumbled in 1944, veterans of the 1930s anti-fascist struggles formed Antifaschistische Ausschüsse, Antifaschistische Kommittees, or Antifaschistische Aktion groups, all typically abbreviated to "antifa". The socialist government of East Germany built the Berlin Wall in 1961, and the Eastern Bloc referred to it officially as the "Anti-fascist Protection Rampart". Resistance to fascists dictatorships in Spain and Portugal continued, including the activities of the Spanish Maquis and others, leading up to the Spanish transition to democracy and the Carnation Revolution, respectively, as well as to similar dictatorships in Chile and elsewhere. Other notable anti-fascist mobilisations in the first decades of the post-war period include the 43 Group in Britain.
With the start of the Cold War between the former World War II allies of the United States and the Soviet Union, the concept of totalitarianism became prominent in Western anti-communist political discourse as a tool to convert pre-war anti-fascism into post-war anti-communism.
Modern antifa politics can be traced to opposition to the infiltration of Britain's punk scene by white power skinheads in the 1970s and 1980s, and the emergence of neo-Nazism in Germany following the fall of the Berlin Wall. In Germany, young leftists, including anarchists and punk fans, renewed the practice of street-level anti-fascism. Columnist Peter Beinart writes that "in the late '80s, left-wing punk fans in the United States began following suit, though they initially called their groups Anti-Racist Action (ARA) on the theory that Americans would be more familiar with fighting racism than they would be with fighting fascism".
The contemporary antifa movement in Germany comprises different anti-fascist groups which usually use the abbreviation antifa and regard the historical Antifaschistische Aktion (Antifa) of the early 1930s as an inspiration, drawing on the historic group for its aesthetics and some of its tactics, in addition to the name. Many new antifa groups formed from the late 1980s onward. According to Loren Balhorn, contemporary antifa in Germany "has no practical historical connection to the movement from which it takes its name but is instead a product of West Germany's squatter scene and autonomist movement in the 1980s".
One of the biggest antifascist campaigns in Germany in recent years was the ultimately successful effort to block the annual Nazi-rallies in the east German city of Dresden in Saxony which had grown into "Europe's biggest gathering of Nazis". Unlike the original Antifa which had links to the Communist Party of Germany and which was concerned with industrial working-class politics, the late 1980s and early 1990s, autonomists were independent anti-authoritarian libertarian Marxists and anarcho-communists not associated with any particular party. The publication Antifaschistisches Infoblatt, in operation since 1987, sought to expose radical nationalists publicly.
German government institutions such as the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Agency for Civic Education describe the contemporary antifa movement as part of the extreme left and as partially violent. Antifa groups are monitored by the federal office in the context of its legal mandate to combat extremism. The federal office states that the underlying goal of the antifa movement is "the struggle against the liberal democratic basic order" and capitalism. In the 1980s, the movement was accused by German authorities of engaging in terrorist acts of violence.
In the United States
Dartmouth College historian Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, credits the ARA as the precursor of modern antifa groups in the United States. In the late 1980s and 1990s, ARA activists toured with popular punk rock and skinhead bands in order to prevent Klansmen, neo-Nazis and other assorted white supremacists from recruiting. Their motto was "We go where they go" by which they meant that they would confront far-right activists in concerts and actively remove their materials from public places. In 2002, the ARA disrupted a speech in Pennsylvania by Matthew F. Hale, the head of the white supremacist group World Church of the Creator, resulting in a fight and twenty-five arrests. In 2007, Rose City Antifa, likely the first group to utilize the name antifa, was formed in Portland, Oregon. Other antifa groups in the United States have other genealogies. In Minneapolis, Minnesota, a group called the Baldies was formed in 1987 with the intent to fight neo-Nazi groups directly. In 2013, the "most radical" chapters of the ARA formed the Torch Antifa Network which has chapters throughout the United States. Other antifa groups are a part of different associations such as NYC Antifa or operate independently.
Modern antifa in the United States is a highly decentralized movement. Antifa political activists are anti-racists who engage in protest tactics, seeking to combat fascists and racists such as neo-Nazis, white supremacists, and other far-right extremists. This may involve digital activism, harassment, physical violence, and property damage against those whom they identify as belonging to the far-right. Much antifa activism is nonviolent, involving poster and flyer campaigns, delivering speeches, marching in protest, and community organizing on behalf of anti-racist and anti-white nationalist causes.
There have been multiple efforts to discredit antifa groups via hoaxes on social media, many of them false flag attacks originating from alt-right and 4chan users posing as antifa backers on Twitter. Some hoaxes have been picked up and reported as fact by right-leaning media. During the George Floyd protests in May and June 2020, the Trump administration blamed antifa for orchestrating the mass protests. Analysis of federal arrests did not find links to antifa. There had been repeated calls by the Trump administration to designate antifa as a terrorist organization, a move that academics, legal experts and others argued would both exceed the authority of the presidency and violate the First Amendment. Several analyses, reports and studies concluded that antifa is not a domestic or major terrorism risk and ranked far-right extremism and white supremacy as the top risk. A June 2020 study of 893 terrorism incidents in the United States since 1994 found no murder that was specifically attributed to anti-fascists or antifa while 329 deaths were attributed to right-wing perpetrators.
Some post-war anti-fascist action took place in Romania under the Anti-Fascist Committee of German Workers in Romania, founded in March 1949. A Swedish group, Antifascistisk Aktion, was formed in 1993.
In Greece anti-fascism is a popular part of leftist and anarchist culture, September 2013 anti-fascist hip-hop artist Pavlos 'Killah P' Fyssas was accosted and attacked with bats and knives by a large group of Golden Dawn affiliated people leaving Pavlos to be pronounced dead at the hospital. The attack lead international protests and riots, the retaliatory shooting of three Golden Dawn members outside of their Neo Irakleio as well as condemnations against the party by politicians and other public figures, including Prime Minister Antonis Samaras. This episode led to Golden Dawn to being criminally investigated, with the end result in sixty-eight members of Golden Dawn being declared part of a criminal organization whilst fifteen out of the seventeen members accused in Pavlos's murder were convicted, "Effectively banning" the party.
Use of the term
The Christian Democratic Union of Germany politician Tim Peters notes that the term is one of the most controversial terms in political discourse. Michael Richter, a researcher at the Hannah Arendt Institute for Research on Totalitarianism, highlights the ideological use of the term in the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc, in which the term fascism was applied to Eastern bloc dissidents regardless of any connection to historical fascism, and where the term anti-fascism served to legitimize the ruling government.
- Anti-Germans (political current)
- Anti-fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Macedonia
- Anti-fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Serbia
- Anti-Fascist Committee of Cham Immigrants
- Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia
- Antifascist Front of Slavs in Hungary
- Anti-Stalinist left
- Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee
- Laws against Holocaust denial
- Resistance during World War II
- Redskin (subculture)
- Slovak National Uprising
- Beinart, Peter (6 August 2017). "The Rise of the Violent Left". The Atlantic. Retrieved 21 October 2020.
- Beauchamp, Zack (8 June 2020). "Antifa, explained". Vox. Retrieved 21 October 2020.
- Gli Arditi del Popolo (Birth) Archived 7 August 2008 at the Wayback Machine (in Italian)
- Hobsbawm, Eric (1992). The Age of Extremes. Vintage. pp. 136–37. ISBN 978-0394585758.
- Lawson, Tom (2010). Varieties of Anti-Fascism: Britain in the Inter-War Period. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 119–39. ISBN 978-1-349-28231-9.
- Seidman, Michael. Transatlantic Antifascisms: From the Spanish Civil War to the End of World War II. Cambridge University Press, 2017, pp.1-8
- Seidman, Michael. Transatlantic Antifascisms: From the Spanish Civil War to the End of World War II. Cambridge University Press, 2017, p.252
- Charles F. Delzell, edit., Mediterranean Fascism 1919-1945, New York, NY, Walker and Company, 1971, p. 26
- Working Class Defence Organization, Anti-Fascist Resistance and the Arditi Del Popolo in Turin, 1919-22, Antonio Sonnessa, in the European History Quarterly, Vol. 33, No. 2, 183-218 (2003)
- "Anarchist Century". Anarchist_century.tripod.com. Retrieved 7 April 2014.
- David Ward Antifascisms: Cultural Politics in Italy, 1943–1946
- James Martin, 'Piero Gobetti's Agonistic Liberalism', History of European Ideas, 32, (2006), pp. 205–222.
- Pugliese, Stanislao G.; Pugliese, Stanislao (2004). Fascism, Anti-fascism, and the Resistance in Italy: 1919 to the Present. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-7425-3123-9. Retrieved 11 June 2020.
- Tollardo, Elisabetta (2016). Fascist Italy and the League of Nations, 1922-1935. Springer. p. 152. ISBN 978-1-349-95028-7.
- Scala, Spencer M. Di (1988). Renewing Italian Socialism: Nenni to Craxi. Oxford University Press. pp. 6–8. ISBN 978-0-19-536396-8. Retrieved 11 June 2020.
- Milica Kacin Wohinz, Jože Pirjevec, Storia degli sloveni in Italia : 1866–1998 (Venice: Marsilio, 1998)
- Milica Kacin Wohinz, Narodnoobrambno gibanje primorskih Slovencev : 1921–1928 (Trieste: Založništvo tržaškega tiska, 1977)
- Milica Kacin Wohinz, Prvi antifašizem v Evropi (Koper: Lipa, 1990)
- Mira Cenčič, TIGR : Slovenci pod Italijo in TIGR na okopih v boju za narodni obstoj (Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1997)
- Vid Vremec, Pinko Tomažič in drugi tržaški proces 1941 (Trieste: Založništvo tržaškega tiska, 1989)
- "Intelligence and Operational Support for the Anti-Nazi Resistance". Darbysrangers.tripod.com.
- "90 let od požiga Narodnega doma v Trstu" [90 Years From the Arson of the National Hall in Trieste]. Primorski dnevnik [The Littoral Daily] (in Slovenian). 2010. pp. 14–15. COBISS 11683661. Archived from the original on 14 October 2012. Retrieved 28 February 2012.
Požig Narodnega doma ali šentjernejska noč tržaških Slovencev in Slovanov [Arson of the National Hall or the St. Bartholomew's Night of the Triestine Slovenes and Slavs]
- Sestani, Armando, ed. (10 February 2012). "Il confine orientale: una terra, molti esodi" [The Eastern Border: One Land, Multiple Exoduses] (PDF). I profugi istriani, dalmati e fiumani a Lucca [The Istrian, Dalmatian and Rijeka Refugees in Lucca] (in Italian). Instituto storico della Resistenca e dell'Età Contemporanea in Provincia di Lucca. pp. 12–13.
- Hehn, Paul N. (2005). A low dishonest decade: the great powers, Eastern Europe, and the economic origins of World War II, 1930–1941. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 44–45. ISBN 978-0-8264-1761-9.
- Cresciani, Gianfranco (2004) Clash of civilisations, Italian Historical Society Journal, Vol.12, No.2, p.4
- Jože Pirjevec, Milica Kacin-Wohinz: Zgodovina primorskih Slovencev (The history of the Slovenians living on the Coast), Nova revija, Ljubljana 2002
- Eve Rosenhaft, Beating the Fascists?: The German Communists and Political Violence 1929-1933, Cambridge University Press, 25 Aug 1983, pp.3–4
- Heinrich August Winkler: Der Weg in die Katastrophe. Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik 1930–1933. Bonn 1990, ISBN 3-8012-0095-7.
- Hoppe, Bert (2011). In Stalins Gefolgschaft: Moskau und die KPD 1928–1933. Oldenbourg Verlag. ISBN 9783486711738.
- Stephan, Pieroth (1994). Parteien und Presse in Rheinland-Pfalz 1945–1971: ein Beitrag zur Mediengeschichte unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Mainzer SPD-Zeitung 'Die Freiheit'. v. Hase & Koehler Verlag. p. 96. ISBN 9783775813266.
- Braunthal, Julius (1963). Geschichte der Internationale: 1914–1943. Vol. 2, p. 414. Dietz.
- Siegfried Lokatis: Der rote Faden. Kommunistische Parteigeschichte und Zensur unter Walter Ulbricht. Böhlau Verlag, Köln 2003, ISBN 3-412-04603-5 (Zeithistorische Studien series, vol. 25), p. 60
- Loren Balhorn "The Lost History of Antifa" Jacobin May 2017
- Friedmann, Sarah (15 August 2017). "This Is What The Antifa Flag Symbols Mean". Bustle. Retrieved 16 April 2019.
- Hobsbawm, Eric (17 February 2007). "The Spanish civil war united a generation of young writers, poets and artists in political fervour, says Eric Hobsbawm". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 5 June 2020.
- Stevens, David R. (19 June 2008). Sin Perdón. AuthorHouse. ISBN 978-1-4343-8094-4.
- The Literary Digest. Funk & Wagnalls. April 1929.
- De Miguel, Jesús y Sánchez, Antonio: Batalla de Madrid, in his Historia Ilustrada de la Guerra Civil Española. Alcobendas, Editorial LIBSA, 2006, pp. 189–221.
- Boadilla by Esmond Romilly. The Clapton Press Limited, London. 2018. ISBN 978-1999654306
- See "Wolf Moon" by Julio Llamazares, Peter Owen Publications, London 2017 ISBN 978-0720619454
- Jacobs, Joe (1991) . Out of the Ghetto. London: Phoenix Press.
- Phil Piratin Our Flag Stays Red. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 2006.
- Andrezj Olechnowicz, 'Liberal anti-fascism in the 1930s the case of Sir Ernest Barker', Albion 36, 2005, pp. 636–60
- "Louis Lochner". 24 January 2018. Archived from the original on 24 January 2018.
- Chip Berlet, Matthew Nemiroff Lyons (2000). Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. Guilford Press. ISBN 978-1-57230-562-5.
- Shaffer, Ryan (Spring 2010). "Long Island Nazis: A Local Synthesis of Transnational Politics". 21 (2). Journal of Long Island History. Archived from the original on 21 June 2010. Retrieved 19 November 2010.
- Premature antifascists and the Post-war world Archived 31 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives Bill Susman Lecture Series. King Juan Carlos I of Spain Center at New York University, 1998. Retrieved 9 August 2009.
- Knox, Bernard (Spring 1999). "Premature Anti-Fascist". Antioch Review. 57 (2): 133–49. doi:10.2307/4613837. JSTOR 4613837.
- John Nichols (26 October 2009). "Clarence Kailin: 'Premature Antifascist' – and proudly so". Cap Times. Capital Times (Madision, Wisconsin). Retrieved 29 December 2013.
- Haynes, John Earl; Klehr, Harvey (2005). In Denial: Historians, Communism & Espionage. San Francisco: Encounter Books. p. 123. ISBN 978-1594030888. Retrieved 22 March 2014.
- Tirabassi, Maddalena (1984–1985). "Enemy Aliens or Loyal Americans?: the Mazzini Society and the Italian-American Communities". Rivista di Studi Anglo-Americani (4–5): 399–425.
- Morrow, Felix (June 1943). "Washington's Plans for Italy". Fourth International. 4 (6): 175–179. Retrieved 25 October 2018.
- Oliver Hensengerth (2005). The Burmese Communist Party and the State-to-State Relations between China and Burma (PDF). Leeds East Asia Papers. pp. 10–12.
- Martin Smith (1991). Burma - Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books. pp. 60–61.
- Haruhiro Fukui (1985) Political parties of Asia and the Pacific, Greenwood Press, pp108–109
- Gutman, Yisrael (1989). The Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-20511-7.
- Kassow, Samuel D. (17 July 2007). Who Will Write Our History?: Emanuel Ringelblum, the Warsaw Ghetto, and the Oyneg Shabes Archive. Indiana University Press. p. 294. ISBN 978-0-253-00003-3.
- Encyclopaedia Judaica. 16. Keter Publishing House. 1972. p. 349.
- Zuckerman, Yitzhak (1993). Harshav, Barbara (ed.). A Surplus of Memory: Chronicle of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. University of California Press. p. 183. ISBN 978-0-520-91259-5.
- Balhorn, Loren (8 May 2017). "The Lost History of Antifa". Jacobin.
- Mark Bray (2017). "'Never Again': The Development of Modern Antifa, 1945–2003". In Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook. Melville House Publishing. pp. 39–76.
- Defty, Brook (2007). Britain, America and Anti-Communist Propaganda 1945–1953. Chapters 2–5. The Information Research Department.
- Siegel, Achim (1998). The Totalitarian Paradigm after the End of Communism: Towards a Theoretical Reassessment. Rodopi. p. 200. ISBN 9789042005525. "Concepts of totalitarianism became most widespread at the height of the Cold War. Since the late 1940s, especially since the Korean War, they were condensed into a far-reaching, even hegemonic, ideology, by which the political elites of the Western world tried to explain and even to justify the Cold War constellation."
- Guilhot, Nicholas (2005). The Democracy Makers: Human Rights and International Order. Columbia University Press. p. 33. ISBN 9780231131247. "The opposition between the West and Soviet totalitarianism was often presented as an opposition both moral and epistemological between truth and falsehood. The democratic, social, and economic credentials of the Soviet Union were typically seen as 'lies' and as the product of a deliberate and multiform propaganda. [...] In this context, the concept of totalitarianism was itself an asset. As it made possible the conversion of prewar anti-fascism into postwar anti-communism."
- Caute, David (2010). Politics and the Novel during the Cold War. Transaction Publishers. pp. 95–99. ISBN 9781412831369.
- Reisch, George A. (2005). How the Cold War Transformed Philosophy of Science: To the Icy Slopes of Logic. Cambridge University Press. pp. 153–154. ISBN 9780521546898.
- Beinart, Peter (16 August 2017). "What Trump Gets Wrong About Antifa". The Atlantic. Retrieved 16 August 2017.
- "The Lost History of Antifa". Jacobin Mag. 15 August 2017. Retrieved 5 December 2014.
- Focus-Online. "Demo-Samstag in Dresden: Nazi-Aufmärsche und Linke treffen aufeinander". Focus-Online.
- Bray, Mark (2017). Antifa: The Antifascist Handbook. Melville House Publishing. p. 54. ISBN 9781612197043.
- Pfahl-Traughber, Armin (6 March 2008). "Antifaschismus als Thema linksextremistischer Agitation, Bündnispolitik und Ideologie" [Anti-fascism as a topic of far-left extremist agitation, political alliances and ideology]. Federal Agency for Civic Education.
- "Aktionsfeld 'Antifaschismus'" [The field of "anti-fascism"]. Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution. Archived from the original on 15 May 2020. Retrieved 29 July 2019.
Das Aktionsfeld „Antifaschismus“ ist seit Jahren ein zentrales Element der politischen Arbeit von Linksextremisten, insbesondere aus dem gewaltorientierten Spektrum. [...] Die Aktivitäten von Linksextremisten in diesem Aktionsfeld zielen aber nur vordergründig auf die Bekämpfung rechtsextremistischer Bestrebungen. Im eigentlichen Fokus steht der Kampf gegen die freiheitliche demokratische Grundordnung, die als „kapitalistisches System“ diffamiert wird, und deren angeblich immanente „faschistische“ Wurzeln beseitigt werden sollen.
- Linksextremismus: Erscheinungsformen und Gefährdungspotenziale [Far-left extremism: Manifestations and danger potential] (PDF). Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution. 2016. pp. 33–35. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 June 2020.
Die Aktivitäten „antifaschistischer“ Linksextremisten (Antifa) dienen indes nur vordergründig der Bekämpfung rechtsextremistischer Bestrebungen. Eigentliches Ziel bleibt der „bürgerlich-demokratische Staat“, der in der Lesart von Linksextremisten den „Faschismus“ als eine mögliche Herrschaftsform akzeptiert, fördert und ihn deshalb auch nicht ausreichend bekämpft. Letztlich, so wird argumentiert, wurzle der „Faschismus“ in den gesellschaftlichen und politischen Strukturen des „Kapitalismus“. Dementsprechend rücken Linksextremisten vor allem die Beseitigung des „kapitalistischen Systems“ in den Mittelpunkt ihrer „antifaschistischen“ Aktivitäten.
- "Linksextremismus" [Far-left extremism]. Verfassungsschutzbericht 2018 (PDF). Federal Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community. 2019. pp. 106–167.
- Horst Schöppner: Antifa heißt Angriff: Militanter Antifaschismus in den 80er Jahren (pp. 129–132). Unrast, Münster 2015, ISBN 3-89771-823-5.
- Stein, Perry (16 August 2017). "Anarchists and the antifa: The history of activists Trump condemns as the 'alt-left'". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 10 November 2017.
- Snyders, Matt (20 February 2008). "Skinheads at Forty". City Pages. Archived from the original on 3 August 2012. Retrieved 29 July 2012.
- Bray, Mark (16 August 2017). "Who are the antifa?". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 10 November 2017.
- Bogel-Burroughs, Nicholas (2 July 2019). "What Is Antifa? Explaining the Movement to Confront the Far Right". The New York Times. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
- Sacco, Lisa N. (9 June 2020). "Are Antifa Members Domestic Terrorists? Background on Antifa and Federal Classification of Their Actions InFocus IF10839". Congressional Research Service. Retrieved 9 September 2020. Updated June 9, 2020.CS1 maint: postscript (link)
- Bogel-Burroughs, Nicholas; Garcia, Sandra E. (28 September 2020). "What Is Antifa, the Movement Trump Wants to Declare a Terror Group?". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 October 2020.
One of the first groups in the United States to use the name was Rose City Antifa, which says it was founded in 2007 in Portland.
- Enzinna, Wes (27 April 2017). "Inside the Underground Anti-Racist Movement That Brings the Fight to White Supremacists". Mother Jones. Retrieved 9 September 2020.
- Strickland, Patrick (21 February 2017). "US anti-fascists: 'We can make racists afraid again'". Al-Jazeera. Retrieved 9 September 2020.
- Lennard, Natasha (19 January 2017). "Anti-Fascists Will Fight Trump's Fascism in the Streets". The Nation. Retrieved 9 September 2020.
- Clarke, Colin; Kenney, Michael (23 June 2020). "What Antifa Is, What It Isn't, and Why It Matters". War on the Rocks. Retrieved 26 June 2020.
[...] Antifa, a highly decentralized movement of anti-racists who seek to combat neo-Nazis, white supremacists, and far-right extremists whom Antifa's followers consider 'fascist' [...].
- "Designating Antifa as Domestic Terrorist Organization Is Dangerous, Threatens Civil Liberties". Southern Poverty Law Center. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 8 September 2020.
- Kaste, Martin; Siegler, Kirk (16 June 2017). "Fact Check: Is Left-Wing Violence Rising?". NPR.org. NPR. Retrieved 15 August 2017.
- Maida, Adam (16 January 2018). "Meet Antifa's Secret Weapon Against Far-Right Extremists". Wired. Retrieved 13 November 2018.
- Beauchamp, Zack (8 June 2020). "Antifa, explained". Vox. Retrieved 12 June 2020.
- "A Fake Antifa Account Was 'Busted' for Tweeting from Russia". Vice News. 28 September 2017. Retrieved 11 September 2018.
- Feldman, Brian (21 August 2017). "How to Spot a Fake Antifa Account". New York. Retrieved 14 August 2019.
- Glaun, Dan (14 September 2017). "Fake Boston Antifa group, which claimed credit for anti-racism banner at Red Sox game, is actually run by right wing trolls". The Republican. Retrieved 14 August 2019.
- Feuer, Alan; Goldman, Adam; MacFarquhar, Neil (11 June 2020). "Federal Arrests Show No Sign That Antifa Plotted Protests". The New York Times. Retrieved 11 June 2020.
Despite claims by President Trump and Attorney General William P. Barr, there is scant evidence that loosely organized anti-fascists are a significant player in protests. [...] A review of the arrests of dozens of people on federal charges reveals no known effort by antifa to perpetrate a coordinated campaign of violence. Some criminal complaints described vague, anti-government political leanings among suspects, but a majority of the violent acts that have taken place at protests have been attributed by federal prosecutors to individuals with no affiliation to any particular group.
- Peiser, Jaclyn (10 August 2020). "'Their tactics are fascistic': Barr slams Black Lives Matter, accuses the left of 'tearing down the system'". The Washington Post. Retrieved 10 August 2020.
- Haberman, Maggie; Savage, Charlie (31 May 2020). "Trump, Lacking Clear Authority, Says U.S. Will Declare Antifa a Terrorist Group". The New York Times. Retrieved 13 June 2020.
- Perez, Evan; Hoffman, Jason (31 May 2020). "Trump tweets Antifa will be labeled a terrorist organization but experts believe that's unconstitutional". CNN. Retrieved 13 June 2020.
- Bray, Mark (1 June 2020). "Antifa isn't the problem. Trump's bluster is a distraction from police violence". The Washington Post. Retrieved 8 June 2020.
- Beckett, Lois (27 July 2020). "Anti-fascists linked to zero murders in the US in 25 years". The Guardian. Retrieved 28 July 2020.
- Stelloh, Tim (1 September 2020). "Florida 'antifa hunter' sentenced to three years after threatening Black political candidate, activist". NBC News. Retrieved 3 September 2020.
- Swan, Betsy Woodruff (4 September 2020). "DHS draft document: White supremacists are greatest terror threat". Politico. Retrieved 5 September 2020.
- Jones, Seth G. (4 June 2020). "Who Are Antifa, and Are They a Threat?". Center for Strategic and International Studies. Retrieved 4 September 2020.
- Pasley, James. "Trump frequently accuses the far-left of inciting violence, yet right-wing extremists have killed 329 victims in the last 25 years, while antifa members haven't killed any, according to a new study". Business Insider. Retrieved 6 October 2020.
- Dokumentation der Vertreibung der Deutschen aus Ost-Mitteleuropa. 3. Bundesministerium für Vertriebene. 1953. p. 101.
- "Samtalskompassen - Våldsbejakande vänsterextremism: Ideologi". Samtalskompassen.samordnarenmotextremism.se. Archived from the original on 24 August 2017. Retrieved 24 August 2017.
- Newsroom (7 October 2020). "Δίκη Χρυσής Αυγής: Ένοχοι για εγκληματική οργάνωση Μιχαλολιάκος και πολιτικά στελέχη". CNN.gr (in Greek). Retrieved 1 October 2021.
- Maltezou, Renee; Papadimas, Lefteris (7 October 2020). "Greek court rules leaders of far-right Golden Dawn political party ran a crime group". National Post. Retrieved 1 October 2021.
- Peters, Tim (2007). Der Antifaschismus der PDS aus antiextremistischer Sicht [The antifascism of the PDS from an anti-extremist perspective]. Springer. pp. 33–37 and p. 186. ISBN 9783531901268.
- Richter, Michael (2006). "Die doppelte Diktatur: Erfahrungen mit Diktatur in der DDR und Auswirkungen auf das Verhältnis zur Diktatur heute ("The double dictatorship: experiences with dictatorship in the GDR and effects on the relationship to the dictatorship today")". In Besier, Gerhard; Stoklosa, Katarzyna (eds.). Lasten diktatorischer Vergangenheit – Herausforderungen demokratischer Gegenwart [Burdens of a dictatorial past - challenges of a democratic present]. LIT Verlag. pp. 195–208. ISBN 9783825887896.
- Copsey, Nigel (2016). Anti-Fascism in Britain. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1-317-39762-5.
- Diner, Dan; Gundermann, Christian (1996). "On the Ideology of Antifascism". New German Critique (67): 123–132. doi:10.2307/827781. ISSN 0094-033X. JSTOR 827781.
- Eley, Geoff (1996). "Legacies of Antifascism: Constructing Democracy in Postwar Europe". New German Critique (67): 73–100. doi:10.2307/827778. ISSN 0094-033X. JSTOR 827778.
- Jarausch, Konrad H. (1991). "The Failure of East German Antifascism: Some Ironies of History as Politics". German Studies Review. 14 (1): 85–102. doi:10.2307/1430155. ISSN 0149-7952. JSTOR 1430155.
- Mammone, Andrea (2006). "A Daily Revision of the Past: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Memory in Contemporary Italy". Modern Italy. 11 (2): 211–226. doi:10.1080/13532940600709338. ISSN 1353-2944. S2CID 145602289.
- Rabinbach, Anson (1996). "Introduction: Legacies of Antifascism". New German Critique (67): 3–17. doi:10.2307/827774. ISSN 0094-033X. JSTOR 827774.
|Library resources about |
- David Berry "‘Fascism or Revolution!’ Anarchism and Antifascism in France, 1933–39" Contemporary European History Volume 8, Issue 1 March 1999, pp. 51–71
- Birchall, Sean, ed. (2013). Beating The Fascists: The Untold Story of Anti-Fascist Action. ISBN 978-1-904491-12-5.
- Brasken, Kasper. "Making Anti-Fascism Transnational: The Origins of Communist and Socialist Articulations of Resistance in Europe, 1923–1924." Contemporary European History 25.4 (2016): 573–596.
- Bray, Mark (2017). Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook. New York: Melville House. ISBN 978-1612197036. OCLC 1016082358.
- Bullstreet, K. (2001). Bash the Fash: Anti-Fascist Recollections 1984–1993. ISBN 978-1-873605-87-5.
- Class War/3WayFight/Kate Sharpley Library Interview from Beating Fascism: Anarchist Anti-Fascism in Theory and Practice, anarkismo.net
- Copsey, N. (2011) "From direct action to community action: The changing dynamics of anti-fascist opposition", in Copsey, Nigel (2011). The British National Party : contemporary perspectives. Abingdon, Oxon New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-48384-1. OCLC 657270952.
- Nigel Copsey & Andrzej Olechnowicz (eds.), Varieties of Anti-fascism. Britain in the Inter-war Period, Palgrave Macmillan
- Gilles Dauvé "Fascism/Antifascism", libcom.org
- David Featherstone "Black Internationalism, Subaltern Cosmopolitanism, and the Spatial Politics of Antifascism" Annals of the Association of American Geographers Volume 103, 2013, Issue 6, pp. 1406–1420
- Joseph Fronczak "Local People’s Global Politics: A Transnational History of the Hands Off Ethiopia Movement of 1935" Diplomatic History, Volume 39, Issue 2, 1 April 2015, pp. 245–274
- Hugo Garcia, ed, Transnational Anti-Fascism: Agents, Networks, Circulations Contemporary European History Volume 25, Issue 4 November 2016, pp. 563–572
- Key, Anna, ed. (2005). Beating Fascism: Anarchist anti-fascism in theory and practice. ISBN 978-1-873605-88-2.
- Renton, Dave. Fascism, Anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. Springer, 2016.
- Stout, James (24 June 2020). "A Brief History of Anti-Fascism". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved 4 September 2020.
- Enzo Traverso "Intellectuals and Anti-Fascism: For a Critical Historization" New Politics, vol. 9, no. 4 (new series), whole no. 36, Winter 2004
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Anti-fascism.|