Anton Webern

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Webern in Stettin, October 1912

Anton Friedrich Wilhelm von Webern (3 December 1883 – 15 September 1945), better known as Anton Webern[a] (German: [ˈantoːn ˈveːbɐn] (listen)), was an Austrian composer whose music was among the most radical of its milieu in its sheer concision, even aphorism, and steadfast embrace of then novel atonal and twelve-tone techniques. With his mentor Arnold Schoenberg and his colleague Alban Berg, Webern was at the core of those within the broader circle of the Second Viennese School.[b]

Little known in the earlier part of his life, mostly as a student and follower of Schoenberg, but also as a peripatetic and often unhappy theater music director with a mixed reputation as an exacting conductor, Webern came to some prominence and increasingly high regard as a vocal coach, choirmaster, conductor, and teacher[c] during Red Vienna. With Schoenberg away at the Prussian Academy of Arts (and with the benefit of a publication agreement secured through Universal Edition), Webern began writing music of increasing confidence, independence, and scale during the latter half of the 1920s—his mature chamber and orchestral works, music that, perhaps more than his earlier expressionist works, would later decisively influence a generation of composers. Amid Austrofascism, Nazism, and World War II, Webern remained nevertheless committed to taking the "path to the new music," as he styled it in a series of private lectures delivered in 1932–1933 (but unpublished until 1960). He continued to write some of his most mature and later celebrated music while being increasingly ostracized from official musical life as a "cultural Bolshevist," being reduced to taking occasional copyist jobs from his publisher as he lost students and his conducting career.

Following his death shortly after World War II, Webern became more widely celebrated and influential than ever before, albeit initially through pedagogy often lacking full context, and the thread of his work was taken by composers in directions far beyond any residual post-Romanticism and Expressionism that had remained in his style. His gradual innovations in schematic organization of pitch, rhythm, register, timbre, dynamics, articulation, and melodic contour; his later adaptation and generalization of imitative contrapuntal techniques such as canon and fugue; and his inclination toward athematicism, abstraction, and lyricism all greatly informed and oriented European, typically serial or avant-garde composers such as Olivier Messiaen, Pierre Boulez, Karlheinz Stockhausen, Luigi Nono, Bruno Maderna, Henri Pousseur, and György Ligeti. Later, both Brian Ferneyhough and Helmut Lachenmann also found much in Webern on the way to complexity in the case of the former and musique concrète instrumentale in the case of the latter, engaging particularly with his atonal works by some contrast to earlier post-Webernism. Less so in the United States, his music attracted the interest of Elliott Carter, whose critical ambivalence was marked by a certain enthusiasm nonetheless; Milton Babbitt, who ultimately derived more inspiration from Schoenberg's twelve-tone practice than that of Webern; particularly Igor Stravinsky, to whom it was very fruitfully reintroduced by Robert Craft, and without which Stravinsky's late works might have taken different shape. Indeed, Stravinsky staked his contract with Columbia Records to see that Webern's "complete" music was first both recorded and widely distributed.[1][2] Among the more interdisciplinary New York School, John Cage and Morton Feldman both cited the staggering effect of its sound on their own music, first meeting at a performance of the Symphony, Op. 21, and even singing the praises of Christian Wolff distinctly as "our Webern." A richer and more historically informed understanding of Webern and his music began to emerge during the latter half of the 20th century onward in the work of scholars Kathryn Bailey Puffett, Julian Johnson, Felix Meyer, and Anne Shreffler as archivists and biographers, most importantly Hans and Rosaleen Moldenhauer, gained access to sketches, letters, lectures, audio recordings, and other articles of or associated with Webern's estate.

Biography[edit]

Youth, education, and other early experiences in Austria-Hungary[edit]

Anton Friedrich Wilhelm von Webern was born in Vienna, then in Austria-Hungary. He was the only surviving son of Carl von Webern, a civil servant, and Amalie (née Geer) who was a competent pianist and accomplished singer—possibly the only obvious source of the future composer's talent.[3] He never used his middle names and dropped the "von" in 1919 as directed by the Austrian government's reforms after World War I.

The Preglhof in Oberdorf, Webern's childhood home

He lived in Graz and Klagenfurt for much of his youth. But his distinct and lasting sense of Heimat was shaped by readings of Peter Rosegger;[4] and moreover by frequent and extended retreats with his parents, sisters, and cousins to his family's country estate, the Preglhof, which Webern's father had inherited upon the death of Webern's grandfather in 1889.[5][6]

Webern memorialized the Preglhof in a diary poem "An der Preglhof" and in the tone poem Im Sommerwind (1904), both after Bruno Wille's idyll. Once Webern's father sold the estate in 1912,[7] Webern referred to it nostalgically as a "lost paradise".[8] He continued to revisit the Preglhof,[9] the family cemetery in Schwabegg, and the surrounding landscape for the rest of his life;[10] and he clearly associated the area, which he took as his home, very closely with the memory of his mother Amelie, who had died in 1906 and whose loss also profoundly affected Webern for decades.[11]

Art historian Ernst Dietz, Webern's cousin and at that time a student at Graz, may have introduced Webern to the work of the painters Arnold Böcklin and Giovanni Segantini, whom Webern came to admire.[12] Segantini's work was a likely inspiration for Webern's 1905 single-movement string quartet.[13]

In 1902, Webern began attending classes at Vienna University. There he studied musicology with Guido Adler, writing his thesis on the Choralis Constantinus of Heinrich Isaac. This interest in early music would greatly influence his compositional technique in later years, especially in terms of his use of palindromic form on both the micro- and macro-scale and the economical use of musical materials. With the help of friends and colleagues, Webern later began working peripatetically as a conductor and musical coach in various towns and cities, among them Ischl, Teplitz (now Teplice, Czech Republic), Danzig (now Gdańsk, Poland), Stettin (now Szczecin, Poland), and Prague, before finally moving back to Vienna.

As might be expected, the young Webern was enthusiastic about the music of Ludwig van Beethoven, Franz Liszt, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Franz Schubert ("so genuinely Viennese"), Hugo Wolf, and Richard Wagner, visiting Bayreuth in 1902. He also enjoyed the music of Hector Berlioz and Georges Bizet. In 1904, he reportedly stormed out of a meeting with Hans Pfitzner, from whom he was seeking instruction, when the latter criticized Gustav Mahler and Richard Strauss.[14] In 1908, Webern wrote rapturously to Schoenberg about Claude Debussy's opera Pelléas et Mélisande. He conducted some of Debussy's music in 1911.

Webern (1912)

It may have been at Guido Adler's advice that he paid Schoenberg for composition lessons. Webern progressed quickly under Schoenberg's tutelage, publishing his Passacaglia, Op. 1, as his graduation piece in 1908. He also met Berg, then another of Schoenberg's pupils. These two relationships would be the most important in his life in shaping his own musical direction.

Some of Webern's earlier thoughts (from 1903) are as amusing as they might be surprising: besides describing some of Alexander Scriabin's music as "languishing junk," he wrote of Robert Schumann's Symphony No. 4 that it was "boring," that Carl Maria von Weber's Konzertstück in F minor was passé, and that he found Johannes Brahms's Symphony No. 3 (which struck Eduard Hanslick as "artistically the most nearly perfect") "cold and without particular inspiration, ... badly orchestrated—grey on grey."[15] These youthful impressions are in some, but not complete or altogether necessarily very significant, contrast to the considered opinions of Webern in the 1930s, by then a decided nationalist who, as Roland Leich described, "lectured at some length on the utter supremacy of German music, emphasizing that leading composers of other lands are but pale reflections of Germanic masters: Berlioz a French Beethoven, Tchaikovsky a Russian Schumann, Elgar an English Mendelssohn, etc."[16] After all, even when young, Webern had described one of Alexander Glazunov's symphonies as "not particularly Russian"[15] (in contrast to some of Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov's music at the same all-Russian concert) in the same passage as he praised it.

Red Vienna in the First Austrian Republic[edit]

From 1918 to 1921, Webern helped organize and operate the Society for Private Musical Performances, which gave concerts of then recent or new music by Béla Bartók, Berg, Ferruccio Busoni, Debussy, Erich Wolfgang Korngold, Mahler, Maurice Ravel, Max Reger, Erik Satie, Strauss, Stravinsky, and Webern himself. After their Society performances in 1919 (and while working on his own Opp. 14–15), Webern wrote to Berg that Stravinsky's Berceuses du chat "[move] me completely beyond belief," describing them as "indescribably touching," and that Stravinsky's Pribaoutki were "something really glorious"; like the Berceuses du chat, Webern's subsequent Five Canons, Op. 16, were only several measures long each and scored for vocalist accompanied by clarinets (or in the case of Nos. 2 and 4, a clarinet).

After the dissolution of the Society amid catastrophic hyperinflation in 1921, Webern obtained work as director not only of the Wiener Schubertbund, but also, from 1922 until the dissolution of these institutions after the failed February Uprising, of the Singverein der Sozialdemokratischen Kunstelle[d] and the Arbeiter-Sinfonie-Konzerte[e] through his relationship with D.J. Bach, Director of the Sozialdemokratische Kunststelle[f]. His performances in this capacity were broadcast on Austrian radio no fewer than twenty times starting in 1927.

In 1926, Webern noted his voluntary resignation as chorusmaster of the Mödling Men's Choral Society, a paid position, in controversy over his hiring of a Jewish singer, Greta Wilheim, to replace a sick one. Letters document their correspondence in many subsequent years, and she (among others) would in turn provide him with facilities to teach private lessons as a convenience to Webern, his family, and his students.[17][18]

His Symphony, Op. 21, was performed in New York through the League of Composers in 1929 and again in Oxford at the ninth festival of the International Society for Contemporary Music, and he was later awarded Music Prize of the City of Vienna. By the early 1930s, Webern had become President of the Vienna section of the ISCM and was developing a close working friendship with Krenek, alongside whom Webern lectured, whose music (taking a twelve-tone turn) Webern conducted, and with whom Webern shared certain affinities during what was becoming an increasingly difficult time for both.

Civil War, Austrofascism, Nazism, and World War II[edit]

Your 'avowal of faith' has given me extraordinary joy, your avowal of the viewpoint that art has its own laws and that, if one wants to achieve something in it, only these laws and nothing else can have validity. However, as we recognize this we also sense that, the greater the confusion becomes, the graver is the responsibility placed on us to safeguard the heritage given us for the future.

Webern, March 6, 1934, in a letter to Ernst Křenek, responding to the latter's essay "Freedom and Responsibility" published in the Willi Reich [de]'s music journal 23. Křenek had advocated for "a Catholic Austrian avante garde" in opposition to "the Austrian provincialism that National Socialism wants to force on us".[19] Webern himself was Roman Catholic,[20] and the leading Vaterländische Front positioned Austria with Fascist Italy on the basis of religious and historical national identity in attempt to remain independent from Nazi Germany;[21] thus the confusion that Webern refers to is the "social chaos" (Krasner) of the Austrian Civil War, which the Social Democrats' Republikanischer Schutzbund lost to the other side's Heimwehr, and he endorses Křenek's advocacy for an art, though certainly meaningful and relevant, relatively transcendent and universal as opposed to immanent and nationalistic.[19] But beyond Křenek, Webern emphasizes a responsibility to an understood "heritage" and presses this appeal with marked wariness of "the confusion" (as Krasner discusses below).

He [Webern] said to me, "It's only the superior old German culture that can save this world from the demoralized condition into which it has been thrown." You see, during the '20s and early '30s, Germany and Austria were in social chaos. This country [the US] experienced something similar at the time of the Vietnam War. You [interviewer, 1987] remember how it was here [in the US]. Students were rebelling, occupying campus buildings; armed protesters were clashing with the police. People were wondering: how far will it go? how's it going to turn out? It was that kind of climate in Central Europe, only much worse. Here there was some sort of control, but there was no control in Vienna. The attitudes of young people were so cynical, and their behavior in the cafés and on the streets was really worrisome to the older generations. People like Webern thought the world was lost. Everything was so Bolshevik—so without discipline and cultivation—that only some kind of determined autocracy could solve society's problems and provide the salvation for all of Western humanity. If you asked Webern, 'Why does it have to be somebody like Hitler?', his answer was, 'Who knows if these excesses we've been reading about are real? As far as I'm concerned that's propaganda!' ... This conversation took place in 1936. It seems to me that, in the preceding years, there must have been a time when Webern felt the pull of great contradictions, a time when he was torn constantly ... ."

Louis Krasner, as told to Don C. Seibert and published in Fanfare in 1987, elaborating on Webern's "however" clause above;[22] note Krasner's use of "Bolshevik" in a sense distinctly qualified as derogatory, echoing language ("cultural Bolshevism"), itself drawn from anti-Bolshevik propaganda largely on the Right, that had been deployed against Webern et al.

Webern's music, along with that of Berg, Křenek, Schoenberg, and others, was denounced as "cultural Bolshevism" and "degenerate art" by the Nazi Party in Germany, and both publication and performances of it were banned soon after the Anschluss in 1938, although neither did it fare well under the preceding years of Austrofascism.[23][24][25] As early as 1933, an Austrian gauleiter on Bayerischer Rundfunk mistakenly and very likely maliciously characterized both Berg and Webern as Jewish composers.[26] As a result of official disapproval throughout the '30s, both found it harder to earn a living; Webern lost a promising conducting career which might have otherwise been more noted and recorded and had to take on work as an editor and proofreader for his publishers, Universal Edition.[27] His family's financial situation deteriorated until, by August 1940, his personal records reflected no monthly income.[28] It was thanks to the Swiss philanthropist Werner Reinhart that Webern was able to attend the festive premiere of his Variations for Orchestra, Op. 30, in Winterthur, Switzerland in 1943. Reinhart invested all the financial and diplomatic means at his disposal to enable Webern to travel to Switzerland. In return for this support, Webern dedicated the work to him.[29]

There are different descriptions of Webern's attitude towards Nazism; this is perhaps attributable to its complexity, his internal ambivalence, his prosperity in the preceding years (1918–1934) of post-war Red Vienna, the subsequently divided political factions of his homeland as represented in his friends and family (from Zionist Schoenberg to his Nazi son Peter),[30] as well as the different contexts in which, or the audiences to whom, his views were expressed. Further insight into Webern's attitudes comes with the realization that Nazism itself was deeply multifaceted, marked "not [by] a coherent doctrine or body of systemically interrelated ideas, but rather [by] a vaguer worldview made up of a number of prejudices with varied appeals to different audiences which could scarcely be dignified with the term 'ideology'".[31]

There is, moreover, significant political complexity to be treated, more than enough to complicate any consideration of individual culpability: it is imperative to note that some Social Democrats viewed the National Socialists as an alternative to the Christian Social Party and later Vaterländische Front in the context of reunification with Germany; for example, Karl Renner, the chancellor who served in both the First (1919–33) and Second (post-1945) Austrian Republics, favored a German Anschluss as an alternative to the then Austrofascist regime, under which Berg, Webern, and the Social Democrats suffered. And Webern's professional circle in Vienna included, besides many Jews, many Social Democrats;[32] for example, for David Josef Bach, a close friend of Schoenberg's as well, Webern conducted workers' and amateur ensembles.[27] Under the Nazis, some Social Democrats expected, there might be more work and protections for workers and laborers, as well as other social reforms and political stability, if not democracy; Webern may well have hoped to again be able to conduct and to be better able to secure a future for his family.[27]

In broad terms, Webern's attitude seems to have first warmed to a degree of characteristic fervor and perhaps only much later, in conjunction with widespread German disillusionment, cooled to Hitler and the Nazis.[33] On the one hand, Willi Reich [de] notes that Webern attacked Nazi cultural policies in private lectures given in 1933, whose hypothetical publication "would have exposed Webern to serious consequences" later.[34] On the other, some private correspondence attests to his Nazi sympathies. Webern's patriotism led him to endorse the Nazi regime in a series of letters to Joseph Hueber, who was serving in the army and himself held such views.[35] Webern described Hitler on 2 May 1940, as "this unique man" who created "the new state" of Germany;[36] thus Alex Ross characterizes him as "an unashamed Hitler enthusiast".[37]

Violinist Louis Krasner painted not a sentimental portrait but one imbued with a wealth of factual and personal detail for its publication in 1987, describing Webern as clearly naive and idealistic but not entirely without his wits, shame, or conscience; Krasner carefully contextualizes Webern as a member of Austrian society at the time, one departed by Schoenberg and one in which the already pro-Nazi Vienna Philharmonic had even refused to play the late Berg's Violin Concerto.[38] As Krasner vividly recalled, he and Webern were visiting at the latter's home in Maria Enzersdorf, Mödling when the Nazis invaded Austria; Webern, uncannily seeming to anticipate the timing down to 4 o'clock in the afternoon, turned on the radio to hear this news and immediately warned Krasner, urging him to flee, whereupon he did (first to Vienna). Whether this was for Krasner's safety or to save Webern the embarrassment of Krasner's presence during a time of possible celebration in the pro-Nazi Webern family (or indeed in most of pro-Nazi Mödling, by Krasner's description as well as one even more vivid of Arnold Greissle-Schönberg),[39] Krasner was ambivalent and uncertain, withholding judgment. Only later did Krasner himself realize how self-admittedly "foolhardy" he had been and in what danger he had placed himself, revealing an ignorance perhaps shared by Webern. Krasner had even revisited frequently, hoping to convince friends (e.g., Schoenberg's daughter Gertrude and her husband Felix Greissle) to emigrate before time ran out. Krasner eventually left more permanently, after a 1941 incident wherein he felt only his US passport saved him from both locals and police.[40]

Krasner retold from a story related to him in long discussion with Schoenberg's son Görgi, for whom Schoenberg was unable to secure passage to the US despite many attempts, that the Weberns, much to their risk and credit, had provided Görgi and his family with food and shelter toward the end of the war at the Weberns' home in a Mödling apartment belonging to their son-in-law.[41][42] Görgi and his family were left behind for their safety when Webern fled on foot with his family to Mittersill, about 75 km. away, for safety of their own in light of the coming Russian invasion; Amalie, one of Webern's daughters, wrote of '17 persons pressed together in the smallest possible space' upon their arrival.[43] Ironically, the Russians pronounced Görgi a "Nazi spy" when he was discovered due to the Nazi munitions and propaganda in the Weberns' basement store-room. Görgi is said to have saved himself from execution by protesting and drawing attention to his clothes, sewn as specified by the Nazis with the yellow Star of David. He continued to live in this apartment with this family until 1969.[41]

Webern is also known to have aided Josef Polnauer, a Jewish colleague and fellow early Schoenberg pupil who, as an albino, managed to largely escape the Nazis' attention.[40][44] Polnauer, an historian and librarian for whom Schoenberg was also unable to secure passage to the US,[42] later edited a 1959 publication by Universal Edition of Webern's correspondence from this time with Hildegard Jone [de], Webern's then lyricist and collaborator, and her husband, sculptor Josef Humplik.[45][46]

However, Krasner was particularly troubled by a 1936 conversation with Webern about the Jews, in which Webern expressed his vague but unambiguously anti-Semitic opinion that "Even Schoenberg, had he not been a Jew, would have been quite different!" Krasner remembered, perhaps with the benefit of hindsight at the time (1987), that "Jews ... were at the center of the difficulty. Those who wanted to, put the blame for all this calamity, for all this depraved condition, on the Jews who had brought it with them—along with a lot of radical ideas—from the East. People blamed the Jews for their financial worries. The Jews were, at the same time, the poverty-stricken people who came with nothing, and the capitalists who controlled everything."[32]

When once asked by Schoenberg about his feelings toward the Nazis, Webern nonetheless sought to allay Schoenberg's concerns; similarly, when in 1938 Eduard Steuermann asked Krasner about rumors of Webern's possible "interest in and devotion to the Nazis" on Schoenberg's behalf, Krasner lied by denying the rumors categorically and entirely. As a result, Schoenberg's Violin Concerto of 1934 (or 1935)–36 continued to bear a dedication to Webern, although worded very simply ("to Anton von Webern"), as a result of Schoenberg's continuing suspicions or, indeed, on Webern's behalf, i.e., to protect Webern from further Nazi suspicion and persecution. Schoenberg and Webern continued to correspond at least through 1939.[47][48][49]

In 1947, writing in nostalgic remembrance of both Berg and Webern only four years before his own death, two years after the defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II, and on the cusp of the post-war discovery of Webern's twelve-tone works in particular (made possible in large part by René Leibowitz as he championed, performed, promulgated, and published "Schoenberg et son école"), Schoenberg was magnanimous, discerning, forward-looking, and resolute in tone: "Let us—for the moment at least—forget all that might have at one time divided us. For there remains for our future what could only have begun to be realized posthumously: One will have to consider us three—Berg, Schoenberg, and Webern—as a unity, a oneness, because we believed in ideals, once perceived, with intensity and selfless devotion; nor would we ever have been deterred from them, even if those who tried might have succeeded in confounding us." This statement was prepared for publication as a handwritten inscription by facsimile reproduction in the 1948 Editions Dynamo didactic score with analyses especially prepared by Leibowitz of Webern's then unpublished Concerto for Nine Instruments, Op. 24, which Webern had in 1934 dedicated to Schoenberg for his sixtieth birthday. The last clause, "even if those who tried might have succeeded in confounding us," for Krasner clearly and wistfully refers to Webern, who, he thereby infers Schoenberg understood, "had been taken in, misled—had fallen into the Nazi trap"; yet this official statement moreover "puts 'Vienna's Three Modern Classicists' into historical perspective" nonetheless, and Krasner summarizes it as "what bound us together was our idealism."[50][51]

Musicologist Richard Taruskin describes Webern as a pan-German nationalist before specifically claiming that Webern joyfully welcomed the Nazis with the 1938 Anschluss,[23] referring to the aforementioned interview of Krasner. However, Krasner told Fanfare Magazine that Webern "packed [him] off quickly" as soon he turned on the radio and heard the news break. Krasner explained: "I'm sure it was for my safety. But perhaps it was also to avoid the embarrassment which my presence would have caused had his family arrived, or friends celebrating the Nazi entry into Austria."[40] Taruskin's authority on this and like matters is not without controversy: he has been described as polemical in general[52][53][54][55][56][57][g] and hostile in particular to the Second Viennese School,[59][60][61][62][h] of whom Webern is often considered the most extreme and difficult for listeners.[65][66][67][68][69][70][i] New Complexity composer and performer Franklin Cox not only faults Taruskin as an inaccurate and unreliable historian but also critiques Taruskin as an "ideologist of tonal restoration" (musicologist Martin Kaltenecker similarly refers to the "Restoration of the 1980s," but he also describes a paradigm shift from structure to perception). Taruskin's "reactionary historicist" project, Cox argues, stands in opposition to that of the Second Viennese School, viz. the "progressivist historicist" emancipation of the dissonance.[72] Taruskin himself admits to having acquired a "dubious reputation" on the Second Viennese School and notes that he has been described in his work on Webern as "coming, like Shakespeare's Marc Anthony, 'to bury Webern, not to praise him'".[73]

In contradistinction to Taruskin's methods and pronouncements, musicologist Pamela M. Potter advises that "[i]t is important to consider all the scholarship on musical life in the Third Reich that, taken together, reveals the complexity of the day-to-day existence of musicians and composers", as "[i]t seems inevitable that debates about the political culpability of individuals will persist, especially if the stakes remain so high for composers, for whom an up or down vote can determine inclusion in the canon".[74] In this vein, musicologist Kathryn Bailey Puffett notes that Webern wrote to friends (husband and wife Josef Humplik and Hildegard Jone) on the day of Anschluss not to invite celebration or to observe developments but to be left alone: "I am totally immersed in my work [composing] and cannot, cannot be disturbed";[75] Krasner's presence could have been a disturbance to Webern for this reason, and Bailey Puffett speculates that this may indeed be why he was rushed off by Webern.[76]

Webern's 1944–1945 correspondence is strewn with references to bombings, deaths, destruction, privation, and the disintegration of local order; but also noted are the births of several grandchildren.[43] At the age of sixty (i.e., in Dec. 1943), Webern writes that he is living in a barrack away from home and working from 6 am to 5 pm, compelled by the state in a time of war to serve as an air-raid protection police officer.[43] On 3 March 1945, news was relayed to Webern that his only son, Peter, died on 14 February of wounds suffered in a strafing attack on a military train two days earlier.[77]

Death in Allied-administered Austria[edit]

On 15 September 1945, back at his home during the Allied occupation of Austria, Webern was shot and killed by an American Army soldier following the arrest of his son-in-law for black market activities. This incident occurred when, three-quarters of an hour before a curfew was to have gone into effect, he stepped outside the house so as not to disturb his sleeping grandchildren, to enjoy a few draws on a cigar given to him that evening by his son-in-law. The soldier responsible for his death was U. S. Army cook PFC Raymond Norwood Bell of North Carolina, who was overcome by remorse and died of alcoholism in 1955.[78]

Webern's wife, Wilhelmine Mörtl, died in 1949. They had three daughters and a son.

Music[edit]

Tell me, can one at all denote thinking and feeling as things entirely separable? I cannot imagine a sublime intellect without the ardor of emotion.

Webern, June 23, 1910, writing to Schoenberg[79] (and to be much later echoed by Adorno,[80] who described Webern as "the only one to propound musical expressionism in its strictest sense, carrying it to such a point that it reverts of its own weight to a new objectivity[81])

Webern's compositions are concise, distilled, and select; just thirty-one of his compositions were published in his lifetime, and when Pierre Boulez later oversaw a project to record all of his compositions, including some of those without opus numbers, the results fit on just six CDs.[82] Although Webern's music changed over time, as is often the case over a long career, it is typified by spartan textures, in which every note can be heard; carefully chosen timbres, often resulting in very detailed instructions to the performers and use of extended instrumental techniques (flutter tonguing, col legno, and so on); wide-ranging melodic lines, often with leaps greater than an octave; and brevity: the Six Bagatelles for string quartet (1913), for instance, last about three minutes in total.[83]

A further feature of Webern's music, as much of Schoenberg's, is a predilection toward the use of minor seconds, major sevenths, and minor ninths, as noted with insight in 1934 by microtonalist Alois Hába, writing of his and his students' affinities with Schoenberg in particular,[84] and later by both Valentina Kholopova and Yuri Kholopov in formulations more specific to Webern (as the most "concentrated" and "strict" exemplar)[85] and with a more unifying emphasis on the semitone, approaching Allen Forte's more generalizing pitch-class set analysis.[86] Indeed, as noted by music theorist Philip Ewell, Webern's consistent and distinctive use of semitones in particular within small subsets of other intervals, sometimes derived from a given twelve-tone row in his later practice, is something that was heard (or at least seen) and noted by Erhard Karkoschka, Walter Kolneder, Heinz-Klaus Metzger, Pousseur, and Stockhausen.[87]

Formative juvenilia and emergence from study, Opp. 1–2, 1899–1908[edit]

Webern published little of his early work in particular; like Brahms, Webern was characteristically meticulous and revised extensively.[88][89] Many juvenilia remained unknown until the work and findings of the Moldenhauers in the 1960s, effectively obscuring and undermining formative facets of Webern's musical identity, highly significant even more so in the case of an innovator whose music was crucially marked by rapid stylistic shifts.[90][91][92] Thus when Boulez first oversaw a project to record "all" of Webern's music, not including the juvenilia, the results fit on three rather than six CDs.[93]

Except for the violin pieces and a few of my orchestra pieces, all of my works from the Passacaglia on relate to the death of my mother.

Webern, letter to Alban Berg[94]

Webern's earliest works consist primarily of lieder, the genre that most testifies to his roots in Romanticism, specifically German Romanticism; one in which the music yields brief but explicit, potent, and spoken meaning manifested only latently or programmatically in purely instrumental genres; one marked by significant intimacy and lyricism; and one which often associates nature, especially landscapes, with themes of homesickness, solace, wistful yearning, distance, utopia, and belonging. Robert Schumann's "Mondnacht" is an iconic example; Eichendorff, whose lyric poetry inspired it, is not far removed from the poets (e.g., Richard Dehmel, Gustav Falke, Theodor Storm) whose work inspired Webern and his contemporaries Alban Berg, Max Reger, Arnold Schoenberg, Richard Strauss, Hugo Wolf, and Alexander Zemlinsky.[95] Wolf's Mörike-Lieder were especially influential on Webern's efforts from this period. But well beyond these lieder alone, all of Webern's music may be said to possess such concerns and qualities, as is evident from his sketches, albeit in an increasingly symbolic, abstract, spare, introverted, and idealized manner.[96]

Webern's first piece after completing his studies with Schoenberg was the Passacaglia for orchestra (1908). Harmonically, it is a step forward into a more advanced language, and the orchestration is somewhat more distinctive than his earlier orchestral work. However, it bears little relation to the fully mature works he is best known for today. One element that is typical is the form itself: the passacaglia is a form which dates back to the 17th century, and a distinguishing feature of Webern's later work was to be the use of traditional compositional techniques (especially canons) and forms (the Symphony, the Concerto, the String Trio, and String Quartet, and the piano and orchestral Variations) in a modern harmonic and melodic language.[97]

Atonality, lieder, and aphorism, Opp. 3–16 and Tot, 1908–1924[edit]

For a number of years, Webern wrote pieces which were freely atonal, much in the style of Schoenberg's early atonal works. Indeed, so in lockstep with Schoenberg was Webern for much of his artistic development that Schoenberg in 1951 wrote that he sometimes no longer knew who he was, Webern had followed so well in his footsteps and shadow, occasionally outdoing or stepping ahead of Schoenberg in execution of Schoenberg's own or their shared ideas.[98]

There are, however, important cases where Webern may have even more profoundly influenced Schoenberg. Musicologist Ethan Haimo marks the swift, radical influence in 1909 of Webern's novel and arresting Five Movements for String Quartet, Op. 5, on Schoenberg's subsequent piano piece Op. 11, No. 3; Five Pieces for Orchestra, Op. 16; and monodrama Erwartung, Op. 17.[99] This shift is distinctly pronounced in a letter Schoenberg wrote to Busoni, which describes a rather Webernian aesthetic:

Harmony is expression and nothing else. ... Away with Pathos! Away with protracted ten-ton scores .... My music must be brief. Concise! In two notes: not built, but "expressed"!! And the results I wish for: no stylized and sterile protracted emotion. People are not like that: it is impossible for a person to have only one sensation at a time. One has thousands simultaneously. ... And this variegation, this multifariousness, this illogicality which our senses demonstrate, the illogicality presented by their interactions, set forth by some mounting rush of blood, by some reaction of the senses or the nerves, this I should like to have in my music.

[100]

In 1949, Schoenberg still remembered being "intoxicated by the enthusiasm of having freed music from the shackles of tonality" and believing with his pupils "that now music could renounce motivic features and remain coherent and comprehensible nonetheless".[101]

But with Opp. 18–20, Schoenberg turned back and revived old techniques, very self-consciously returning to and transforming tradition by the concluding songs of Pierrot lunaire (1912), Op. 21, with, e.g., intricately interrelated canons in "Der Mondfleck", clear waltz rhythms in "Serenade", a barcarolle ("Heimfahrt"), triadic harmony throughout "O alter Duft". Pierrot was received by Webern as a direction for the composition of his own Opp. 14–16, most of all with respect to contrapuntal procedures (and to a lesser degree with respect to the diverse and innovative textural treatment among instruments in increasingly smaller ensembles). "How much I owe to your Pierrot", he wrote Schoenberg upon completing a setting of Georg Trakl's "Abendland III", Op. 14, No. 4,[102] in which, rather unusually for Webern, there is no silence or rest until a pause at the concluding gesture.

Indeed, a recurring theme of Webern's World War I settings is that of the wanderer, estranged or lost and seeking return to or at least retrieval from an earlier time and place; and of some fifty-six songs on which Webern worked 1914–1926, he ultimately finished and later published only thirty-two set in order as Opp. 12–19.[103] This wartime theme of wandering in search of home ties in with two intricately involved concerns more broadly evident in Webern's work: first, the death and memory of members of Webern's family, especially his mother but also including his father and a nephew; and second, Webern's broad and complex sense of rural and spiritual Heimat.[104] Their importance is marked by Webern's stage play, Tot (October 1913), which, over the course of six alpine scenes of reflection and self-consolation, draws on Emanuel Swedenborg's notion of correspondence to relate and to unite the two concerns, the first embodied but otherworldly and the second concrete if increasingly abstracted and idealized.[105]

The similarities between Tot and Webern's music are striking. In an often programmatic or cinematic fashion, Webern ordered his published movements, themselves dramatic or visual tableaux with melodies that frequently begin and end on weak beats or else settle into ostinati or the background.[106] In them, tonality – useful for communicating direction and narrative in programmatic pieces – becomes more tenuous, fragmented, static, symbolic, and visual or spatial in function, thus mirroring the concerns and topics, explicit or implicit, of Webern's music and his selections for it from the poetry of Stefan George and Trakl.

Webern's dynamics, orchestration, and timbre are given so as to produce a fragile, intimate, and often novel sound, despite distinctly recalling Mahler, not infrequently bordering on silence at a typical ppp. In some cases, Webern's orchestration becomes a device used to represent or to allude to a female or angelic voice (e.g., the use of solo violin),[107] to inward or outward luminosity or darkness (e.g., the use of the entire range of register within the ensemble;[108] registral compression and expansion;[109] the use of celesta, harp, and glockenspiel;[110] the use of harmonics and sul ponticello),[111] or to angels and heaven (e.g., the use of harp and trumpet in the circling ostinati of Op. 6, No. 5,[104] and winding to conclusion at the very end of Op. 15, No. 5).[112]

Technical consolidation and formal coherence and expansion, Opp. 17–31, 1924–1943[edit]

The symmetry of Webern's tone row from Variations, Op. 30, is apparent from the equivalent, P1=IR1 and R12=I12, and thus reduced number of row forms, two, P and R, plus transpositions. Consisting of three related tetrachords: a and c consisting of two minor seconds and one minor third and b consisting of two minor thirds and one minor second. Notes 4–7 and 6–9 also consist of two minor seconds and one minor third. "The entire series thus consists of two intervals and has the greatest possible unity of series form, interval, motif, and chords.[113]

With the Drei Volkstexte (1925), Op. 17, Webern used Schoenberg's twelve-tone technique for the first time, and all his subsequent works used this technique. The String Trio (1926–1927), Op. 20, was both the first purely instrumental work using the twelve-tone technique (the other pieces were songs) and the first cast in a traditional musical form.[114]

Webern's music, like that of both Brahms and Schoenberg, is marked by its emphasis on counterpoint and formal considerations; and Webern's commitment to systematic pitch organization in the twelve-tone method is inseparable from this prior commitment.[115] Webern's tone rows are often arranged to take advantage of internal symmetries; for example, a twelve-tone row may be divisible into four groups of three pitches which are variations, such as inversions and retrogrades, of each other, thus creating invariance. This gives Webern's work considerable motivic unity, although this is often obscured by the fragmentation of the melodic lines. This fragmentation occurs through octave displacement (using intervals greater than an octave) and by moving the line rapidly from instrument to instrument in a technique referred to as Klangfarbenmelodie.[116]

Arrangements and orchestrations[edit]

In his youth (1903), Webern orchestrated at least five of Franz Schubert's various lieder, giving the piano accompaniment to an appropriately Schubertian orchestra of strings and pairs of flutes, oboes, clarinets, bassoons, and horns: "Der Vollmond Strahlt auf Bergeshöhn" (the Romanze from Rosamunde), "Tränenregen" (from Die schöne Müllerin), "Der Wegweiser" (from Winterreise), "Du bist die Ruh", and "Ihr Bild";[117] in 1934, he did the same for Schubert's six Deutsche Tänze (German Dances) of 1824.

For Schoenberg's Society for Private Musical Performances in 1921, Webern arranged, among other things,[118] the 1888 Schatz-Walzer (Treasure Waltz) of Johann Strauss II's Der Zigeunerbaron (The Gypsy Baron) for string quartet, harmonium, and piano.

In 1924, Webern arranged Franz Liszt's Arbeiterchor (Workers' Chorus, c. 1847–1848)[119] for bass solo, mixed chorus, and large orchestra; it was premièred for the first time in any form on 13 and 14 March 1925, with Webern conducting the first full-length concert of the Austrian Association of Workers Choir. A review in the Amtliche Wiener Zeitung (28 March 1925) read "neu in jedem Sinne, frisch, unverbraucht, durch ihn zieht die Jugend, die Freude" ("new in every respect, fresh, vital, pervaded by youth and joy").[120] The text, in English translation, reads in part: "Let us have the adorned spades and scoops,/ Come along all, who wield a sword or pen,/ Come here ye, industrious, brave and strong/ All who create things great or small." Liszt, initially inspired by his revolutionary countrymen, had left it in manuscript at publisher Carl Haslinger [de]'s discretion.[121][119]

Performance style[edit]

Eric Simon, who then played clarinet in the orchestra, related this episode: 'Webern was obviously upset by Klemperer's sober time-beating. He thought that if you did not go through physical and mental stresses and strains a performance was bound to be poor. During intermission he turned to the concert master and said: "You know, Herr Gutmann, the phrase there in measure so-and-so must be played Tiiiiiiiiiii-aaaaaaaaa." Klemperer, overhearing the conversation, turned around and said sarcastically: "Herr Gutmann, now you probably know exactly how you have to play the passage!"' [Pianist] Peter Stadlen, who sat with Webern at the concert, later provided a first-hand account of the composer's reaction after the performance: '... Webern turned to me and said with some bitterness: "A high note, a low note, a note in the middle—like the music of a madman!"'

Biographers Hans and Rosaleen Moldenhauer describe Webern's reaction to Otto Klemperer's confused and unsympathetic 1936 ISCM performance of his Symphony (1928), Op. 21, which Webern had earlier played at the piano for Klemperer "with enormous intensity and fanaticism ... passionately".[122]

Webern insisted on lyricism, nuance, rubato, sensitivity, and both emotional and intellectual understanding in performance of music;[123] this is evidenced by anecdotes, correspondence, extant recordings of Schubert's Deutsche Tänze (arr. Webern) and Berg's Violin Concerto under his direction, many such detailed markings in his scores (including a specially marked score of the Variations for piano, Op. 27),[124] and finally by his compositional process as both publicly stated and later revealed in the musical and extramusical metaphors and associations everywhere throughout his sketches. As both a composer and conductor, he was one of many (e.g., Wilhelm Furtwängler, Dimitri Mitropoulos, Hermann Scherchen) in a contemporaneous tradition of conscientiously and non-literally handling notated musical figures, phrases, and even entire scores so as to maximize expressivity in performance and to cultivate audience engagement and understanding.[125]

This aspect of Webern's work had been typically missed in his immediate post-war reception, however, even as it may radically affect the music's reception. For example, Boulez's "complete" recording of Webern's music yielded more to this aesthetic the second time after largely missing it the first; but Eliahu Inbal's rendition of Webern's Symphony, Op. 21 with the hr-Sinfonieorchester is still far more within the spirit of the late Romantic performance tradition (which Webern reportedly intended for his music), nearly slowing to half-tempo for the whole of first movement and taking care to delineate and shape each melodic strand and expressive gesture throughout the entirety of the work.[126]

Felix Galimir, of the Galimir Quartet, told The New York Times in 1981: "Berg asked for enormous correctness in the performance of his music. But the moment this was achieved, he asked for a very Romanticized treatment. Webern, you know, was also terribly Romantic—as a person, and when he conducted. Everything was almost over-sentimentalized. It was entirely different from what we have been led to believe today. His music should be played very freely, very emotionally."[127]

Legacy, influence, and posthumous reception[edit]

Doomed to a total failure in a deaf world of ignorance and indifference he inexorably kept on cutting out his diamonds, his dazzling diamonds, the mines of which he had such a perfect knowledge.

Igor Stravinsky[128]

Paradoxically, this product of hermetic constructivism seems infused with intense emotion, that emotion evenly diffused across the whole surface of the music. Gone is the mono-directional thrust of Classical and Romantic music; in its place a world of rotations and reflections, opening myriad paths for the listener to trace through textures of luminous clarity yet beguiling ambiguity

George Benjamin, describing Webern's Symphony, Op. 21.[129]

Webern's music began to be performed more widely in the 1920s, particularly his Symphony, Op. 21; yet he found no great success such as Berg enjoyed with Wozzeck nor even as Schoenberg did, to a lesser extent, with Pierrot lunaire or Verklärte Nacht.

In part because he had largely remained obscure and arcane during his own lifetime,[130] interest in Webern's music increased in the aftermath World War II[131] as it came to represent a universally or generally valid, systematic, and compellingly logical model of new composition,[132] with his œuvre acquiring what Alex Ross calls "a saintly, visionary aura".[130] When Webern's Piano Variations were performed at Darmstadt in 1948, young composers listened in a quasi-religious trance.[130] In 1955, the second issue of Eimert and Stockhausen's journal Die Reihe was devoted to Webern's œuvre, and in 1960 his lectures were published by Universal Edition.[131] Well through the 1960s, the effect of Webern's music was influential, if not decisive, on many composers and musicians, even as far removed as Joel Thome and Frank Zappa.[133]

Meanwhile, Webern's characteristically passionate pan-German nationalism and censurable, sordid political sympathies (however naive or delusional and whether ever dispelled or faltered) were not widely known or went unmentioned;[130] perhaps in some part due to his personal and political associations before the German Reich, his degradation and mistreatment under it, and his fate immediately after the war. Significantly as relates to his reception, Webern never compromised his artistic identity and values, as Stravinsky was later to note.

It has been suggested that the early 1950s serialists' fascination with Webern was concerned not with his music as such so much as enabled by its concision and some its apparent plainness in the score, thereby facilitating musical analysis;[134] indeed, composer Gottfried Michael Koenig speculates on the basis of his personal experience that since Webern's scores represented such a highly concentrated source, they may have been considered the better for didactic purposes than those of other composers. Composer Robert Beyer [de] thus criticized the approach of early serialists to Webern's music as reductive and narrowly focused on some of Webern's apparent methods rather than on his music more generally, especially neglecting timbre in their typical selection of Opp. 27–28. Composer Karel Goeyvaerts recalled that at least on first impression, the sound of Webern's music reminded him of "a Mondrian canvas," explaining that "things of which I had acquired an extremely intimate knowledge, came across as crude and unfinished when seen in reality."[135][134] Expressing a related opinion, noted contemporaneous German music critic and contributor to Die Reihe, Wolf-Eberhard von Lewinski wrote in the Darmstädter Tagblatt (3 September 1959) that some of the later and more radical music at Darmstadt was "acoustically absurd [if] visually amusing"; several days later, one of his articles in the Der Kurier was similarly headlined "Meager modern music—only interesting to look at."[136]

Somewhat independently and singularly, Luigi Dallapiccola found inspiration in Webern's lesser-known middle-period lieder, with the 1953 Goethe-Lieder especially recalling Webern's Op. 16 in style.[137] A later work, Dialoghi (1959–1960), testifies to his intimate familiarity with not only with Webern's procedures and works in particular, but also those of Schoenberg as well.[138]

Both Ferneyhough and Lachenmann sympathetically expanded upon and poetically went further than Webern in attention to the minutest of details and the use of ever more radically extended techniques, engaging particularly with his earlier atonal works by some contrast to earlier post-Webernism: for example, Ferneyhough's 1967 Sonatas for String Quartet comprise both serial and especially atonal sections much after Webern's Six Bagatelles for string quartet, Op. 9, except at greater length and intended intensity; and Lachenmann wrote in the 1985 essay, "Hearing [Hören] is Defenseless—without Listening [Hören]," of "a melody made of a single note [...] in the viola part" in mm. 2–4 of Webern's Five Pieces for orchestra, Op. 10 amid "the mere ruins of the traditional linguistic context," in a comparison to his own 1969 Air, in which even "the pure tone, now living in tonal exile, has in this new context no aesthetic advantage over pure noise."

To composers in the then Communist Bloc in Central and Eastern Europe, Webern's music and its techniques promised an exciting, unique, and challenging alternative to socialist realism, with its perceived tendency to kitsch and its nationalist and traditionalist overtones. Whereas Berg's Lyric Suite may have influenced the third and fourth string quartets of Bartók in 1927 via an ISCM concert (in which Bartók himself performed his own Piano Sonata),[139] Webern's influence on later composers from what became the Hungarian People's Republic and from other countries behind the Iron Curtain was sometimes mediated or obstructed by politics. As Ligeti explained to a student in 1970, "In countries where there exists a certain isolation, in Eastern Europe, one cannot obtain correct information. One is cut off from the circulation of blood."[140] Nonetheless, Webern's work was a seminal influence on that of both Endre Szervánszky and György Kurtág following the Hungarian Uprising of 1956,[141] as well as on Ligeti himself. Later still and farther east, Sofia Gubaidulina, for whom music was an escape from the socio-political atmosphere of post-Stalinist Soviet Russia, cited the influence of both J. S. Bach and Webern in particular.[142]

Recordings by Webern[edit]

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Initially he was called Anton von Webern, but the 1919 Adelsaufhebungsgesetz [de], passed as one of many social-democratic reforms after post-World War I social unrest and political upheaval, in part repealed the right to use the aristocratic sign "von" in the then newly proclaimed Republic of German-Austria.
  2. ^ The broader circle of the Second Viennese School included, among others, Oskar Adler, Theodor W. Adorno, Hans Erich Apostel, David Josef Bach, Marya Freund, Robert Gerhard, Norbert von Hannenheim, Heinrich Jalowetz, Rudolf Kolisch, Ernst Krenek, Olga Novakovic, Paul Pisk, Josef Polnauer, Willi Reich [de], Josef Rufer, Peter Schacht, Nikos Skalkottas, Erwin Stein, Eduard Steuermann, Viktor Ullmann, Adolph Weiss, Egon Wellesz, Alexander Zemlinsky, Winfried Zillig, and Arnold Zweig. Friends and admirers of the circle included figures as diverse as Henry Cowell, Herbert Eimert, Alois Hába, Wassily Kandinsky, Józef Koffler, Oskar Kokoschka, Gustav and Alma Mahler, and for a time Darius Milhaud and Francis Poulenc.
  3. ^ As a teacher, Webern guided and variously influenced Frederick Dorian (Friederich Deutsch), Hanns Eisler, Arnold Elston, Fré Focke [de], Karl Amadeus Hartmann, Philipp Herschkowitz, Matty Niël [nl], Karl Rankl, Humphrey Searle, Leopold Spinner, Stefan Wolpe, Ludwig Zenk [cs], and possibly René Leibowitz.
  4. ^ Vienna Worker's Chorus
  5. ^ Workers' Symphony Orchestra
  6. ^ Social-Democratic Arts Council
  7. ^ Musicologist Allan Benedict Ho and pianist and attorney Dmitry Feofanov together write of "Taruskin's pitbull, leave-no-prisoners-behind style, overt bias, careless handling of facts, and the like."[58]
  8. ^ In a 2008 post-script to his 1996 essay "How Talented Composers Become Useless,"[63] Taruskin writes, "The Nazis had every right to criticize Schoenberg, as do we all. It is not for their criticism that we all revile them."[64]
  9. ^ Babbitt writes of Webern's music that it "was regarded (to the very limited extent that it was regarded at all) as the ultimate in hermetic, specialized, and idiosyncratic composition."[71]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Miller 2022, 99.
  2. ^ Clements 2022.
  3. ^ Hayes 1995, 18.
  4. ^ Johnson 1999, 83.
  5. ^ Johnson 1999, 21, 220.
  6. ^ Hayes 1995, 19.
  7. ^ Johnson 1999, 99.
  8. ^ Johnson 1999, 20–23.
  9. ^ Johnson 1999, 102.
  10. ^ Johnson 1999, 57, 80.
  11. ^ Johnson 1999, 22, 38, 74–75, 79, 86, 94, 128.
  12. ^ Johnson 1999, 252.
  13. ^ Johnson 1999, 72–77.
  14. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 32.
  15. ^ a b Bailey, Kathryn; Puffett, Kathryn (28 April 1998). The Life of Webern. Cambridge University Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-521-57566-9. Retrieved 10 January 2022.
  16. ^ Moldenhauer, Hans; Moldenhauer, Rosaleen (1979). Anton von Webern, a Chronicle of His Life and Work. Knopf. p. 510. ISBN 978-0-394-47237-9. Retrieved 10 January 2022.
  17. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 292, 450.
  18. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 121.
  19. ^ a b Stewart 1991, 188.
  20. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 164.
  21. ^ Wodak 2009, 52.
  22. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 337–338.
  23. ^ a b Taruskin 2008a, 211–212.
  24. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 473–475, 478, 491, 498–499.
  25. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 161, 165.
  26. ^ Notley 2010.
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  28. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 166.
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  30. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 169.
  31. ^ Fulbrook 2011, 1920.
  32. ^ a b Krasner and Seibert 1987, 338.
  33. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 167.
  34. ^ Webern 1963, 7, 19–20.
  35. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 174.
  36. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 527.
  37. ^ Ross 2007, 352.
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  69. ^ Auner 1999, 14.
  70. ^ Perle 1990, 45.
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  72. ^ Cox 2011, 1,36–38,53.
  73. ^ Taruskin 2011, 3.
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  77. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 600–601.
  78. ^ Moldenhauer 1961, 85, 102, 1141–16; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 632.
  79. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 113.
  80. ^ Adorno 2004, 418.
  81. ^ Adorno 1984, 448.
  82. ^ Webern 2000.
  83. ^ Clark, Duncan (2001). Classical Music: The Rough Guide. Rough Guides. p. 573. ISBN 978-1-85828-721-8.
  84. ^ Hába 1934.
  85. ^ Ewell 2013, 242.
  86. ^ Ewell 2013, 220–223.
  87. ^ Ewell 2013, 219–221.
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  89. ^ Meyer and Shreffler 1996, 136.
  90. ^ Chen 2006.
  91. ^ Puffett 1996, 38.
  92. ^ Yang 1987, vi.
  93. ^ Fitch 2000.
  94. ^ Hayes 1995, 71.
  95. ^ Johnson 1999, 42–45.
  96. ^ Johnson 1999, 211–236.
  97. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 147, 150, 195.
  98. ^ Johnson 1999, 149.
  99. ^ Haimo 2010, 100–104.
  100. ^ Busoni 1987, 388–9.
  101. ^ Haimo 2006, 318–352.
  102. ^ Johnson 1999, 149–150.
  103. ^ Johnson 1999, 129.
  104. ^ a b Johnson 1999, 121.
  105. ^ Johnson 1999, 34–35.
  106. ^ Johnson 1999, 105–108.
  107. ^ Johnson 1999, 112, 121.
  108. ^ Johnson 1999, 94, 110–112.
  109. ^ Johnson 1999, 57.
  110. ^ Johnson, 1999 & 110–112.
  111. ^ Johnson 1999, 125.
  112. ^ Johnson 1999, 141, 201.
  113. ^ Leeuw 2005, 161.
  114. ^ Perle, George (1995). The Right Notes: Twenty-three Selected Essays by George Perle on Twentieth-century Music. Pendragon Press. p. 125. ISBN 978-0-945193-37-1.
  115. ^ Shere 2007, 10.
  116. ^ Eggebrecht, Hans Heinrich (1995). Terminologie der Musik im 20. Jahrhundert (in German). Franz Steiner Verlag. ISBN 978-3-515-06659-4.
  117. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 67, 746.
  118. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 237.
  119. ^ a b Merrick 1987, 31.
  120. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 282.
  121. ^ Arnold 2002, 386–387.
  122. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 470–471, 679–680..
  123. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 470–471..
  124. ^ Jackson 2005, 465.
  125. ^ Johnson 1999, p. 216.
  126. ^ LLC, New York Media (9 April 1979). New York Magazine. New York Media, LLC.
  127. ^ Horowitz, Joseph (11 January 1981). "Felix Galimir Recalls Berg and Webern in Vienna". The New York Times.
  128. ^ Stravinsky 1959.
  129. ^ Service 2013.
  130. ^ a b c d Ross 2007, 267.
  131. ^ a b Grant 2001, 103.
  132. ^ Fosler-Lussier 2007, 38.
  133. ^ "Tom Mulhern's Interview with Frank Zappa, 1983".
  134. ^ a b Grant 2001, 104.
  135. ^ Goeyvaerts 1994, 39.
  136. ^ Iddon 2013, 250.
  137. ^ Alegant 2010, 38–46, 103-105, 292.
  138. ^ Alegant 2010, 74-83, 103-105.
  139. ^ Antokoletz and Susanni 2011, xxix.
  140. ^ Fosler-Lussier 2007, 49.
  141. ^ Frandzel 2002.
  142. ^ Meyer, Leonard B. (1996). Style and Music: Theory, History, and Ideology. University of Chicago Press. p. 122. ISBN 978-0-226-52152-7.

Bibliography[edit]

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]