Ayub Khan (President of Pakistan)
Mohammad Ayub Khan (Urdu: محمد ایوب خان; 14 May 1907 – 19 April 1974), HPk, NPk, HJ, MBE, was a Pakistani military dictator and the second President of Pakistan who forcibly assumed the presidency from first President through coup in 1958, the first successful coup d'état of the country. The popular demonstrations and labour strikes which were supported by the protests in East Pakistan ultimately led to his forced resignation in 1969.
Trained at the British Royal Military College, Ayub Khan fought in the World War II as a Colonel in the British Indian Army before deciding to transfer to join the Pakistan Army as an aftermath of partition of British India in 1947. His command assignment included his role as chief of staff of Eastern Command in East-Bengal and elevated as the first native commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army in 1951 by then-Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in a controversial promotion over several senior officers. From 1953–58, he served in the civilian government as Defence and Home Minister and supported Iskander Mirza's decision to impose martial law against Prime Minister Feroze Khan's administration in 1958. Two weeks later, he took over the presidency from Mirza after the meltdown of civil-military relations between the military and the civilian President.
After appointing General Musa Khan as an army chief in 1958, the policy inclination towards the alliance with the United States was pursued that saw the allowance of American access to facilities inside Pakistan, most notably the airbase outside of Peshawar, from which spy missions over the Soviet Union were launched. Relations with neighboring China were strengthened but deteriorated with Soviet Union in 1962, and with India in 1965. His presidency saw the war with India in 1965 which ended with Soviet Union facilitating the Tashkent Declaration between two nations. At home front, the policy of privatisation and industrialization was introduced that made the country's economy as Asia's fastest-growing economies. During his tenure, several infrastructure programs were built that consisted the completion of hydroelectric stations, dams and reservoirs, as well as prioritizing the space program but reducing the nuclear deterrence.
In 1965, Ayub Khan entered in a presidential race as PML candidate to counter the popular and famed non-partisan Fatima Jinnah and controversially reelected for the second term. He was faced with allegations of widespread intentional vote riggings, authorized political murders in Karachi, and the politics over the unpopular peace treaty with India which many Pakistanis considered an embarrassing compromise. In 1967, he was widely disapproved when the demonstrations across the country were led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto over the price hikes of food consumer products and, dramatically fell amid the popular uprising in East led by Mujibur Rahman in 1969. Forced to resign to avoid further protests while inviting army chief Yahya Khan to impose martial law for the second time, he fought a brief illness and died in 1974.
His legacy remains mixed; he is credited with an ostensible economic prosperity and what supporters dub the "decade of development", but is criticized for beginning the first of the intelligence agencies' incursions into the national politics, for concentrating corrupt wealth in a few hands, and segregated policies that later led to the breaking-up of nation's unity that resulted in the creation of Bangladesh.
- 1 Early years and personal life
- 2 Military career
- 3 President of Pakistan (1960–1969)
- 4 End of Presidency
- 5 Death and legacy
- 6 Honour
- 7 See also
- 8 References
- 9 Further reading
- 10 External links
Early years and personal life
Ayub Khan was born on 14 May 1907 in Rehana, a village in Haripur District in Hazara region of then North-West Frontier Province (now Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan). He hailed from the Tareen tribe of ethnic Pashtuns settled in Hazara region.
He was the first child of the second wife of Mir Dad, a Risaldar-Major (a regimental JCO which was then known as VCO) in the 9th Hodson's Horse which was a cavalry regiment of the British Indian Army. For his basic education, he was enrolled in a school in Sarai Saleh, which was about 4 miles from his village. He used to go to school on a mule's back and was shifted to a school in Haripur, where he started living with his grandmother.
He went on to study at Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and :146 while pursuing his college education, he was accepted into the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst by the recommendation of General Andrew Skeen; he did not complete his degree and departed for Great Britain.:147 Ayub Khan was fluent in Urdu, English and his regional Hindko dialect as well as Pashto.
According to some accounts, Ayub Khan's performance at the Sandhurst Military Academy in the United Kingdom was good, earning him awards and scholarships.:124–125 He was commissioned as a 2nd Lt. on 2 February 1928 in the 1/14th Punjab Regiment (1st Battalion of the 14th Punjab Regiment) of the British Indian Army — it is now known as the 5th battalion of the Punjab Regiment of Pakistan Army.:125 Amongst those who passed out with him was the future chief of army staff of the Indian Army, General J. N. Chaudhri who served as chief when Ayub was the President of Pakistan. After the standard probationary period of service in the British Army, he was appointed to the British Indian Army on 10 April 1929, joining the 1/14th Punjab Regiment Sherdils, now known as 5th Punjab Regiment.
He was promoted to Lieutenant on 2 May 1930 and to Captain on 2 February 1937. During World War II, he was promoted to the temporary rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in 1942 and was posted in Burma to participate in first phase of Burma Front in 1942–43.:87–88 He was promoted to the permanent rank of Major on 2 February 1945. Later that year, he was promoted to temporary Colonel and assumed the command of his own regiment in which he was commissioned to direct operations on second phase of Burma Front; however he was soon suspended without pay from that command temporarily for visible cowardice under fire.
In 1946, he was posted back to British India and was stationed in the North-West Frontier Province. In 1947, he was promoted to a one-star rank, Brigadier, and commanded a Brigade in mountainous South Waziristan.:87 When the United Kingdom announced the partition British India into India and Pakistan, he was one of the most senior serving officers in the British Indian Army who decided to opt for Pakistan in 1947.:125:87 At the time of his joining, the Indian Army sent the military seniority list to Pakistan's Ministry of Defence (MoD) where he was the 10th ranking officer in terms of seniority with Service No. PA-010.:94
In the early part of 1948, he was given the command of the 14th Infantry Division as its GOC, (still ranked Brigadier) stationed in Dacca, East-Pakistan.:94 In 1949, he was appointed as army commander of Eastern Command and decorated with the Hilal-i-Jurat (HJ) by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan for non-combatant service and called back to Army GHQ as an adjutant-general on November of same year.
Lieutenant General Sir Douglas Gracey relinquished the command of the Pakistan Army on 23 January 1951, under pressure of calls for "nationalisation" of the army. The Pakistan government already called for appointing native commanders-in-chief of army, air force, navy and dismissed deputation appointments from the British military. The Army GHQ sent the nomination papers to Prime Minister's Secretariat for the appointment of commander-in-chief. There were four-senior officers in the race: Major-General Akbar Khan, Major-General Iftikhar Khan, Major-General Ishfakul Majid, and Major-General N.A.M. Raza, among these officers Akbar was the senior-most as he was commissioned in 1920.
Initially, it was Gen. Iftikhar Khan (commissioned in 1929) who was selected to be appointed as first native commander-in-chief of the army, but he died in an airplane crash en route to take command after finishing the senior staff officers' course in the United Kingdom. All three remaining generals were bypassed including the recommended senior-most Major-General Akbar Khan and Major-General Ishfakul Majid (commissioned in 1924).
The Defence Secretary Iskandar Mirza, at that time, played a crucial role in lobbying for the army post selection as presenting with convincing arguments to Prime Minister Ali Khan to promote the junior-most Major-General Ayub Khan (commissioned in 1928, service number: PA-010) to the post despite the fact that his name was not included in the nomination list. Ayub's papers of promotion were controversially approved and he was appointed as the first native Commander in Chief of Pakistan Army with a promotion to four-star rank, a full general, on 17 January 1951 by Prime Minister Ali Khan.:34
Ayub's becoming the army chief marked a change in the military tradition of preferring native Pakistanis; it ended the transitional role of British military officers. Although the Pakistani government announced the appointment of navy's native commander in chief in 1951, it was Ayub Khan who helped Vice-Admiral M.S. Choudhri to be appointed as first native navy's commander in chief, also in 1953.:93–94 The events surrounding Ayub's appointment set the precedent for a native general being promoted out of turn, ostensibly because he was the least ambitious of the generals in the line of promotion and the most loyal to civil government at that time. Ayub, alongside Admiral Choudhri, cancelled and disbanded the British military tradition in the navy and the army when the U.S. military's advisers were dispatched to the Pakistani military in 1955–57. British military traditions were only kept in the air force due to a British commander and major staff consisting of Royal Air Force officers.
In 1953, Ayub went on his first foreign visit Turkey as an army c-in-c, and was said to be impressed with Turkish military tradition; he met only with the Turkish Defence minister during his visit.:26 Thereafter, he went to the United States and visited the US State Department and Pentagon to lobby for forging military relations.:26 He termed this visit as "medical visit" but made a strong plea for military aid which was not considered due to India's opposition.:27
Three months before the end of his tenure as commander-in-chief of the army, Ayub Khan deposed his mentor, Iskandar Mirza, Pakistan's president, in a military coup – after Mirza had declared martial law and made Ayub Khan the chief martial law administrator.
Cabinet and Defence Minister
In 1954, Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra's relations with the military and Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad deteriorated on issues of the economy.:191 Pressure had been built up to reconstruct the Cabinet which eventually witnessed with Lieutenant-General Ayub Khan becoming the Defence Minister and Iskander Mirza as Home Minister in 1954.:192
On 24 February 1954, he signed the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and, together with Mirza, their role in the national politics began to grow.:192–193 In 1954, the work on controversial program, the One Unit, began which would integrate the four provinces into one united political entity, known as West-Pakistan, as a counterbalance to East-Pakistan. Despite opposition from the ethnic parties and public in general, the program was launched by Prime Minister Bogra. In 1955, Prime Minister Bogra was dismissed by Governor-General Muhammad and he was succeeded by the new Prime Minister Muhammad Ali as the Defence Minister.
As an after of general elections in 1954 in East, the Awami League formed the government in East while the West was governed by the PML, but the PML government collapse soon after in West in 1956. He was called on to join the Cabinet as Defence Minister by Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy and maintained closer relations with Iskander Mirza who now had become the first President of the country after the successful promulgation of Constitution in 1956. In 1957, President Mirza renewed his extension to serve as an army chief of staff.[not in citation given]
Around this time, the MoD led by General Ayub Khan began to see the serious interservice rivalry between the Army GHQ staff and the Navy NHQ staff.:381–382 Commander in Chief of Navy Vice-Admiral M. S. Choudri and his NHQ staff had been fighting with the Finance ministry and the MoD over the issues of rearmament and contingency plans.:381–382 Meanwhile, he continued to serve with Prime Minister Chundrigar and Feroz Noon's government as Defence Minister, and his resentment towards civilian politicians grew.
In 1958, he chaired the Joint Chiefs of Staff meeting where he became involved with heated discussion with Admiral M. S. Choudri. He reportedly complained against Admiral Choudri to President Mirza and criticized Admiral Choudri for "neither having the brain, imagination or depth of thought to understand such (defence) problems nor the vision or the ability to make any contribution". The impasse was broken with Admiral Choudhri resigning from the Navy in protest as result of having differences with Navy's plans of expansion and modernization.:381:94 In 1958, Vice-Admiral Afzal Rahman Khan, who was known to be confident of General Ayub Khan, was appointed as naval chief by President Mirza.:104
President of Pakistan (1960–1969)
In a threat of being dismissed, Prime Minister H.S. Suhrawardy resigned and Prime Minister I.I. Chundiragar took over the post but in mere two months he too tendered resignation after losing confidence in running the government. The Constituent Assembly elected Sir Feroz Noon for the post of the Prime Minister who had much larger support from the Western Republican Party and Eastern Awami League, and Krishak Sramik.
This new alliance nearly threatened President Iskander Mirza because Suhrawardy and Feroz were now initially campaigning to become Prime Minister and President in the next general elections to be held. The conservative Pakistan Muslim League, led under its President A.Q. Khan, was also gaining momentum in West Pakistan and threatened for the Dharna movement.:83 These events were against President Mirza hence he was willing to dissolve even Pakistan's One Unit for his advantage.
On the midnight of 7 and 8 October 1958, President Mirza ordered a mass mobilization of Pakistan Armed Forces and abrogated the Constitution after sending a letter to Prime Minister Feroze and the Constituent Assembly about the coup d'état.:83 Most of the politicians became only aware of coup the next morning; only the U.S. Ambassador James Langley was kept aware of the political development in the country.:83 President Mirza appointed General Ayub as its chief martial law administrator (CMLA) to enforce the martial law in both exclave–West and East Pakistan. However, President Mirza soon realized his mistake by making Ayub as the CMLA and repented his actions in news media about the delicate position he had gotten himself into. He regretted his decision and said: "I did not mean to do it," while offering assurances that the martial law would be for the shortest possible duration. In an attempt to consolidate the powers in his own control, Mirza unsuccessfully tried to appoint Ayub as Prime Minister the following and asked him to appoint the technocratic Cabinet. Such actions were not implemented due to Ayub Khan's protest against this attempt and briefly complained about Mirza's "high hand" methods.:149–150 President Mirza made a bold move by undercutting Ayub's rival in the army, navy, marines, and air force by co-opting military officers in his favors.:149–150 Informed of President Mirza's chicanery, Ayub dispatched the military unit to enter in presidential palace on the midnight of 26–27 October 1958 and placed him in a place to exile in to England. Subsequently, Admiral A. R. Khan and four army and air force generals: Azam, Amir, Wajid, and Asghar Khan were instrumental in Ayub Khan's rise to power.:104
Ouster of President Mirza was welcomed at public circles, Air Marshal Asghar Khan, the air force chief backed the actions for the martial law enforcement.:104 He relieved the army command and appointed General Muhammad Musa as the new army chief while he promoted himself to the five-star rank, Field Marshal– a rank that many of his critics said that he never deserved.:22
In 1960, a referendum, that functioned as Electoral College, was held that asked the general public:"Do you have confidence in Muhammad Ayub Khan?". The voter turnout was recorded at 95.6% and such confirmation was used as impetus to formalise the new system– a presidential system. Ayub Khan was elected president for next five years and decided to pay his first state visit to United States with his wife and also daughter Begum Naseem Aurangzeb in July 1961. Highlights of his visit included a state dinner at Mount Vernon, a visit to the Islamic Center of Washington, and a ticker tape parade in New York City.
Constitutional and legal reforms
A Constitutional Commission was set-up under the Supreme Court to implement the work on the Constitution that was led by Chief Justice Muhammad Shahabuddin and Supreme Court justices. The Commission reported in 1961 with its recommendations but President Ayub remained unsatisfied; he eventually altered the constitution that was entirely different from the one recommended by the Shahabuddin Commission. The Constitution reflected his personal views of politicians and the restriction of using religions in politics. His presidency restored the writ of government through the promulgated constitution and restored political freedom by lifting the martial law enforced since 1958.
The new Constitution respected Islam but did not declare Islam as state religion and was viewed as a liberal constitution. It also provided for election of the President by 80,000 (later raised to 120,000) Basic Democrats who could theoretically make their own choice but who were essentially under his control. He justified this as analogous to the American Electoral College and cited Thomas Jefferson as his inspiration. The Ayub administration "guided" the print newspapers though his takeover of key opposition papers and, while Ayub Khan permitted a National Assembly, it had only limited powers.
On 2 March 1961, he passed and signed the "Muslim Family Laws" bill through the ordinance under which unmitigated polygamy was abolished, consent of the current wife was made mandatory for a second marriage, brakes were also placed on the practice of instant divorce where men could divorce women by saying:"I divorce you" three times under Islamic tradition.
The Arbitration Councils were set up under the law in the urban and rural areas to deal with cases of: (a) grant of sanction to a person to contract a second marriage during the subsistence of a marriage; (b) reconciliation of a dispute between a husband and a wife; (c) grant of a maintenance allowance to the wife and children.
Economy and infrastructure
Industrialization and rural development through constructing modern national freeways are considered his greatest achievements and his era is remembered for successful industrialization in the impoverished country. Strong emphasis on capitalism and foreign direct investment (FDI) in the industry is often regarded as "Great Decade" in the history of the country (both economical and political history). The "Great Decade" was celebrated, which highlighted the development plans executed during the years of Ayub's rule, the private consortium companies, industries and credited with creating an environment where the private sector was encouraged to establish medium and small-scale industries in Pakistan. This opened up avenues for new job opportunities and thus the economic graph of the country started rising. He oversaw the development and completion of mega projects such as hydroelectric dams, power stations, and barrages in all over the country.:81 During 1960–66, the annual GDP growth was recorded at 6.8%.
Several energy conservation programs were completed such as World's one of the largest dam, the Mangla Dam and several small dams and water reservoirs in West Pakistan while completing one dam in East Pakistan: Kaptai Dam.:85 Plans toward harnessing energy from nuclear sources were authorized by President Ayub against the wishes of his own administration over the cost of nuclear power plants.:54 Initially, there were two nuclear power plants to be established in the country: one was in Karachi and the second one in Dhaka.:54 It was Dr. Abdus Salam who had personally approved the project in Karachi against the wishes of his own government, while the project in East was never materialized.
Extensive education reforms were supposedly carried out and 'scientific development efforts' also supposedly made during his years. These supposed policies could not be sustained after 1965, and the economy collapsed and led to the economic declines which he was unable to control.
He also introduced a new curricula and textbooks for universities and schools after building many public-sector universities and schools were built during his era. He also introduced agricultural reforms according to which no one could occupy land less than 12.5 acres (500 irrigated land and 1000 unirrigated.) An oil refinery was established in Karachi, and these reforms led to 15% GNP growth of the country that was three times greater than that of India. Despite the increase in the GNP growth, the profit and revenue was gained by the famous 22 families of the time that controlled 66% of the industries and land of the country and 80% of the banking and insurance companies of Pakistan.
During his era, the Navy was able to induct submarines and slowly modified itself in terms of acquisitions of warships. However, he drastically reduced funding of military in 1950s and prioritized less on the issue of nuclear weapons in 1960s.:55 Major procurement of weapons for the military was relied from the United States's generous donations. Major funding was made available for military acquisitions and procurement towards conventional weaponry for conventional defence. In 1960s, Pakistani military had American produced conventional weaponry in terms Jeep CJ, M48 Patton, M24 Chaffee, and M16 rifles, F-86, and submarine– all acquired through Foreign Military Sales program. In 1961, President Ayub started the nation's full fledge space program that was established with the cooperation of the Air Force, and created civilian Suparco that launched unmanned space missions throughout 1960s.:235–236
He focused the nuclear issue towards civil power and bypassed recommendations towards military-use of nuclear technology and reportedly spend ₨. 721 million on civil-use of technology in terms of education and nuclear power plants.:53 Finance minister Muhammad Shoaib argued against spending on nuclear technology and was against of establishing a nuclear power plant in Karachi over on cost.:54 It was Dr. Abdus Salam who had personally approved the project against the wishes of his own government.
After the Sino-Indian war in 1962, the military appointments in civilian institutions grew further and defence spending on budget hiked. The physical size of the Pakistan Army's ground troops exponentially grew and the size of military budget grew from 5.79% (1960s) to 9.78% (1966) until being brought down to 6.1% (1967).
U.S. alliance and 1960 U-2 incident
The foreign relations with the United States and European Union were prioritized and were main feature of his foreign policy while downplaying foreign relations with the Soviet Union. While he enjoyed support from President Dwight Eisenhower in 1950s and convinced the United States alongside with Prime Minister Ali Khan to forge military relations in an alliance against regional communism. His obsession towards modernization of the armed forces in shortest time possible saw the relations with United States as the only way to achieve his organization and personal objectives as he argued against civilian supremacy that would affect the American interests in the region as a result of an election.
Leasing an airbase in Peshawar in 1950s, the Central Intelligence Agency's spy activities grew immensely during his presidency but such activities were exposed in 1960 when the Soviet Union's air defence intercept and shot down the U-2 plane by the S-75 missile, and captured its pilot. This incident severely compromised the national security of Pakistan that brought the Soviet ire on Pakistan but President Ayub had all knowledge of the operation and full aware of what happened in the Soviet Union. While in United Kingdom to pay state visit, the CIA station chief told President Ayub who shrugged his shoulders and said that he had expected this would happen at some point.
Ayub Khan had to publicly offer his apologies to the Soviet Union after USSR Secretary General Nikita Khrushchev made a threat to bomb Peshawar.:43 President Ayub directed initiatives to Foreign Office to reduce tensions with the Soviet Union by facilitating state visits of Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin and Soviet Foreign minister Gromyko in Pakistan on a condition of downplaying relations with the United States.:43
In 1960, he signed the historic frontier agreement with China despite the US urgings and was a significant event in history of Cold war where a non-communist country had entered in alliance with communist country.
In 1961–65, Ayub lost much of the support from President John Kennedy and President Lyndon Johnson who sought closer relations with India and placed an embargo on both nations during the war in 1965. In 1966–67, he wrestled with the United States' dictation on country's foreign policy while strengthening relations with Soviet Union and China, whereas he successfully signed a border agreement to resolve border disputes in 1960s. Relations with the Soviet Union were eventually normalized when the Soviets facilitated a peace treaty with India in 1965, and reached a trade treaty the following year.:171–175 Despite initiatives made towards normalizing with Soviet Union, Ayub Khan remained inclined towards the United States and western world, having well-received President Johnson in Karachi in 1967.:174
India: 1959 joint defence and 1965 war
In 1959, Ayub Khan's interest in building defence forces already diminished when he made an offer of joint defense with India during the Sino-Indo clashes in October 1959 in Ladakh, in a move seen as a result of American pressure and a lack of understanding of Foreign affairs Upon hearing this proposal, India's Prime Minister Nehru reportedly counter-ask Defence Minister Ayub: Joint Defence on what?.":84–86 India remained uninterested with such proposal and Prime Minister Nehru decided to push his country's role in the Non-Aligned Movement:85 In 1960, President Ayub signed the water treaty with Prime Minister Nehru that was facilitated by the World Bank as its witness. In 1964, the Pakistan Army engaged with Indian Army in several skirmishes, and a secretive operations began to place around that time.
The war with India in 1965 was a turning point in his presidency, and it ended in a settlement reached by Ayub Khan at Tashkent, called the Tashkent Declaration, which was facilitated by the Soviet Union. The settlement was perceived negatively by many Pakistanis and led Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to resign his post and take up opposition to Ayub Khan. According to Morrice James, "For them [Pakistanis] Ayub had betrayed the nation and had inexcusably lost face before the Indians."
According to Sartaj Aziz, it was Foreign Minister Bhutto that had gone on a populist Anti-Indian and Anti-American binge during the meeting in a cabinet meeting with President Ayub. Bhutto succeeded in the meeting on spellbinding the ruling President into thinking he was becoming a world statesman fawned upon by the enemies of the United States. When authorizing the Operation Gibraltar, Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission had famously told the President in the meeting: "Sir, I hope you realize that our foreign policy and our economic requirements are not fully consistent, in fact they are rapidly falling out of line". Aziz vetoed the Operation Gibraltar against India, fearing the economical turmoil that would jolt the country's economy, but was rebuffed by his senior bureaucrats. In that meeting, Foreign Minister Bhutto convinced the President and the Finance Minister Muhammad Shoaib that India would not attack Pakistan due to Kashmir being a disputed territory, and per Bhutto's remarks: "Pakistan’s incursion into Indian-occupied Kashmir, at [A]khnoor, would not provide [India] with the justification for attacking Pakistan across the international boundary because Kashmir was a disputed territory". This theory proved wrong when India launched a full-scale war against West-Pakistan in 1965.
His army chief General Musa Khan did not order the Pakistan Army without the confirmation by President Ayub Khan despite Foreign Minister Bhutto's urging :182–183 However, after the Indian Army advanced towards the Rann of Kutch, General Musa Khan ordered the army to respond against the opposing force.:183 He faced serious altercations and public criticism with air chief AM Asghar Khan for hiding the details of the war. The Air AHQ began fighting the president over the contingency plans, and this inter-services rivalry ended with Asghar Khan's resignation. To reduce interservices tensions and criticism, navy commander Admiral A.R. Khan authorised the shelling operation against Indian Navy posts in shores of Dwarka, India.:25
Ayub Khan's main sponsor, the United States, did not welcome the move and the Kennedy administration placed an economic embargo that caused Pakistan to lose $500 million in aid and grants that had been received through consortium. Ayub Khan could not politically survive in the aftermath of 1965 war with India and fell from the presidency after surrendering the presidential power to Army Commander General Yahya in 1969.
End of Presidency
Presidential election of 1965
In 1964, President Ayub Khan had been confident in his apparent popularity and saw the deep divisions within the political opposition which ultimately led him to announce the presidential elections in 1965. He earned the nomination from Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and was shocked to see when Fatima Jinnah earned the nomination from the Combined Opposition Parties.
Fatima Jinnah had gained a lot of support from Karachi, Lahore, and various parts in West Pakistan and East Pakistan as opposed to President Ayub Khan. Jinnah targeted the Indus Waters Treaty and his over-reliance on the United States and troubled relations with the Soviet Union. During the elections, President Ayub earned notoriety when his son, Gohar Ayub Khan, was named in media for his involvement in authorizing political murders in Karachi, particularly those who supported Jinnah.
Angry protesters took their demonstrations in streets in Sindh and slogans were chanted against President Ayub. Fatima Jinnah won the landslide voting but Ayub Khan won the elections through the Electoral College. During this time, Ayub Khan exploited the intelligence community to tape politicians telephone and monitor their gatherings for his own advantage. For that purpose, the Military Intelligence became extremely active during the presidential elections keeping politicians in mass surveillance and while Intelligence Bureau taped telephone recordings rather than keeping their work nation's defence and security. This was the first time in the nation's history that intelligence community had directly interfered in the national politics, and intelligence community continued this role in successive years.
It was reported that the elections were widely rigged by the state authorities and machinery under the control of Ayub Khan and it is believed that had the elections been held via direct ballot, Fatima Jinnah would have won. The Electoral College consisted of only 80,000 Basic Democrats, who were easily manipulated by President Ayub Khan and bitterly won the elections with 64%. The election did not conform to international standards per many journalists of the time and many saw the results with great suspicions.
1969 nationwide riots and resignation
The controversial winning over Fatima Jinnah in presidential elections and the outcomes of war with India in 1965 brought devastating results for Ayub Khan's image and his presidency. Upon returning from Tashkent, Foreign Minister Bhutto went to the television media and criticized President Ayub for selling nation's honor and sacrifice which promoted President Ayub to deposed Bhutto. In Karachi, the public resentment towards Ayub had been rising since the 1965 elections and his policies were widely disapproved.
In 1967, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formed the socialist Pakistan Peoples Party and attacked Ayub administration's economic, religious, and social policy while taking the nationwide tour.:196 Detention of Bhutto further inflamed the opposition and demonstration sparked in all over the country with East Pakistani Awami League charging Ayub administration of segregating policies towards East.:197 Labour unions called for labour strikes against Ayub Khan's labour legislation and dissatisfaction was widespread in the country from country's middle class by the end of 1968.:198 When the Ayub Khan was presented with the Six points by Rahman and Bhutto's called for disapproving Ayub; he responded by imprisoning both leaders but that made matters worst for Ayub's administration.:198 Left-wing parties, allied with the conservative mass, began advocating for the Islamic parliamentary democracy system against his presidential rule.
In 1968, he survived a failed assassination attempt while visiting Dacca and was visibly shaken after this attempt, according to the close aides; though this was not reported in the press of the day.
In 1969, Ayub Khan opened up the negotiations with the opposition parties in what was termed as "Round Table Conference" where he held talks with every opposition party except for Awami League and Pakistan Peoples Party.:198 However, no results were yielded and strong anti-Ayub demonstration sparked in all over the country that called for his resignation.:198 During this time, Ayub Khan survived a near-fatal cardiac arrest that put him out of the office, and later survived a paralysis attack that put him on wheelchair. The Police were unable to control the situation and the law and order situation worsen in the country, especially in East where the serious uprising and riots were quelled in 1969, that at one point, his Home and Defence Minister Vice-Admiral Rahman told the journalists that the "country was under the Mob rule and that Police were not strong enough to tackle the situation".
The PPP also led very strong protests, street demonstrations, and riots against the Ayub Khan's administration when the prices of food consumer products such as sugar, tea, and wheat, hiked up and eventually people widely disapproved of Ayub Khan by chanting slogans and employing insults on referring to Ayub in 1969.:39–40 On the streets of major cities of West Pakistan, there were massive wall chalking that were identified as derogatory and pejorative terms employed on Ayub and his image that made headlines in the print and electronic media.:41 Ayub Khan, himself, was shocked when hearing the young protesters and college students in West had been referring him to as "Dog". According to the Dawn editorial in 2014, it was first time in the history when the derogatory language was used against country's politicians.
Elements in the military began supporting the political parties that brought the demise of Ayub Khan's era, and on 25 March 1969, President Ayub Khan resigned from office and invited army chief General Yahya Khan to take over the control of the country.:48
Death and legacy
His presidency was characterised by an increasing dependency on East Pakistan for export revenues, coupled with an exclusion of East Pakistan from political influence. This laid the foundation for breaking up of the nation's unity in 1971.
Ayub Khan's presidency allied Pakistan with the American-led military alliance against the Soviet Union which helped Pakistan developed its strong economic background, long-term political and strategic relations with the United States. Major economic aid and trade from the United States and European Communities ultimately led Pakistan's industrial sector developed rapidly but the consequences of cartelization included increased inequality in the distribution of wealth. After 1965, he became extremely concerned about the arrogance and bossiness of the US over the directions of nation's foreign policy when the US publicly criticized Pakistan for building ties with China and Soviet Union; he authored a book over this issue known as "Friends not Masters."
Relocation of the federal capital was undertaken under Ayub administration from Karachi to mountainous but excessively planned city: Islamabad. Facilitated by the World Bank, Ayub administration became a party of the Indus Waters Treaty with archrival India to resolve disputes regarding the sharing of the waters of the six rivers in the Punjab Doab that flow between the two countries. Khan's administration also built a major network of irrigation canals, high-water dams and thermal and hydroelectric power stations.
He subsidized fertilizers and modernized agriculture through irrigation development, spurred industrial growth with liberal tax benefits. In the decade of his rule, the GNP rose by 45% and manufactured goods began to overtake such traditional exports as jute and cotton. However, the economists in Planning Commission alleged that his policies were tailored to reward the elite families and major landowners in the country. In 1968, his administration celebrated the so-called "Decade of Development" when the mass protests erupted in all over the country due to an increasingly greater divide between the rich and the poor. This laid the foundation for breaking up of the nation's unity in 1971.
Criticism, personal wealth, and family
After 1965, the corruption in government, nepotism, and suppression of free speech, thought, and press increased unrest and turmoils in the country against Ayub administration. Public criticism of his personal and son's wealth increased and Ayub's image was shattered when his son's actions after his father's election in the allegedly rigged 1965 Presidential elections against Fatima Jinnah is a subject of criticism by many writers. In 2003, the nephew of the Quaid-i-Azam, Akbar Pirbhai, re-ignited the controversy by suggesting that she was assassinated by the Ayub Khan establishment. His son, Gohar, said that he led a victory parade right into the heartland of opposition territory in Karachi in a blatantly provocative move and the civil administration's failure to stop the rally led to fierce clashes between opposing groups with many locals being killed. Gohar Ayub Khan also faced criticisms during that time on questions of family corruption and cronyism through his business links with his father-in-law retired Habibullah Khan Khattak.
One Western commentator in 1969 estimated Gohar Ayub's personal wealth at the time at $4 million, while his family's wealth was put in the range of $10–20 million.
Ayub Khan is critiqued for the growth in income inequality 5 million people fell below the poverty line. He is also blamed for not doing enough to tackle the significant economic disparity between East and West Pakistan whilst he was aware of the acute grievances of East Pakistan he did try to address the situation. However, the Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized that, in the absence of democratic institutions, densely populated and politicized East Pakistan province continued to feel it was being slighted.
Sadaf Farooq from School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Reading argued that workers wages fell by 60% in 1960s and the policy of promoting entrepreneur elite and Industrial cartels to get economic growth generated increasing regional and social tensions among the nation and the emergence of business and industrial cartels.
After his death, his family members became active in national politics in 1990s until present; however, his family members and sons have been subject of controversies since then. His son, Gohar, is an active member of conservative PML(N) and was the Foreign Minister in Sharif ministry in 1990s but was removed due to his controversial statements without authorization in regards to India. His daughter Begum Nasim Aurangzeb remained inactive in politics and was married to Miangul Aurangzeb, the Wali of Swat.
His grandson, Omar, served in the Aziz ministry as a Finance Minister in 2000s but joined the PML(N) in 2010; he was declared ineligible for general election held in 2013 due to the allegations proved for vote riggings. Another grandson, Yousaf, is a party worker of PTI, who was also declared ineligible for submitting fake documents to the Election Commission.
- United Kingdom : Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1961)
- Malaya : Honorary Recipient of the Order of the Crown of the Realm (1962)
- Cold War
- Ayub National Park
- Ayub Medical College
- Pro-American sentiment
- American cultural influence in Pakistan
- Ankit, Rakesh (January 2010), "The Defiant Douglas", Epilogue, 4 (1), pp. 46–47
- "Muhammad Ayub Khan the Second President of Pakistan". Pakistan Herald.com. Archived from the original on 17 March 2012. Retrieved 16 November 2011., Retrieved 25 August 2015
- "Ayub Khan in US Country Studies". US State Department. Retrieved 16 November 2011., Retrieved 25 August 2015
- "Ouster of President Iskander Mirza". Story of Pakistan, part-II., Retrieved 27 August 2015
- "Field Marshal Ayub Khan Becomes President [1962–1969]". Story of Pakistan, Part-1., Retrieved 25 August 2015
- "Kal Tak – 25 May 2011 | Pakistan Politics". Pkpolitics.com. Archived from the original on 9 May 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
- "Story of Pakistan, Part-1"/, Retrieved 25 August 2015
- "Martial Law Under Field Marshal Ayub Khan [1958–62]". Story of Pakistan, Part-3., Retrieved 25 August 2015
- Dawn daily, Aug 2015 article and review
- "Muhammad Ayub Khan". Story of Pakistan. Archived from the original on 17 March 2010. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
- Lyon, Peter (2008). Conflict between India and Pakistan: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 23. ISBN 978-1-57607-712-2. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
- Hussain, Rizwan (2005). Pakistan and the emergence of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-7546-4434-7. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
- http://www.dawn.com/news/1025073/where-pragmatism-holds-sway. Retrieved 10 April 2018.
- http://tribune.com.pk/story/897889/forming-the-govt-pml-n-seeks-haripur-tehsil-triumph-through-bloodlines/. Retrieved 11 April 2018.
- Sir Olaf Caroe, "The Pathans 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957". Oxford University Press ISBN 978-0-19-577221-0. Page 453.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (2004). A history of Pakistan and its origins. Anthem Press. p. 69. ISBN 978-1-84331-149-2. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
- Malik, Iftikhar Haider (2008). The History of Pakistan. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780313341373. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Karl J. Newman: Pakistan under Ayub Khan, Bhutto und Zia-ul-Haq. S. 31, ISBN 3-8039-0327-0.
- The Political Dilemmas of Military Regimes (1985), by Christopher S. Clapham, George D. E. Philip, p. 203.
- Tyagi, Vidya Prakash (2009). Martial races of undivided India. ISBN 9788178357751.
- Leonard, Thomas M. (27 October 2005). Encyclopedia of the Developing World. Psychology Press, Leonard. ISBN 9781579583880. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Indian Army List, 1928 Dec
- "No. 33353". The London Gazette. 3 February 1928. p. 766.
- "No. 33510". The London Gazette. 28 June 1929. p. 4274.
- "No. 33613". The London Gazette. 6 June 1930. p. 3572.
- "No. 34381". The London Gazette. 19 March 1937. p. 1827.
- Burki, Shahid Javed (19 March 2015). Historical Dictionary of Pakistan. Rowman & Littlefield, Burki. ISBN 9781442241480. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- "No. 37085". The London Gazette. 18 May 1945. p. 2577.
- See accounts of Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan The Nation that Lost its Soul: Memoirs, Lahore: Jang Publications, 1992, p 187; and Lt Col (r) HE Empson 'Hard Times- The Burmese Campaign 1942–1945' Aldershot: Gale and Polden, 1952
- Nawaz, Shuja (2008). Crossed swords : Pakistan, its army, and the wars within. Karachi: Oxford University Press, Nawaz. ISBN 9780195476606.
- Cheema, Pervaiz I.; Riemer, Manuel (22 August 1990). Pakistan's Defence Policy 1947–58. Springer, Reimer. p. 82. ISBN 9781349209422. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Tudor, Maya (14 March 2013). The Promise of Power: The Origins of Democracy in India and Autocracy in Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 30. ISBN 9781107032965. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- paksoldiers.com (4 December 2013). "Appointments of Pakistan Army Commanders and Historic Facts – Pakistan Military & Defence News". Original work published by the News International. paksoldiers.com. paksoldiers.com. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Siddiqui, A. R. (25 April 2004). "Army's top slot: the seniority factor". Dawn.
- Haqqani, Hussain (10 March 2010). Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. ISBN 9780870032851.
- Cheema, Pervaiz Iqbal (2002). The Armed Forces of Pakistan. NYU Press, Cheema. ISBN 9780814716335. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- The rule of seniority by Kamal Zafar Sunday 5 March 2006 The Nation Archived 11 March 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
- Hamid Hussain. "Tale of a love affair that never was: United States-Pakistan Defence Relations". Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan. Hamid Hussain, Defence Journal of Pakistan. Archived from the original on 4 March 2012. Retrieved 12 February 2012.
- Yesilbursa, Behcet Kemal (8 July 2005). The Baghdad Pact: Anglo-American Defence Policies in the Middle East, 1950–59. Routledge, Yesilbursa. ISBN 978-1135766863. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Wilcox, Waynes Ayres (Summer 1965). "The Pakistan Coup d'Etat of 1958". Pacific Affairs. 38 (2): 142–163. JSTOR 2753785.
- Bahadur, Kalim (1998). Democracy in Pakistan: Crises and Conflicts. Har-Anand Publications, Bahadur. ISBN 9788124100837. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Dixit, J. N. (2 September 2003). India-Pakistan in War and Peace. Routledge, Dixit. p. 124. ISBN 9781134407583. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (15 July 2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press, Jeffrelot. ISBN 9780190613303. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- "Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part III)". Story of Pakistan. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
- Singh, Ravi Shekhar Narain Singh (2008). The Military Factor in Pakistan. Lancer Publishers, Singh. ISBN 9780981537894. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Hussain, Hamid. "National Security Decision Making Process". www.defencejournal.com. defencejournal.com. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Ghani, Nadia (11 July 2010). "NON-FICTION: The narcissist". DAWN.COM. Dawn newspapers, Ghani. Dawn newspapers. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Rizvi, H. (15 May 2000). Military, State and Society in Pakistan. Springer, Rizvi. ISBN 9780230599048. Retrieved 1 November 2016.
- Din, Waheed Ud (16 May 2011). The Marching Bells: A Journey of a Life Time. Author House, Din. p. 49. ISBN 9781456744144. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Oborne, Peter (9 April 2015). Wounded Tiger: A History of Cricket in Pakistan. Simon and Schuster. pp. 157–158. ISBN 9781849832489. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- SoP (1 June 2003). "Ouster of President Iskander Mirza". Story Of Pakistan, Mirza's ouster section. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Hiro, Dilip (24 February 2015). The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India and Pakistan. Nation Books. ISBN 9781568585031. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Aqil Shah (2014). Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-72893-6.
- Baig, Muhammad Anwar; Ebad (20 December 2012). Pakistan: Time for Change. AuthorHouse. ISBN 9781477250310. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- "Martial Law Under Field Marshal Ayub Khan Provincial Assemblies were dissolved and all political activities were banned". Story Of Pakistan, Martial law. 1 June 2003. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- "America Welcomes President Ayub". Gordon Wilkison Collection. Texas Archive of the Moving Image. July 1961. Retrieved 28 July 2011.
- Story Of Pakistan, The Constitution of 1962 (1 June 2003). "The Constitution of 1962 | Provided for a unicameral legislature". Story Of Pakistan, The Constitution of 1962. Story Of Pakistan, The Constitution of 1962. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Jackson, Roy. Mawlana Mawdudi and Political Islam: Authority and the Islamic State. Routledge, Jackson. p. 75. ISBN 9781136950360. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Moghissi, Haideh. Women and Islam: Womens's movements in Muslim societies. Taylor & Francis, Moghissi. pp. 203–204, 205. ISBN 9780415324212. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- "ISLAMIC PAKISTAN: ILLUSIONS & REALITY by Abdul Sattar Ghazali". Ghazali.net. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
- Mason, Colin (24 June 2014). A Short History of Asia. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781137340610. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Kukreja, Veena (24 February 2003). Contemporary Pakistan: Political Processes, Conflicts and Crises. SAGE. p. 304. ISBN 9780761996835. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Khan, Feroz (7 November 2012). Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804784801. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Shahid-ur-Rehman, "Z.A. Bhutto, A Man in Hurry for the Bomb," Long Road To Chagai, p. 21.
- "Muhammad Ayub Khan (Part IV)". Story of Pakistan. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
- Dawn review Aug 2015
- Lall, Marie; Vickers, Edward (2010). Education as a Political Tool in Asia. Taylor & Francis. p. 183. ISBN 9780415595360. Retrieved 3 November 2016.
- Khan, Zafar (17 July 2014). Pakistan's Nuclear Policy: A Minimum Credible Deterrence. Routledge. p. 22. ISBN 9781317676010. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Hussain, Hamid. "Tale of a love affair that never was: United States-Pakistan Defence Relations". MIlitary Consortium of Pakistan. Military Consortium of Pakistan. Archived from the original on 4 March 2012. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
- Mitra, Subrata Kumar; Mike Enskat; Clemens Spiess (2004). Political parties in South Asia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 157. ISBN 0-275-96832-4.
- Haqqani, Husain (10 March 2010). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. Carnegie Endowment. pp. 44–45. ISBN 9780870032851. Retrieved 6 November 2016.
- McGarr, Paul M. (1 August 2013). The Cold War in South Asia: Britain, the United States and the Indian Subcontinent, 1945–1965. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107292260. Retrieved 6 November 2016.
- Malik, Hafeez (18 June 1990). Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East. Springer. ISBN 9781349113187. Retrieved 6 November 2016.
- The Guardian 11th July 2012 Retrieved December 2015
- Tariq Ali on Ayub Khan 4th January 2007 Retrieved December 2015
- Iqbal Ahmad Khan (5 April 2009). "Bhutto's foreign policy legacy". Dawn News Papers, 5 April 2009. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
- War over water The Guardian, Monday 3 June 2002 01.06 BST
- Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War by Victoria Schofield Published 2003, by I.B.Tauris ISBN 1-86064-898-3 p. 112.
- Ahmed, Khaled (9 August 2009). "Book Review: Sartaj Aziz on 'excessive' leaders". Pakistan Times. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016.
- Editorial publication (6 September 2005). "Nur Khan reminisces '65 war". DAWN.COM. Dawn newspapers, Editorial. Retrieved 31 October 2016.
- "Presidential Election | Elections were held on 2 January 1965". Story Of Pakistan. Story Of Pakistan, Elections 1965. 25 October 2013. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Goulbourne, Harry (2001). Race and Ethnicity: Solidarities and communities. London [u.a.]: Taylor & Francis. p. 232. ISBN 9780415225014.
- Riches, Christopher; Palmowski, Jan (15 September 2016). A Dictionary of Contemporary World History. Oxford University Press. p. xxx. ISBN 9780191060762. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Pike, John. "Military Intelligence – Pakistan Intelligence Agencies". www.globalsecurity.org. global security. Retrieved 5 November 2016.
- "Trouble with Mother". Time.com. 25 December 1964. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
- Abbas, Hassan (1 September 2004). Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror. M.E. Sharpe. pp. 52–53. ISBN 9780765631718. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Rath, Saroj Kumar (3 June 2015). Fragile Frontiers: The Secret History of Mumbai Terror Attacks. Routledge. ISBN 9781317562511. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan. Infobase Publishing. p. 196. ISBN 9780816061846. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- InpaperMagazine, From (31 August 2014). "Exit stage left: the movement against Ayub Khan". DAWN.COM. Dawn, Inpaper magazine. Dawn newspapers. Retrieved 8 November 2016.
- Hassan Abbas (2004). Pakistan's Drift Into Extremism: Allah, the Army, and America's War on Terror. M. E. Sharpe. ISBN 978-0-7656-1497-1., p. 53.
- Akbar, M. K. Pakistan from Jinnah to Sharif. Mittal Publications. pp. 43–47. ISBN 9788170996743. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- Siddiqui, Kalim. Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan. Springer, Siddiqui. p. 130. ISBN 9781349013395. Retrieved 1 November 2016.
- Constable, Pamela (19 July 2011). Playing with Fire: Pakistan at War with Itself. Random House Publishing Group. ISBN 9780679603450. Retrieved 4 November 2016.
- "Ex President of Pakistan Ayub Khan, Dies". Lawrence Journal-World (Vol.116 No.95). Islamabad, Pakistan. AP. 20 April 1974. p. 13. Retrieved 21 August 2016.
- "Ayub Khan dead at 67". Star-News (Vol. 44 No. 28). UPI. 20 April 1974. Retrieved 21 August 2016.
- "Field Marshal Ayub Dead; Ex‐President of Pakistan". The New York Times. 21 April 1974. Retrieved 21 August 2016.
- (Tariq Ali, The Duel, Simon & Schuster).
- Khan, Mohammad Ayub (1967). Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 5 November 2016.
- Unknown author, et.al (2011). "The Field Marshal from Beyond the Grave". archive.thedailystar.net. Daily Starr, 2011. Daily Starr. Retrieved 5 November 2016.
- Khan, Muhammad Ayub, "Friends Not Masters", Oxford University Press, 1967.
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 11 March 2013. Retrieved 23 December 2012.
- "Fatima Jinnah | Mother Of Nation (Mader-e Millat) @ Pakistan Herald". Pakistanherald.com. Archived from the original on 1 April 2012. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
- (Mazari 1999).
- (Pick April 1969).
- "Growth, poverty & politics". Yespakistan.com. 31 August 2004. Archived from the original on 10 May 2012. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
- "Pakistan-THE AYUB KHAN ERA". Mongabay.com. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
- "Mirza says PTI's rally an indicator of change". Thenews.com.pk. 4 November 2011. Archived from the original on 18 September 2013. Retrieved 9 December 2012., Zulfiqar Mirza's speech- 4 November 2011, Retrieved 25 August 2015
- "Photo Archive: Ayub Khan visits the US (1961)". The Friday Times. 16 September 2011. Retrieved 19 September 2011.
- "Senarai Penuh Penerima Darjah Kebesaran, Bintang dan Pingat Persekutuan Tahun 1962" (PDF).
- Khan, PA, Mohammad Ayub, "Diaries of Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1966–1972.
- Khan, Muhammad Ayub, "Friends Not Masters", Oxford University Press, Oxford, United Kingdom, 1967.
- Cloughley, Brian, "A History of the Pakistan Army" Oxford University Press, third edition 2006, Chapter 2, "Ayub Khan, Adjutant General to President".
- Aqil Shah, "Military and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan" Harvard University Press, 2014, pp. 72–94.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Muhammed Ayub Khan.|
- Ayub Khan Bio
- Official profile at Pakistan Army website
- Video clip of Ayub Khan in Paris----use QuickTime Player.
- Video clip of Ayub Khan with General De Gaulle
- Video clip in Rawalpindi
- "No. 42035". The London Gazette. 17 May 1960. p. 3465. Creation as an Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George on 26 April 1960
| Chief of Army Staff
Muhammad Ali Bogra
| Minister of Defence
Chaudhry Muhammad Ali
| President of Pakistan
| Chief Martial Law Administrator|
Muhammad Ayub Khuhro
| Minister of Defence
Afzal Rahman Khan
Khan Habibullah Khan
| Minister of the Interior
Chaudhry Ali Akbar Khan