Bagsecg

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Refer to caption
Bagsecg's name as it appears on folio 131r of British Library Cotton MS Tiberius B I (the "C" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle): "Bagsecg".[1]

Bagsecg (died 8 January 871), also known as Bacgsecg, was a ninth-century Viking, and one of the first to be recorded by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Both he and Healfdene were the two commanding Viking kings of the Great Army that set up camp at Reading, and invaded the Kingdom of Wessex in the winter of 870/871. The Great Army is recorded to have combated the West Saxons in several engagements in 871. One of these was the Battle of Ashdown, in which Bagsecg and five Viking earls were slain against the forces Æthelred, King of Wessex.

Upon Bagsecg's death, Healfdene seems to have been the sole king of the Great Army. The latter certainly seems to have been the principal leader when the Vikings overwintered in London later in the year. Three other Viking kings are identified by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in 875, and it is possible that some of them may have been elevated to kingly status on account of Bagsecg's demise. As early as the eighteenth- and nineteenth centuries, Bagsecg has been associated with Wayland's Smithy, a Neolithic long barrow, erroneously regarded to have been erected in memory of him. Other prehistoric sites, such as the nearby Seven Barrows, have been erroneously regarded as memorials to those who fell at the Battle of Ashdown.

The Great Army[edit]

A twelfth-century depiction of the invading Vikings on folio 9v of Pierpont Morgan Library MS M.736.[2]

In the mid ninth century, an invading Viking army coalesced in Anglo-Saxon England. The earliest version of the ninth–twelfth-century Anglo-Saxon Chronicle variously describes the invading host as "micel here",[3] an Old English term that can translate as "big army"[4] or "great army".[5][note 1] Archaeological evidence and documentary sources suggest that this Great Army was not a single unified force, but more of a composite collection of warbands drawn from different spheres.[7]

The exact origins of the Great Army are obscure.[8] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle usually identifies the Vikings as Danes or heathens.[9] The tenth-century Vita Alfredi, composed by Asser (died 909), seems to allege that the invaders came from Denmark.[10] The tenth-century Chronicon Æthelweardi, composed by Æthelweard (died 998?), reports that "the fleets of the tyrant Ingware arrived in England from the north", which may also evince a Scandinavian origin.[11] With the turn of the mid-ninth century, this Ingware (died 869?)[12] was one of the foremost Viking leaders in Britain and Ireland.[13]

Refer to caption
The names of Bagsecg and Healfdene as they appear on folio 6r of British Library Cotton MS Faustina B IX (the Chronicle of Melrose): "Basrechg".[14] Whilst Bagsecg's name is obscure,[15] Healfdene's clearly corresponds to an Old Norse name meaning "half Dane".[16]

In 869, the Kingdom of East Anglia fell to the Great Army, and Edmund, King of East Anglia was himself killed.[17] It may have been at about this date that Ingware either died or moved on to campaign in northern Britain and the Irish Sea region.[18][note 2] Thereafter, the leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to kings Bagsecg and Healfdene (died 877).[22] Bagsecg is one of the first Vikings to be named by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[23] He and Healfdene are the first principal Viking leaders attested by all versions of this source after the Great Army's recorded arrival.[24][note 3] Other than his name[32]—which is very obscure[15]—nothing further of Bagsecg's background is known.[32][note 4] One particular source, the Latin Chronicon Æthelweardi, accords him the name Berse.[44] Although this name is unattested by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, forms of it are recorded by the Durham Liber vitae, and it appears to represent the Old Norse Bersi, a name otherwise uncommon in Anglo-Saxon England.[45]

Invasion of Wessex[edit]

With the capitulation of the East Angles, the Vikings turned their attention towards the Kingdom of Wessex.[47] This was the final Anglo-Saxon realm to withstand the Vikings,[48] which could indicate that the latter sought to isolate the West Saxons before committing to a fullscale invasion.[49] Late in 870, the Great Army arrived at Reading on the banks of the River Thames.[50] There is reason to suspect that this seizure of Reading could have been timed to coincide with Christmas.[51] In any case, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports that the Vikings fought nine battles with the West Saxons in the following months, and elaborates on six of these.[52] Vita Alfredi lists eight such engagements, elaborating on only four.[53]

Illustration of a Viking army on the march
A nineteenth-century depiction of the Vikings that invaded the Kingdom of Wessex.[54]

Not long after having encamped at Reading, the Great Army appears to have divided, with part of it striking out into Wessex.[55] One of the recorded engagements between Vikings and West Saxons was the Battle of Englefield, in which Æthelwulf, Ealdorman of Berkshire (died 871) defeated a party of invaders lead by several earls.[56] It is possible that this conflict took place in the context of Bagsecg and Healfdene having the earls ride forth from Reading to forage, raid, and reconnoitre.[57] In any case, four days later, the Vikings and West Saxons again clashed. This time, the West Saxons confronted the Vikings at Reading, and were led by Æthelred, King of Wessex (died 871), and his younger brother, Alfred (died 899). The Battle of Reading ended in defeat for the West Saxons.[58]

Battle of Ashdown[edit]

Illustration of a medieval battle
A nineteenth-century depiction of the Battle of Ashdown.[59]

Four days after the disaster at Reading, the West Saxons intercepted a massed force of Vikings at the Battle of Ashdown, fought somewhere in the Berkshire Downs.[60] According to Vita Alfredi, the West Saxons were "aroused by grief and shame" to meet the Vikings in battle.[61] It is uncertain what motivated the Vikings to meet their opponents in the open ground. One possibility is that the Vikings' recent victory at Reading had emboldened them to the extent that they intended to destroy the demoralised West Saxon army once and for all.[62]

Surviving sources give differing accounts of the conflict. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Æthelred fought the division of Vikings commanded by two kings, Bagsecg and Healfdene, whilst Alfred fought the division led by several earls, including Sidroc the Old, Sidroc the Young, Osbern, Fræna, and Harold. According to this source, Bagsecg and the five named earls were slain in the encounter.[63][note 5] The account of events preserved by Chronicon Æthelweardi,[70] as well as that dictated by Vita Alfredi, corroborate the identities of the Viking leadership, and reveal that the battle was particularly large, and particularly bloody, with thousands of casualties.[71][note 6]

Illustration of a medieval battle
An early twentieth-century depiction of Alfred, younger brother of Æthelred, at the Battle of Ashdown.[73]

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle relates that fighting continued on into the night, suggesting that the West-Saxons indeed won a bloody and drawn-out affair.[74] According to Vita Alfredi, the Viking dead were dispersed "over the whole broad expanse of Ashdown, scattered everywhere, far and wide".[75] Although the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Chronicon Æthelweardi claim that the West Saxons fought the entire Great Army, it is unlikely that the Vikings left their encampment at Reading unprotected. Nevertheless, the various accounts suggest that there were many more Viking combatants at the Battle of Ashdown than at the Battle of Englefield, and probably more than at the Battle of Reading.[76]

Refer to caption
A coin of Healfdene dating to his occupation of London.[77] The fact that Healfdene minted coins in London reveals that he was the principal leader of the Great Army following Bagsecg's demise.[78]

Despite the contradictory accounts of the conflict, the sources are united in portraying the battle as a resounding success for the West Saxons.[79] Nevertheless, there is reason to suspect that the accounts have somewhat exaggerated the outcome, and that it could have been a more of a Pyrrhic victory.[80] Certainly, Healfdene led the Vikings to a victory over the West Saxons at the Battle of Basing two weeks later,[81] and again at the Battle of Meretun two months after that.[82][note 7] Æthelred died not long after Easter,[85] possibly from wounds suffered in one of the conflicts,[86] after which Alfred succeeded to the kingship.[87] About a month later, Alfred struck out at the Vikings, but was again defeated by Healfdene at the Battle of Wilton.[88] According to Chronicon Æthelweardi, the West Saxons "made peace" with the Vikings[89]—a statement echoed by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle[90] and Vita Alfredi[91]—indicating that the West Saxons purchased a cessation of violence.[92] The Vikings thereafter left Wessex and based themselves in London,[93] where the Mercians also bought their peace.[94]

Photo of a Neolithic long barrow
The prehistoric site of Wayland's Smithy was erroneously regarded as Bagsecg's memorial as early as the eighteenth- and nineteenth centuries.[95]

As a result of Bagsecg's demise, it would appear that Healfdene temporarily reigned as the sole king of the Great Army.[96][note 8] The evidence of the Vikings' constant campaigning against the West Saxons, combined with the fact that a considerable number of men must have been left behind in East Anglia, suggests that the Great Army was considerably weaker in the Spring of 871 than it had been before then. Nevertheless, news of their success in Wessex appears to have enticed the arrival of another Viking army at Reading.[97] This overseas force, variously called micel sumorlida by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, thereupon united with Healfdene's men.[98][note 9] The commanders of this arriving army could well be identical to Guthrum (died 890), Oscytel (fl. 875), and Anwend (fl. 875), three Viking kings noted by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in 875.[107] One or more of these men may have been elevated to the status of king because of Bagsecg's death in 871.[108]

As early as the eighteenth- and nineteenth centuries, Bagsecg has been associated with Wayland's Smithy,[95] a Neolithic long barrow,[109] erroneously thought to have been erected as a memorial to him.[95][note 10] Other prehistoric sites,[115] specifically the Seven Barrows in the region of Lambourn, have been mistakenly interpreted as memorials to the earls slain at the Battle of Ashdown.[116] As early as the eighteenth- and nineteenth centuries,[117] the Uffington White Horse, dating to the Late Bronze Age,[118] has been incorrectly considered as an Anglo-Saxon memorial to Alfred and the victory at the Battle of Ashdown.[117]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ The earliest form of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is the "A" version. Forms of the Old English term "mycel hæðen here", meaning "great heathen raiding-army", are accorded to the army in later versions.[6]
  2. ^ Chronicon Æthelweardi states that Ingware died in the same year as Edmund.[19] Whilst there is reason to suspect that Ingware is identical to Ímar (died 873), a Viking king later active in Ireland and northern Britain,[20] such an identification is nevertheless uncertain.[21]
  3. ^ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not actually identify Ingware as a leader of the Great Army. In fact, he is noted by this source in an account of an invasion of Devon in 878, in which the Viking commander of the operation is identified as a brother of both he and Healfdene.[25] Many of the earliest Vikings attested by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle are those that lost recorded battles or died in them.[26] Such is certainly the case in Irish sources. The fifteenth–sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster, for example, reports the deaths of Saxolb (died 837),[27] Tuirgéis (died 845),[28] Agonn (died 847),[29] and Tomrair (died 848) in the 830s and 840s,[30] before naming the first living Viking, Stain (fl. 852), in the 850s.[31] The fact that Ingware is not noted by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle until after his death may be related to the fact that he did not suffer any defeats against the Anglo-Saxons.[26]
  4. ^ Surviving sources give many differing forms of Bagsecg's name. The "A" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives "Bachsecg" and "Bagsecg";[33] the "B" version gives "Bagsceg";[34] the "C" version gives "Bagsecg";[35] the "D" version gives "Bagsecg";[36] the "E" version gives "Bagsecg" and "Basecg";[37] the "F" version gives "Bagsæc" and "Bagsec";[38] and the "G" version gives "Bachsecg".[39] The edition of Vita Alfredi preserved by Cambridge Corpus Christi College MS 100 gives "Bægscecg";[40] the edition preserved by British Library MS Cotton Otho A xii gives "Beagstecg";[41] and the edition of preserved by Cambridge University Library MS Additional 3825 gives "Beagscecg".[40] The account of the twelfth-century Chronicon ex chronicis gives "Bagsecg".[42] The account of the twelfth-century Annals of St Neots gives "Beagsecg".[43]
  5. ^ According to some versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, an earl named Sidroc was slain at the Battle of Englefield.[64] The "A" and "F" versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle of this source do not name him.[65] Although Vita Alfredi mentions the earl, he is not named by this particular source.[66] Whilst it is possible that a man by the name indeed fought at Englefield,[67] the record of his demise in this conflict may be confused, and may actually refer to the Battle of Ashdown, in which two earls of the same name (Sidroc the Old and Sidroc the Young) certainly did perish.[68] The accounts of the Battle of Ashdown are the first historical sources to make note of Healfdene.[69]
  6. ^ There is little evidence concerning the organisational structure of the Great Army. Although the Vikings at the Battle of Ashdown appear to have fought in two divisions—with one led by Bagsecg and Healfdene, and the other led by the earls—nothing further is known of the command arrangement. There is reason to suspect that, in comparison to their Anglo-Saxon counterparts, Viking leaders generally had fewer resources to reward their followers. This could mean that ninth-century Viking commanders possessed personal retinues of a single ship. If such was the case at the Battle of Ashdown, with the kings and earls commanding about forty personal followers apiece, the Viking forces would have numbered at least about three hundred men.[72]
  7. ^ The specific dates of the battles are unrecorded, although the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives precise spans of time between most of them. For example: the Battle of Reading is stated to have taken place four days after the Battle of Englefield; the Battle of Ashdown four days after that; the Battle of Basing fourteen days after that; and the Battle of Meretun two months after that.[83] One of the West Saxons slain in the latter conflict was Heahmund, Bishop of Sherborne. The fact that Heahmund is assigned the date 22 March by English martyrologies could indicate that this was the day of his demise. If correct, the battles can be assigned the following dates: the Battle of Englefield on 31 December 870; the Battle of Reading on 4 January 871; the Battle of Ashdown on 8 January 871; the Battle of Basing on 22 January 871; and the Battle of Mereton on 22 March 871.[84]
  8. ^ Coins bearing Healfdene's name, minted in London at about the time of the Great Army's removal from Wessex, reveal that he was the most prominent leader of the Vikings in London.[78]
  9. ^ The Old English micel sumorlida, micel sumer lida, mycel sumorlida can translate as "big summer-army",[99] "great summer army",[100] "great summer-fleet",[101] "great summer fleet",[102] "great summer hosting",[103] "great summer-lead",[104] "large Danish summer-fleet",[105] and "large summer force".[106]
  10. ^ The barrow has also been associated with the Germanic mythological figure Wayland the Smith. An Anglo-Saxon charter appears to reveal that the site was associated with him as early as the ninth century.[110] The site was certainly connected with the legend of a supernatural smith by the eighteenth- and nineteenth centuries.[111] In fact, Alfred himself refers to Wayland in his Old English translation of the sixth-century De consolatione philosophiae.[112] One possibility is that, if the barrow was located near where the Battle of Ashdown was fought, Alfred was aware of the site and knew of its association with the legend of Wayland.[113] In the nineteenth-century, it was conjectured that a particular tree in Harwell—called "Bag's Tree"—marked the spot of Bagsecg's demise.[114]

Citations[edit]

  1. ^ O'Keeffe (2001) p. 59; Thorpe (1861) p. 138.
  2. ^ Williams, G (2017) p. 31; The Life and Miracles of St. Edmund (n.d.).
  3. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13; Sheldon (2011) p. 12, 12 n. 13; McLeod, S (2013) p. 64, 64 n. 16; Swanton (1996) p. 68; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 68; Thorpe (1861) p. 130.
  4. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 14; Downham (2013b) p. 52; Downham (2012) p. 4; Sheldon (2011) p. 12.
  5. ^ Downham (2013a) pp. 13–14; Downham (2013b) p. 52; McLeod, S (2013) p. 64; Halsall (2007) p. 106; Williams, A (1999) p. 69.
  6. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 231; McLeod, S (2013) p. 64; Sheldon (2011) p. 12, 12 n. 13; Irvine (2004) p. 48; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 57; Swanton (1996) p. 69; Whitelock (1996) p. 196; Taylor (1983) p. 33; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 69, 69 n. 3; Thorpe (1861) pp. 130–131; Conybeare (1914) p. 140; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 43.
  7. ^ Hadley; Richards; Brown et al. (2016) p. 55.
  8. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13; Woolf (2007) p. 71.
  9. ^ McLeod, S (2013) p. 64; Woolf (2007) p. 71.
  10. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13; Downham (2013b) p. 53; Downham (2007) p. 64; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 21, ch. 21 n. 44; Conybeare (1914) p. 98 ch. 24 § 21; Cook (1906) p. 13 ch. 21; Giles (1906) p. 50; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 19 ch. 21; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 449.
  11. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 13, 13 n. 23; Downham (2007) p. 64; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 21 n. 44; Swanton (1996) p. 68 n. 5; Whitelock (1996) p. 196 n. 5; McTurk (1976) pp. 117 n. 173, 119; Conybeare (1914) p. 156 bk. 4 ch. 2 § 1; Giles (1906) p. 25 bk. 4 ch. 2; The Whole Works of King Alfred the Great (1858) p. 30; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 427 bk. 4 ch. 2.
  12. ^ Downham (2007) p. 64; Woolf (2007) p. 73; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 21 n. 44.
  13. ^ Downham (2007) p. 67; Woolf (2007) pp. 71–73.
  14. ^ Stevenson, J (1856) p. 91; Stevenson, J (1835) p. 19; Cotton MS Faustina B IX (2004).
  15. ^ a b Townend (2002) pp. 112–113; Lehiste (1958) pp. 7–9.
  16. ^ Townend (2002) pp. 114–115.
  17. ^ Downham (2007) p. 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 72; Costambeys (2004b); Gransden (2004); Keynes (2001) p. 54; Stenton (1963) p. 246.
  18. ^ Abels (2013) p. 125; Downham (2007) pp. 66–67; Costambeys (2004a); Costambeys (2004b); Keynes (2001) p. 54; Stenton (1963) pp. 247–248.
  19. ^ Downham (2011) p. 192; Downham (2007) p. 66; Costambeys (2004b); Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 32 n. 61; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 315, 319; McTurk (1976) p. 117 n. 174; Giles (1906) p. 26 bk. 4 ch. 2; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 428 bk. 4 ch. 2.
  20. ^ Downham (2007) p. 66; Costambeys (2004b); Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 21 n. 44; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Jaski (1995) p. 318 n. 29; Ó Corráin (1979); Stenton (1963) pp. 247–248.
  21. ^ Downham (2011) p. 192; Downham (2007) p. 66; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 21 n. 44; Keynes (2001) p. 54; Jaski (1995) p. 318 n. 29; Ó Corráin (1979); Stenton (1963) p. 248.
  22. ^ Holm (2015); Abels (2013) p. 125; Yorke (1995) p. 109.
  23. ^ Townend (2002) p. 112; Lehiste (1958) pp. 7–8.
  24. ^ McLeod, SH (2011) p. 123; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 316.
  25. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 233; McLeod, SH (2011) p. 123, 123 n. 24; Irvine (2004) p. 50; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 54 n. 99; Smyth (2002) p. 226 nn. 157–159; O'Keeffe (2001) pp. 61–62; Swanton (1996) pp. 74–77; Whitelock (1996) p. 200; Brooks (1979) p. 4; Ó Corráin (1979) pp. 315–316, 322; McTurk (1976) p. 119; Conybeare (1914) p. 143; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 74–77; Thorpe (1861) pp. 146–147; Stevenson, J (1853) pp. 46–47.
  26. ^ a b Woolf (2007) p. 73.
  27. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10, 10 n. 35; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 837.9; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 837.9; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12.
  28. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10, 10 n. 36; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 845.8; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 845.8; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12.
  29. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10, 10 n. 36; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 847.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 847.4; Anderson (1922) p. 278, 278 n. 1.
  30. ^ Kulovesi (2017) p. 10; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 848.5; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 848.5; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12; Anderson (1922) p. 278, 278 n. 5.
  31. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 852.3; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 852.3; Woolf (2007) p. 73 n. 12.
  32. ^ a b Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 37 n. 68; Whitelock (1996) p. 198 n. 2; Brooks (1979) p. 8.
  33. ^ Cowen (2004) pp. 46–47; Irvine (2004) p. lii; Swanton (1996) p. 70; Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 70; Thorpe (1861) p. 138.
  34. ^ Irvine (2004) p. lii; Taylor (1983) pp. lvi, 35; Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 70 n. 3; Thorpe (1861) p. 138; Bagsecg 1 (n.d.).
  35. ^ Irvine (2004) p. lii; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 59; Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 70 n. 3; Thorpe (1861) p. 138; Bagsecg 1 (n.d.).
  36. ^ Irvine (2004) p. lii; Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 70 n. 3; Thorpe (1861) p. 139; Bagsecg 1 (n.d.).
  37. ^ Irvine (2004) pp. lii, 49, 148; Swanton (1996) p. 71; Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Plummer; Earle (1892) p. 71; Thorpe (1861) p. 139.
  38. ^ Baker (2000) p. 69; Irvine (2004) p. lii; Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Thorpe (1861) p. 137; Bagsecg 1 (n.d.).
  39. ^ Lehiste (1958) p. 8; Bagsecg 1 (n.d.).
  40. ^ a b Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 31 n. 20.
  41. ^ Anscombe (1920); Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 31 n. 20.
  42. ^ Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 31 n. 20; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 217; Forester (1854) p. 63; Thorpe (1848) p. 85.
  43. ^ Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 31 n. 20; Gale (1691) p. 163.
  44. ^ Townend (2002) pp. 112–113; Giles (1906) p. 27 bk. 4 ch. 2; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 428 bk. 4 ch. 2; Bagsecg 1 (n.d.).
  45. ^ Townend (2002) pp. 112–113.
  46. ^ Grueber (1899) p. 24 § 133, pl. 4 § 133.
  47. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 16; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 72; Keynes (2001) p. 54.
  48. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 72.
  49. ^ Downham (2013a) p. 16 n. 34.
  50. ^ Williams, G (2017) pp. 31–32, 34; Downham (2013a) p. 16; Halsall (2007) pp. 155, 278 n. 143; Costambeys (2004b); Miller (2004); Stenton (1963) p. 246.
  51. ^ Halsall (2007) pp. 155, 278 n. 143.
  52. ^ Lavelle (2014) ch. 7 ¶ 1; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 232; Downham (2013a) p. 16; Costambeys (2004a); Irvine (2004) p. 49; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 42 n. 78; Smyth (2002) p. 223 n. 118; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 59; Swanton (1996) pp. 72–73; Whitelock (1996) p. 198, 198 n. 12; Yorke (1995) p. 110; Taylor (1983) p. 35; Conybeare (1914) p. 142; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 72–73; Thorpe (1861) pp. 140–141; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 45.
  53. ^ Lavelle (2014) ch. 7 ¶ 1; Downham (2013a) p. 16; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 42, ch. 42 n. 78; Smyth (2002) p. 21 ch. 42; Conybeare (1914) p. 106 ch. 42 § 45; Cook (1906) pp. 23–24 ch. 42; Giles (1906) p. 57; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 33 ch. 42; Stevenson, J (1854) pp. 454–455.
  54. ^ Hughes (1859) pp. 68–69.
  55. ^ Williams, G (2017) pp. 32, 34; Downham (2013a) p. 16; Abels (2013) pp. 126–127.
  56. ^ Williams, G (2017) pp. 32, 34; Downham (2013a) p. 16; Kirby (2002) p. 174; Abels (2013) pp. 126–127; Stenton (1963) p. 246.
  57. ^ Abels (2013) pp. 126–127.
  58. ^ Williams, G (2017) pp. 32–33; Downham (2013a) p. 17; Miller (2004); Kirby (2002) p. 174; Stenton (1963) p. 246.
  59. ^ Hughes (1859) p. frontis.
  60. ^ Williams, G (2017) pp. 34–35; Abels (2013) p. 129; Downham (2013a) p. 17; Bradbury (2005) p. 142; Miller (2004); Stenton (1963) pp. 246–247.
  61. ^ Abels (2013) p. 129; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 37; Smyth (2002) p. 18 ch. 37; Conybeare (1914) p. 103 ch. 37 § 37; Cook (1906) p. 20 ch. 37; Giles (1906) p. 54; Stevenson, WH (1904) p. 30 ch. 39; Stevenson, J (1854) p. 453.
  62. ^ Abels (2013) pp. 129–130.
  63. ^ Williams, G (2017) pp. 37–38; Hadley; Richards; Brown et al. (2016) p. 55; Richards; Hadley (2016) p. 41; Abels (2015) pp. 50–51; Holm (2015); Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 232; Downham (2013a) p. 17; Ó Cróinín (2013) ch. 9 ¶ 67; Heather (2010) ch. 9 ¶ 69; Costambeys (2004a); Costambeys (2004c); Cowen (2004) pp. 46–47; Irvine (2004) p. 49; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 59; Baker (2000) p. 69; Swanton (1996) pp. 70–71, 71 n. 11; Whitelock (1996) p. 198, 198 nn. 3–4; Taylor (1983) pp. lvi, 35; Ó Corráin (1979) p. 316; Johnston (1975) p. 130; Storms (1972) p. 435 n. 1; Conybeare (1914) p. 141; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70–71; Thorpe (1861) pp. 137–139; Stevenson, J (1853) pp. 44–45.
  64. ^ Williams, G (2017) p. 32; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 232; Downham (2013a) p. 16; Irvine (2004) p. 48; Keynes; Lapidge (2004) ch. 35 n. 65; O'Keeffe (2001) p. 59; Swanton (1996) pp. 70 n. 8, 71; Whitelock (1996) p. 197; Taylor (1983) p. 34; Conybeare (1914) p. 141; Plummer; Earle (1892) pp. 70 n. 2, 71; Thorpe (1861) pp. 136–137; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 44, 44 n. 4.
  65. ^ Baker (2000) p. 69; Swanton (1996) pp. 70, 70 n. 8; Whitelock (1996) p. 197 n. 10; Stevenson, J (1853) p. 44, 44 n. 4; Thorpe (1861) p. 137.
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Primary sources[edit]

Secondary sources[edit]