Caliphate of Córdoba

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Caliphate of Córdoba

خِلَاَفَةُ قُرْطُبَةٍ
Khilāfat Qurṭuba (in Arabic)
Caliphate of Córdoba (green), c. 1000.
Caliphate of Córdoba (green), c. 1000.
Common languages
GovernmentTheocratic monarchy
• 929 – 961
Abd ar-Rahman III
• Abd ar-Rahman III proclaimed Caliph of Córdoba[1]
• Disintegrated into several independent taifa kingdoms
1000 est.[2]600,000 km2 (230,000 sq mi)
• 1000 est.
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Emirate of Córdoba
Taifa of Córdoba
Taifa of Seville
Taifa of Zaragoza
Today part ofGibraltar (UK)

The Caliphate of Córdoba (Arabic: خِلَاَفَةُ قُرْطُبَةٍ‎; trans. Khilāfat Qurṭuba) was a state in Islamic Iberia along with a part of North Africa ruled by the Umayyad dynasty. The state, with the capital in Córdoba, existed from 929 to 1031. The region was formerly dominated by the Umayyad Emirate of Córdoba (756–929). The period was characterized by an expansion of trade and culture, and saw the construction of masterpieces of al-Andalus architecture. In January 929, Abd ar-Rahman III proclaimed himself Caliph (Arabic: خليفة) of Córdoba[3], replacing thus his original title of Emir of Córdoba (Arabic: أمير قرطبة 'Amīr Qurṭuba). He was a member of the Umayyad dynasty, which had held the title of Emir of Córdoba since 756.

The caliphate disintegrated during the Fitna of al-Andalus, a civil war between the descendants of the last caliph, Hisham II, and the successors of his hayib (court official), Al-Mansur. In 1031, after years of infighting, the caliphate fractured into a number of independent Muslim taifa (kingdoms).[4]

Umayyad Dynasty[edit]


Abd ar-Rahman I became Emir of Córdoba in 756 after six years in exile after the Umayyads lost the position of Caliph in Damascus to the Abbasids in 750.[5] Intent on regaining power, he defeated the area's existing Islamic rulers and united various local fiefdoms into an emirate.[6] Raids then increased the emirate's size; the first to go as far as Corsica occurred in 806.[7]

The emirate's rulers used the title "emir" or "sultan" until the 10th century. In the early 10th century, Abd ar-Rahman III faced a threatened invasion from North Africa by the Fatimids, a Shiite rival Islamic empire based in Cairo. Since the invading Fatimids claimed the caliphate, Abd ar-Rahman III claimed the title of caliph himself.[8] Prior to Abd ar-Rahman's proclamation as the caliph, the Umayyads generally recognized the Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad as being the rightful rulers of the Muslim community.[9] Even after repulsing the Fatimids, he kept the more prestigious title.[10] Although his position as caliph was not accepted outside of al-Andalus and its North African affiliates, internally the Spanish Umayyads considered themselves as closer to Muhammad, and thus more legitimate, than the Abbasids.


The caliphate enjoyed increased prosperity during the 10th century. Abd ar-Rahman III united al-Andalus and brought the Christian kingdoms of the north under control by force and through diplomacy. Abd ar-Rahman III stopped the Fatimid advance into Morocco and al-Andalus in order to prevent a future invasion. The plan for a Fatimid invasion was thwarted when Abd ar-Rahman III secured Melilla in 927, Ceuta in 931, and Tangier in 951.[9] This period of prosperity was marked by increasing diplomatic relations with Berber tribes in North Africa, Christian kings from the north, and with France, Germany and Constantinople.[11] The caliphate became very profitable during the reign of Abd ar-Rahman III, by increasing the public revenue to 6,245,000 dinars from Abd ar-Rahman II. The profits made during this time were divided into three parts: the payment of the salaries and maintenance of the army, the preservation of public buildings, and the needs of the caliph.[9] The death of Abd ar-Rahman III led to the rise of his 46-year-old son, Al-Hakam II, in 961. Al-Hakam II continued his father's policy, dealing humanely with disruptive Christian kings and North African rebels. Al-Hakam's reliance on his advisers was greater than his father's because the previous prosperity under Abd ar-Rahman III allowed al-Hakam II to let the caliphate run by itself. This style of rulership suited al-Hakam II since he was more interested in his scholarly and intellectual pursuits than ruling the caliphate. The caliphate was at its intellectual and scholarly peak under al-Hakam II.[12][13]

The Caliphate of Córdoba under Abd ar-Rahman III.


The death of al-Hakam II in 976 marked the beginning of the end of the caliphate. Before his death, al-Hakam named his only son Hisham II successor. Although the 10 year old child was ill-equipped to be caliph, Al-Mansur Ibn Abi Aamir (top adviser to al-Hakam, also known as Almanzor), who had sworn an oath of obedience to Hisham II, pronounced him caliph. Almanzor had great influence over Subh, the mother and regent of Hisham II. Almanzor, along with Subh, isolated Hisham in Córdoba while systematically eradicating opposition to his own rule, allowing Berbers from Africa to migrate to al-Andalus to increase his base of support.[14] While Hisham II was caliph, he was merely a figurehead.[15] He, his son Abd al-Malik (al-Muzaffar, after his 1008 death) and his brother (Abd al-Rahman) retained the power nominally held by Caliph Hisham. However, during a raid on the Christian north a revolt tore through Córdoba and Abd al-Rahman never returned.[16][17]

The title of caliph became symbolic, without power or influence. The death of Abd al-Rahman Sanchuelo in 1009 marked the beginning of the Fitna of al-Andalus, with rivals claiming to be the new caliph, violence sweeping the caliphate, and intermittent invasions by the Hammudid dynasty.[13] Beset by factionalism, the caliphate crumbled in 1031 into a number of independent taifas, including the Taifa of Córdoba, Taifa of Seville and Taifa of Zaragoza. The last Córdoban Caliph was Hisham III (1027–1031).


Inside of a mosque, with archways and pillars
Interior of the Mezquita (Mosque), one of the finest examples of Umayyad architecture in Spain.

Córdoba was the cultural centre of al-Andalus.[18] Mosques, such as the Great Mosque, were the focus of many caliphs' attention. The caliph's palace, Medina Azahara is on the outskirts of the city, where an estimated 10,000 laborers and artisans worked for decades on the palace, constructing the decorated buildings and courtyards filled with fountains and airy domes.[19] Córdoba was also the intellectual centre of al-Andalus, with translations of ancient Greek texts into Arabic, Latin and Hebrew. During the reign of al-Hakam II, the royal library possessed an estimated 500,000 volumes. For comparison, the Abbey of Saint Gall in Switzerland contained just over 100 volumes.[13] The university in Córdoba became the most celebrated in the world. It was attended by Christian students from all Western Europe, as well as Muslim students. The university produced one hundred and fifty authors. Other universities and libraries were scattered through Spain during this golden age.[20] The library of Al-Ḥakam II was one of the largest libraries in the world, housing at least 400,000 volumes.[21] During the Caliphate period, relations between Jews and Arabs were cordial; Jewish stonemasons helped build the columns of the Great Mosque.

Advances in science, history, geography, philosophy, and language occurred during the Caliphate.[22] Al-Andalus was subject to eastern cultural influences as well. The musician Ziryab is credited with bringing hair and clothing styles, toothpaste, and deodorant from Baghdad to the Iberian peninsula.[23]


The economy of the caliphate was diverse and successful, with trade predominating. Muslim trade routes connected al-Andalus with the outside world via the Mediterranean. Industries revitalized during the caliphate included textiles, ceramics, glassware, metalwork, and agriculture. The Arabs introduced crops such as rice, watermelon, banana, eggplant and hard wheat. Fields were irrigated with water wheels. Some of the most prominent merchants of the caliphate were Jews. Jewish merchants had extensive networks of trade that stretched the length of the Mediterranean Sea. Since there was no international banking system at the time, payments relied on a high level of trust, and this level of trust could only be cemented through personal or family bonds, such as marriage. Jews from al-Andalus, Cairo, and the Levant all intermarried across borders. Therefore, Jewish merchants in the caliphate had counterparts abroad that were willing to do business with them.[24]

The demands made upon timber supply by the rapid urbanization of Andalusia (house construction, furniture, industrial fuel), by intensification of agriculture (hydraulic wheels), and by the rise of the Umayyad state to hegemony in the western Mediterranean (naval supplies) resulted in a retreat of forests from high demand areas, the growth of wood-related industries in remote mountain villages, and the establishment of bonds of economic interdependence with the North African coastal region.


Agriculture emerged as a primary component of the economy of Andalusia. Prior to the Arab conquest of the region, agriculture was being managed in the Roman tradition. Arab rulers introduced new patterns in the production of wheat, cotton, fig etc. and also introduced new means of irrigation, particularly the noria system. Plantations of olives were also encouraged. Increased agricultural production not only boosted the economy of Andalusia, but proved instrumental in transforming the dietary habits of the native population. The fertile lowland areas were reserved for the Arabs and their Neo-Muslim or Christian tenants for the development of hydraulic agriculture; the Berbers maintained a pastoral and arboricultural economy in the mountains; and cereal farming was maintained by the indigenous population.[25] The familiar Mediterranean environment of southern Spain allowed for Arab settlers to establish themselves comfortably without radically changing their settlement patterns, agricultural traditions or diet. Al-Himyari likened Andalusia to Syria in fertility and "the purity of its air," to the Yemen for its even, temperate climate, to India for its aromatic plants, to China for its mineral richness, and to Aden for its seashore economy. In the aftermath of the Islamic conquest, there occurred extensive Syrianization of the landscape throughout the eighth century. Settlement of Syrian junds or contingents in places like Seville and Valencia; the wholesale importation of Syrian styles, introduction of Syrian agricultural systems, of hydraulic machinery used in Syria, of Syrian building techniques and decorative motifs, the deliberate importation of vegetation native to Syria were among the many discrete measures that contributed to the Syrianization of Andalusia.[25]

The process of economic growth in Andalusia had become closely linked to the introduction and acclimatization of new crops based on Arab agricultural system. Of the plants brought by the Arabs to the peninsula, their Arabic names passed into the Spanish languages. Amir Abd al-Rahmân I was personally responsible for the introduction of several species, including the date palm. A variety of pomegranate was introduced from Damascus by the chief judge of Cordoba, Mu'awiya b. Salih, who personally presented the plant to the Amir. From the palace at Cordova, a Jordanian soldier named Safar took a cutting and planted it on his estate in the Málaga region. This species, called safrî after the soldier, subsequently became widely diffused. The poet al-Ghazâl of Jaén returned from a mission to the east early in the ninth century with the donegal fig, which became one of the four or five staple fig varieties in the country. The full description of the poet's modus operandi is symptomatic of the way cultural elements were diffused in that cosmopolitan world:

The donegal (dunaqal) fig was introduced by al-Ghazâl when he went from Córdoba to Constantinople as an envoy. He saw that fig there and admired it. It was forbidden to take anything from Constantinople. He took the green figs and put them with his books that he had wrapped up, after he had unfolded the strings and wrapped them again. When he made his departure, he was searched and no sign was found of it. When he arrived in Cordoba he removed the plant from the middle of the twine, planted it, and cared for it. When it bore fruit, he went with the fig to the lord of Córdoba and it amazed him. He told him about his ruse in procuring it. The lord thanked him for his deed and asked him about its name. Al-Ghazal replied: 'I do not know what its name is except that when the one who picks it gives some of it to someone he says ‘Dunahu qawli’ which means "Oh my lord, look!" and so the Commander of the Faithful named it Dunaqal.[25]

Such details are all too infrequent in the literature, but represent what must have been a common pattern. Newly introduced plants were frequently acclimatized in royal gardens, first in that of the Umayyads in Cordoba and, in the eleventh century, in the royal gardens of Toledo (where the agronomists ibn Bassâl and ibn Wâfid Dirasat were both employed) and Almería. Many of the new plants were either tropical or semi-tropical varieties that required irrigation, or were temperate species that could only be stabilized in a semi-arid environment by irrigation. Therefore the Andalusian agronomists paid special attention to the water requirements of each species. Ibn al-'Awwam was precise in stipulating the water needs of mountainous plants transplanted in the lowlands. Sugarcane was chief among the newly introduced irrigated crops, which in Andalusia was watered every four to eight days, and rice, which had to be continually submerged. Cotton was cultivated at least from the end of the eleventh century and was irrigated, according to ibn Bassâl, every two weeks from the time it sprouted until first of August. The Andalusians were almost self-sufficient in cotton and exported it. Oranges and other citrus plants were also irrigated, as were many fruit trees and dry-farming crops. Coupled with extension and intensification of irrigation, the introduction of new crops gave rise to a complex and varied agricultural system, whereby a greater variety of soil types were put to efficient use; where fields that had been yielding one crop yearly at most prior to the Islamic invasion were now capable of yielding three or more crops, in rotation; and where agricultural production responded to the demands of an increasingly sophisticated and cosmopolitan urban population by providing the towns with a variety of products unknown in northern Europe.[25]

In the Islamic Andalusia, emphasis was laid on urban water supply projects, such as the canalization of water from the Sierra Morena to supply the Mosque of Córdoba, built at the behest of the caliph 'Abd al-Rahmân III. Viewed in a broad spectrum, irrigation systems influence the power structure not through administrative or labor requirements but, through the production of local surpluses which are then converted into tokens of power and prestige in the outer world. The beneficiaries of this development, as Lombard puts it, the urban merchant class, were soon able to purchase land in the surrounding countryside and thus to establish a real dominance of the towns over the countryside. Broadly speaking, this process was responsible for the creation of the typical urban-huerta landscape, a town surrounded by a belt of fields irrigated either from gravity-flow canals or by means of wells tapped by animal-driven hydraulic wheels. Spurred by economic growth and reinforced by technological innovations, the process was self-perpetuating unless interrupted by a major economic catastrophe. Andalusia managed to avoid the decay which had begun to afflict other areas of the Islamic world as a result of the disruptions of the eleventh century.[25]

There were two kinds of irrigation systems in Andalusia, although the huertas resultant from their development were quite similar both in structure and in economic function. In first category included systems where individual fields were served by canals bearing water delivered by gravity flow either from a river or from a spring. Secondly, there were other huertas where individual fields were served by wells, with the water raised to the height of the fields by an animal-driven hydraulic wheel. In addition, fields could be watered by current-driven wheels, lifting water from a river or a canal, combining the two modes. Apart from harnessing the specific technologies, these irrigation systems were also characterized by the manner in which water was distributed to the users. There is very little documentary evidence surviving from the Islamic period in Andalusia and therefore perceptions about the irrigation arrangements followed in the Islamic Andalusia are based on the rich documentation surviving from the centuries after Christians had taken over the systems, preserving Islamic customs, and from comparative study of traditional irrigation systems in contemporary Islamic countries. The distribution of water among the eight canals of the Valencian huerta was associated with a specific Islamic model. The river, now called by its Roman name the Turia, but in Islamic times known as the Wâd al Abyad (Guadalaviar, "White River"), was considered to be divided into successive stages, each stage representing the point of derivation of one main canal which drew all the water at that stage, or of two canals, dividing the water among them. At each stage the river was considered to hold twenty-four units of water. The twelve-base system is standard in many areas of the Islamic world and is clearly related to the hours of the day. A paradigmatic system, so structured, would envision a river divided into 168 units (representing seven days and nights, or 144 if a day of rest was customary).9 The units were not, however, expressed in hours, but as simple proportions of a whole. Thus, in times of abundance, each canal drew water from the river according to the capacity of the canal; in times of drought, the canals would take water in turn, for a commensurate number of hours or a proportional equivalent.[25]

Viewed in a broad spectrum, the Arabs introduced hard wheat (Triticum durum) to Europe, and that this was associated with the wheat called darmaq, which passed into medieval Castilian as adârgama. Millet, the lower-class staple, was replaced by sorghum (Arabic dhura, yielding medieval Castilian aldora), was imported from the Sudan, perhaps by Berbers. Sorghum played a significant social and nutritional role in Andalusia. However, there were powerful climatic justifications for the replacement of soft wheat and rye by hard wheat and sorghum, respectively. Hard wheat was resistant to heat and drought, and sorghum, though it required some moisture in the early part of its growing season, could mature in a summer that was very hot and dry. The procilivity of the dry Iberian air to long-term storage of cereals was much remarked by medieval geographical writers. According to Yaqut, the wheat of Toledo could be stored in silos for a century. As a consequence of more efficient storage capability, seasonal and drought-year shortages could be better handled and the price of grain stabilized[25]

Hisham II of Córdoba Dinar


Exterior of the Mezquita

The caliphate had an ethnically, culturally, and religiously diverse society. A minority of ethnic Muslims of Arab descent occupied the priestly and ruling positions, another Muslim minority were primarily soldiers and native Hispano-Gothic converts (who comprised most of the Muslim minority) were found throughout society. Jews comprised about ten percent of the population: little more numerous than the Arabs and about equal in numbers to the Berbers. They were primarily involved in business and intellectual occupations. The indigenous Christian Mozarab majority were Catholic Christians of the Visigothic rite, who spoke a variant of Latin close to Spanish, Portuguese or Catalan with an Arabic influence. The Mozarabs were the lower strata of society, heavily taxed with few civil rights and culturally influenced by the Muslims.Ethnic Arabs occupied the top of the social hierarchy; Muslims had a higher social standing than Jews, who had a higher social standing than Christians. Christians and Jews were considered dhimmis, required to pay jizya (a tax for the wars against Christian kingdoms in the north).[26]

The word of a Muslim was valued more than that of a Christian or Jew in court. Some offenses were harshly punished when a Jew or Christian was the perpetrator against a Muslim even if the offenses were permitted when the perpetrator was a Muslim and the victim a non-Muslim. Half of the population in Córdoba is reported to have been Muslim by the 10th century, with an increase to 70 percent by the 11th century. That was due less to local conversion than to Muslim immigration from the rest of the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa. Combined with the mass expulsions of Christians from Córdoba after a revolt in the city, that explains why, during the caliphate, Cordoba was the greatest Muslim centre in the region. Jewish immigration to Córdoba also increased then. Christians saw their status decline from their rule under the Visigoths, meanwhile the status of Jews improved during the Caliphate. While Jews were persecuted under the Visigoths, Jewish communities benefited from Umayyad rule by obtaining more freedom, affluence and a higher social standing.[24]


According to Thomas Glick, "Despite the withdrawal of substantial numbers during the drought and famine of the 750's, fresh Berber migration from North Africa was a constant feature of Andalusi history, increasing in tempo in the tenth century. Hispano-Romans who converted to Islam, numbering six or seven millions, comprised the majority of the population and also occupied the lowest rungs on the social ladder."[27][28] It is also estimated that the capital city held around 450,000 people, making it the largest city in Europe at the time.[29]

List of rulers[edit]

According to historians, the emirs and caliphs comprising the Umayyad dynasty in Al-Andalus were the sons of concubine slaves (almost all Iberians from the north of the peninsula). The founder of the dynasty, Abd ar-Rahman I, was the son of a Berber woman; his son (and successor as emir) had a Spanish mother.[30] As such, the genome of Hisham II, tenth ruler of the Umayyad dynasty, "would have mostly originated from the Iberian Peninsula and would not be more than 0.1% of Arab descent, although the Y chromosome would still be of fully Arab origin".[31][32]

Umayyad Caliphs of Córdoba[edit]

Hammudid Caliphs of Córdoba[edit]

Umayyad Caliphs of Córdoba (restored)[edit]

See also[edit]

Notes and references[edit]

  1. ^ Azizur Rahman, Syed (2001). The Story of Islamic Spain (snippet view). New Delhi: Goodword Books. p. 129. ISBN 978-81-87570-57-8. Retrieved 5 September 2010. [Emir Abdullah died on] 16 Oct., 912 after 26 years of inglorious rule leaving his fragmented and bankrupt kingdom to his grandson ‘Abd ar-Rahman. The following day, the new sultan received the oath of allegiance at a ceremony held in the "Perfect salon" (al-majils al-kamil) of the Alcazar.
  2. ^ Rein Taagepera (September 1997). "Expansion and Contraction Patterns of Large Polities: Context for Russia". International Studies Quarterly. 41 (3): 495. doi:10.1111/0020-8833.00053. JSTOR 2600793. Retrieved 7 September 2018.
  3. ^ Barton, Simon (2004). A History of Spain. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. p. 38. ISBN 0333632575.
  4. ^ Chejne, Anwar G. (1974). Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. pp. 43–49. ISBN 0816606889.
  5. ^ 1968, Hughes, Aaron W.,. Muslim identities : an introduction to Islam. New York. p. 108. ISBN 9780231531924. OCLC 833763900.
  6. ^ Barton, 37.
  7. ^ D.,, Stanton, Charles. Medieval maritime warfare. Barnsley, South Yorkshire. p. 111. ISBN 9781473856431. OCLC 905696269.
  8. ^ Barton, 38.
  9. ^ a b c O'Callaghan, J. F. (1983). A History of Medieval Spain. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. p. 119.
  10. ^ Reilly, Bernard F. (1993). The Medieval Spains. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 84. ISBN 0521394368.
  11. ^ Chejne, 35.
  12. ^ Chejne, 37–38.
  13. ^ a b c Catlos, Brain A. (2014). Infidel Kings and Unholy Wars: Faith, Power, and Violence in the Age of Crusades and Jihad. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. p. 30.
  14. ^ Chejne, 38–40.
  15. ^ Catlos, Brain A. (2014). Infidel Kings and Unholy Wars: Faith, Power, and Violence in the Age of Crusades and Jihad. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. p. 23.
  16. ^ Chejne, 42–43.
  17. ^ Reilly, Bernard F. (1993). The Medieval Spains. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 87–89. ISBN 0521394368.
  18. ^ Barton, 40–41.
  19. ^ Zachary., Karabell, (2007). Peace be upon you : the story of Muslim, Christian, and Jewish coexistence (1st ed.). New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 9781400043682. OCLC 71810014.
  20. ^ Francis Preston Venable, A Short History of Chemistry (1894) p. 21.
  21. ^ "Information processing". Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 21 July 2016.
  22. ^ Barton, 42.
  23. ^ Golden age of the Moor. Van Sertima, Ivan. New Brunswick, U.S.A.: Transaction Publishers. 1992. p. 267. ISBN 1560005815. OCLC 25416243.
  24. ^ a b Karabell, Zachary (2007). Peace Be Upon You: The Story of Muslim, Christian, and Jewish Coexistence. New York: Albert A. Knopf. p. 70.
  25. ^ a b c d e f g Al-Majali, Sahar (2010). "Arab Islamic Contribution to Agriculture in Andalusia: 129- 407 A.H. / 746-1016 A.D." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences. 37. line feed character in |title= at position 55 (help)
  26. ^ "This day, Mary 15, in Jewish history". Cleveland Jewish News.
  27. ^ Glick 2005, p. 202.
  28. ^ "The rate of conversion is slow until the tenth century (less than one-quarter of the eventual total number of converts had been converted); the explosive period coincides closely with the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman III (912–961); the process is completed (eighty percent converted) by around 1100. The curve, moreover, makes possible a reasonable estimate of the religious distribution of the population. Assuming that there were seven million Hispano-Romans in the peninsula in 711 and that the numbers of this segment of the population remained level through the eleventh century (with population growth balancing out Christian migration to the north), then by 912 there would have been approximately 2.8 million indigenous Muslims (muwalladûn) plus Arabs and Berbers. At this point Christians still vastly outnumbered Muslims. By 1100, however, the number of indigenous Muslims would have risen to a majority of 5.6 million.", (Glick 2005, pp. 23-24)
  29. ^ Tertius Chandler, Four Thousand Years of Urban Growth: An Historical Census, Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1987. ISBN 0-88946-207-0. Figures in main tables are preferentially cited. Part of Chandler's estimates are summarized or modified at The Institute for Research on World-Systems; Largest Cities Through History by Matt T. Rosenberg; or The Etext Archives Archived 2008-02-11 at the Wayback Machine. Chandler defined a city as a continuously built-up area (urban) with suburbs but without farmland inside the municipality.
  30. ^ Guichard, P. (1976). Al-Andalus: Estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente. Barcelona: Barral Editores. ISBN 8421120166.
  31. ^ Ambrosio, B.; Hernandez, C.; Noveletto, A.; Dugoujon, J. M.; Rodriguez, J. N.; Cuesta, P.; Fortes-Lima, C.; Caderon, R. (2010). "Searching the peopling of the Iberian Peninsula from the perspective of two Andalusian subpopulations: a study based on Y-chromosome haplogroups J and E". Collegium Antropologicum. 34 (4): 1215–1228. PMID 21874703.
  32. ^


  • Ambrosio, B.; Hernandez, C.; Noveletto, A.; Dugoujon, J. M.; Rodriguez, J. N.; Cuesta, P.; Fortes-Lima, C.; Caderon, R. (2010). "Searching the peopling of the Iberian Peninsula from the perspective of two Andalusian subpopulations: a study based on Y-chromosome haplogroups J and E". Collegium Antropologicum 34 (4): 1215–1228.
  • Barton, Simon (2004). A History of Spain. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 0333632575.
  • Chejne, Anwar G. (1974). Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0816606889.
  • Glick, Thomas F. (1999: 2005). Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages. The Netherlands: Brill.
  • Guichard, P. (1976). Al-Andalus: Estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente. Barcelona: Barral Editores. ISBN 8421120166
  • Reilly, Bernard F. (1993). The Medieval Spains. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521394368.

Further reading[edit]

Coordinates: 37°53′N 4°46′W / 37.883°N 4.767°W / 37.883; -4.767