Carlos Castillo Armas
Carlos Castillo Armas
|President of the Republic of Guatemala|
7 July 1954 – 26 July 1957
|Preceded by||Elfego Hernán Monzón Aguirre|
|Succeeded by||Luis González López|
|Born||4 November 1914
Santa Lucía Cotzumalguapa, Guatemala
|Died||26 July 1957 (aged 42)
Guatemala City, Guatemala
|Political party||National Liberation Movement|
|Spouse(s)||Odilia de Castillo Armas|
Born the illegitimate son of a planter, Castillo Armas had been educated at Guatemala's military academy. A protege of Francisco Javier Arana, he had fought on the side of the rebels in the democratic uprising that began the Guatemalan Revolution, and received a promotion to Lieutenant Colonel. Until 1949, he served as the director of the military academy. As a result of Arana's failed coup attempt against the government of Juan José Arévalo, Castillo Armas wound up in exile in Honduras. Here, he came to the attention of the Central Intelligence Agency, while attempting to find arms and funds for another revolt against the Guatemalan government. In 1950 he launched an unsuccessful armed assault against a fortress in Guatemala city, and was wounded and arrested, before escaping to Honduras. In 1952, influenced by a propaganda campaign by the United Fruit Company and its perception of the Guatemalan government as being infiltrated by communists, the Truman administration authorized Operation PBFORTUNE to overthrow Jacobo Árbenz. This coup attempt was to be led by Castillo Armas, but it was abandoned after too many details were leaked.
In 1953, the administration of Dwight Eisenhower began to plot a coup against Árbenz, influence by continued concerns over communist influence and the Dulles brothers close ties to the United Fruit Company. Several candidates were considered to lead the coup; Castillo Armas was eventually selected because he was considered dependable by the CIA. In June 1954 Castillo led an invasion of Guatemala with 480 men armed and trained by the CIA, supported by a campaign of psychological warfare and an air force supplied by the US. Although the invasion suffered initial setbacks, the fact of US support to the rebels made the Guatemalan army reluctant to fight, and on 27 June Árbenz was forced to resign. A series of military juntas then briefly held power during negotiations that ended with Castillo Armas assuming the presidency on 7 July 1954.
Castillo Armas consolidated his power in an election in October 1954, in which he was the only candidate; he banned all political parties, and only the MLN, of which he was a member, was allowed to contest congressional elections. He cracked down heavily on unions and peasant organizations, arresting and killing thousands. The popular agricultural reform of Árbenz was largely rolled back. He created a National Committee of Defense Against Communism, which investigated over 70,000 people and created a list of suspected communists that included 10% of the population. Castillo Armas faced significant internal resistance, which, on the advice of the US, was put down to communist troublemaking. The government was plagued by corruption and by soaring debt, and became dependent on aid from the US. In 1957 Castilo Armas was assassinated by a palace guard with leftist sympathies. He was followed in office by a series of authoritarian rulers.
- 1 Early life and career
- 2 Operation PBFORTUNE and CIA ties
- 3 Coup d'état
- 4 Presidency and assassination
- 5 See also
- 6 References
- 7 Bibliography
- 8 Further reading
- 9 External links
Early life and career
Carlos Castillo Armas was born in 1914 in Santa Lucía Cotzumalguapa. He was the son of a landowner, but was an illegitimate child, making him ineligible to inherit the property. In 1936, he graduated from the Guatemalan military academy. His time at the academy overlapped with that of Jacobo Árbenz. Prior to the 1944 Revolution, he served as an artillery instructor at Fort San Jose. During the October Revolution he supported the uprising against Ubico, and soon afterwards against Ubico's successor Federico Ponce Vaides. Speaking of Castillo Armas, Árbenz would later say that he was "modest, brave, sincere" and that he had fought with "great bravery" during the revolution. He was a strong supporter and protégé of Francisco Javier Arana. For his support, he was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and joined the new General Staff. For seven months, between October 1945 and April 1946, Castillo Armas received training at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, coming in contact with American intelligence officers. After serving on the General Staff, he became director of the military academy until early 1949, at which point he was made the military commander at Mazatenango, a remote military garrison. He was at Mazatenango when Arana launched a failed coup attempt against Juan José Arévalo on 18 July 1949, and was killed: Castillo Armas did not hear of the revolt until four days later. Historians differ on what happened to him at this point. Piero Gleijeses writes that Castillo Armas was expelled from the country following the coup attemp against Arévalo. Nick Cullather and Andrew Fraser, however, state that Castillo Armas was arrested in August 1949, that Árbenz had him imprisoned under doubtful charges until December 1949, and that he was found in Honduras a month later.
Operation PBFORTUNE and CIA ties
Castillo Armas encountered the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in January 1950, when a CIA officer found him attempting to get weapons from Anastasio Somoza García and Rafael Trujillo, the US-backed right-wing authoritarian rulers of Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic, respectively. The CIA officer described him as "a quiet, soft-spoken officer who does not seem to be given to exaggeration." He met with the CIA a few more times before November 1950. Speaking to the CIA, he stated that he had the support of the Guardia Civil (the Guatemalan Civil Guard), the army garrison at Quezaltenango, as well as the commander of Matamoros, the largest fortress in Guatemala City. A few days after his last meeting with the CIA, he led an assault against Matamoros along with a handful of supporters.  The attack failed, and Castillo Armas was wounded and arrested. A year later, he managed to bribe his way out of prison, and escape back to Honduras. The engineer dispatched by the CIA to liaise with Castillo Armas informed them that Castillo Armas had the financial backing of Somoza and Trujillo. Truman thereupon authorized Operation PBFORTUNE. Castillo Armas' stories of his revolt and escape from prison proved popular among the right-wing exiles in Honduras. Among these people, Castillo Armas claimed to still have support among the army, and began planning another revolt. His reputation was inflated by stories that he had escaped from prison through a tunnel.
The United Fruit Company was badly affected by the reforms of Jacobo Árbenz, especially Decree 900, the agrarian reform law. It responded with an intensive lobbying campaign of members of the United States government. The Cold War had also predisposed the Truman administration to see the Guatemalan government as communist. The CIA started to explore the notion of lending support to detractors and opponents of Árbenz. Walter Bedell Smith, the Director of Central Intelligence, ordered J. C. King, the chief of the Western Hemisphere Division, to examine whether dissident Guatemalans could topple the Árbenz government if they had support from the dictatorships in Central America.
When contacted by the CIA agent dispatched by Smith, Castillo Armas proposed a battle-plan to gain CIA support. This plan involved three forces invading Guatemala from Mexico, Honduras, and El Salvador. These invasions were supposed to be supported by internal rebellions. King formulated a plan to provide Castillo Armas with $225,000 as well as weaponry and transportation. The plot had the support of Somoza, Trujillo, and Marcos Pérez Jiménez, the US-supported right-wing dictator of Venezuela, respectively. The two dictators were supportive of the plan, and agreed to contribute some funding. However, the coup attempt was terminated by Dean Acheson before it could be completed. Accounts of the final termination of the coup attempt vary: some argue that it was due to the State department discovering the coup, while others state that it was due to Somoza spreading information about the CIA's role in it, leading to the coup's cover being blown. Castillo Armas' services were retained by the CIA by paying him $3000 a week, which allowed him to maintain a small force. The CIA remained in contact with him, and continued to provide support to the rebels. The money paid to Castillo Armas has been described as a way of making sure that he did not attempt any premature action. Even after the operation had been terminated, the CIA received reports from Seekford that the Guatemalan rebels were planning assassinations. Castillo Armas made plans to use groups of soldiers in civilian clothing from Nicaragua, Honduras, and El Salvador to kill communist leaders in Guatemala.
In November 1952, Dwight Eisenhower was elected president of the US, promising to take a harder line against communism. Senior figures in his administration, including Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother and CIA director Allen Dulles, had close ties to the United Fruit Company, making Eisenhower more strongly predisposed than Truman to support Árbenz's overthrow. These factors culminated in the Eisenhower administration authorizing "Operation PBSUCESS" to overthrow the Guatemalan government in August 1953.
The operation was code-named Operation PBSUCCESS, and had a budget of between 5 and 7 million dollars. It involved a number of CIA agents, and widespread local recruiting. The plans included drawing up lists of people within Árbenz' government to be assassinated if the coup were to be carried out. A team of diplomats who would support PBSUCCESS was created; the leader of this team was John Peurifoy, who took over as the US ambassador in Guatemala in October 1953. The CIA considered several candidates to lead the coup. Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes, the conservative candidate who had lost the 1950 election to Árbenz, held favor with the Guatemalan opposition but was rejected for his role in the Ubico regime, as well as his European visage, which was unlikely to appeal to the majority mixed-race mestizo population. Castillo Armas, in contrast, was described as a "physically unimposing man with marked mestizo features. Another frontrunner was coffee planter Juan Córdova Cerna, who had briefly served in Juan José Arévalo's cabinet. The death of his son in an anti-government uprising in 1950 turned him against the government. Although his status as a civilian gave him an advantage over Castillo Armas, he was diagnosed with throat cancer in 1954, taking him out of the reckoning.[a] This led to the selection of Carlos Castillo Armas, the lieutenant of Francisco Javier Arana, who had been in exile following the failed coup in 1949. Armas had been on the CIA payroll since the aborted Operation PBFORTUNE in 1951. Historians have also stated that Castillo Armas was ultimately seen as the most dependable leader from the perspective of the CIA. He also had the advantage of having had a clerical education during his exile, and therefore the support of Guatemala's Archbishop. In CIA documents, he was referred to by the codename "Calligeris."
Castillo Armas was given enough money to recruit a small force of approximately 150 mercenaries from among Guatemalan exiles and the populations of nearby countries. This band was called the "Army of Liberation." The CIA established training camps in Nicaragua and Honduras, and supplied them with weapons as well as several bombers. Prior to the invasion of Guatemala the US signed military agreements with both those countries, allowing it to move heavier arms freely. These preparations were only superficially covert: the CIA intended Árbenz to find out about them, as a part of its plan to convince the Guatemalan people that the overthrow of Árbenz was a fait accompli.
Castillo Armas' force of 480 men had been split into four teams, ranging in size from 198 to 60. On 15 June 1954 these four forces left their bases in Honduras and El Salvador, and assembled in various towns just outside the Guatemalan border. The largest force was supposed to attack the Atlantic harbor town of Puerto Barrios, while the others attacked the smaller towns of Esquipulas, Jutiapa, and Zacapa, the Guatemalan army's largest frontier post. The invasion plan quickly faced difficulties; the 60-man force was intercepted and jailed by Salvadoran policemen before it got to the border. At 8:20 am on 18 June 1954, Castillo Armas led his invading troops over the border. Ten trained saboteurs preceded the invasion, with the aim of blowing up railways and cutting telegraph lines. At about the same time, Castillo Armas' planes flew over a pro-government rally in the capital. Castillo Armas' demanded Árbenz' immediate surrender. The invasion provoked a brief panic in the capital, which quickly decreased as the rebels failed to make any striking moves. Bogged down by supplies and a lack of transportation, Castillo Armas' forces took several days to reach their targets, although their planes blew up a bridge on 19 June.
When the rebels did reach their targets, they met with further setbacks. The force of 122 men targeting Zacapa were intercepted and decisively beaten by a small garrison of 30 Guatemalan soldiers, with only 30 rebels escaping death or capture. The force that attacked Puerto Barrios was dispatched by policemen and armed dockworkers, with many of the rebels fleeing back to Honduras. In an effort to regain momentum, the rebel planes tried air attacks on the capital. These attacks caused little material damage, but they had a significant psychological impact, leading many citizens to believe that the invasion force was more powerful than it actuality was.
Castillo Armas' army of 480 men was not large enough to defeat the Guatemalan military, even with US supplied planes. Therefore, the plans for Operation PBSUCCESS called for a campaign of psychological warfare, which would present Castillo Armas' victory as a fait accompli to the Guatemalan people, and would force Árbenz to resign. The US propaganda campaign had begun well before the invasion, with the USIA writing hundreds of articles on Guatemala based on CIA reports, and distributing tens of thousands of leaflets throughout Latin America. The CIA persuaded the governments that were friendly to it to screen video footage of Guatemala that supported the US version of events.  The most wide-reaching psychological weapon was the radio station known as the "Voice of Liberation." This station began broadcasting on 1 May 1954, carrying anti-communist messages, telling its listeners to resist the Árbenz government and support the liberating forces of Castillo Armas. The station claimed to be broadcasting from deep within the jungles of the Guatemalan hinterland, a message which many listeners chose to believe. In actuality, the broadcasts were concocted in Miami by Guatemalan exiles, flown to Central America, and broadcast through a mobile transmitter. These transmissions continued throughout the conflict, broadcasting news of rebel troops converging on the capital, and contributing to massive demoralization among both the army and the civilian population.
Árbenz was initially confident that his army would quickly dispatch the rebel force. The victory of a small garrison of 30 soldiers over the 180 strong rebel force outside Zacapa strengthened his belief. However, the psychological warfare of the CIA, led to the army becoming unwilling to fight Castillo Armas. Historian Piero Gleijeses has stated that if it were not for US support for the rebellion, the officer corps of the Guatemalan army would have remained loyal to Árbenz because, although they were not uniformly his supporters, they were more wary of Castillo Armas, and also had strong nationalist views. As it was, they believed that the US would intervene militarily, leading to a battle they could not win. On 17 June, the army leaders at Zacapa had begun to negotiate with Castillo Armas. They signed a pact, known as the Pacto de Las Tunas, three days later, which placed the army at Zacapa under Castillo Armas, in return for a general amnesty. The army returned to its barracks a few days later, "despondent, with a terrible sense of defeat."
Árbenz decided to arm the civilian population to defend the captial; however, this plan failed, as insufficient volunteers turned up. At this point, Colonel Carlos Enrique Díaz de León, the chief of staff of the Guatemalan army, reneged on his support of the president, and began plotting to overthrow Árbenz with the assistance of other senior army officers. They informed Peurifoy of this plan, asking him to stop the hostilities in return for Árbenz' resignation. On 27 June 1954 Jacobo Árbenz met with Díaz, and informed him that he was resigning. Árbenz left office at 8 PM, after recording a resignation speech that was broadcast on the radio an hour later. Immediately afterward, Díaz made an announcement that he would be taking over the presidency in the name of the Guatemalan Revolution, and stated that the Guatemalan army would still fight against Castillo Armas' invasion. The military junta which took over consisted of Carlos Enrique Díaz, Colonel H. Elfego Monzón, and Colonel Jose Angel Sánchez. Peurifoy had not expected Díaz to form a military junta and keep fighting. A couple of days later, Peurifoy informed Díaz that he would have to resign; according to the CIA officer who spoke to Díaz, this was because he was "not convenient for American foreign policy." Díaz initially attempted to placate Peurifoy by forming a three-person junta, which he led; Peurifoy continued to insist that Díaz resign, and he was overthrown by a rapid bloodless coup led by Elfego Hernán Monzón Aguirre, a more pliable army colonel. The other members of Monzón's junta were José Luis Cruz Salazar and Mauricio Dubois.
Monzón was not initially willing to hand over power to Castillo Armas. The US State Department persuaded Óscar Osorio, the dictator of El Salvador, to invite Monzón, Castillo Armas, and other significant individuals to participate in peace talks in San Salvador. Osorio agreed to do so, and after Díaz had been deposed, Monzón and Castillo Armas arrived in the Salvadoran capital on 30 June. Castillo Armas wished to incorporate some of his rebel forces into the Guatemalan military: Monzón, however, was reluctant to allow this, leading to difficulties in the negotiations. Castillo Armas also saw Monzón as having entered the fight against Árbenz late. The negotiations nearly broke down on this issue on the very first day, and so Peurifoy, who had remained in Guatemala City to give the impression that the US was not heavily involved, traveled to San Salvador. Allen Dulles, director of the CIA, later said that Peurifoy's role was to "crack some heads together." Peurifoy was able to force an agreement due to the fact that Monzón nor Castillo Armas could have become or remained president without the support of the US. The deal was announced at 4:45 am on 2 July, and under its terms, Castillo Armas and his subordinate Major Enrique Trinidad Oliva became members of the junta led by Monzón, although Monzón remaining president. On 8 July 1954 Castillo Armas replaced Monzón as president; Castillo Armas led a new five-person junta, of which Monzón remained a member. The settlement negotiated by Castilo Armas and Monzón also said that the five-man junta would rule for 15 days, during which a president would be chosen.
Presidency and assassination
Colonels Dubois and Cruz Salazar, Monzón's supporters on the junta, had signed a secret agreement without Monzón's knowledge. On 7 July they resigned in keeping with the terms of the agreement. Monzón, left outnumbered on the junta, also resigned, and Castillo Armas was unanimously elected president of the junta. The Dubois and Salazar each were paid US $100,000 for cooperating with Castillo Armas. The US promptly recognized the new government on 13 July. Soon after taking power Castillo Armas faced a coup from young army cadets, who were unhappy with the army's capitulation. The coup was put down, leaving 29 dead and 91 wounded. Elections were held in early October, from which all political parties were barred from participating. Castillo Armas was the only candidate; he won the election with 99% of the vote, completing his transition into power. Castillo Armas became affiliated with a party named the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN), which remained the ruling party of Guatemala from 1954 to 1957. It was led by Mario Sandoval Alarcón, and was a coalition of municipal politicians, bureaucrats, coffee planters, and members of the military, who were opposed to the reforms of the Guatemalan Revolution. In the congressional elections held under Castillo Armas, it was the only party allowed to run.
Prior to the 1954 coup, Castillo Armas had been reluctant to discuss how he would govern the country. He had never articulated any particular philosophy, which had worried his CIA contacts. The closest he came to doing so was the "Plan de Tegucigalpa," a manifesto issue on 23 December 1953 which criticized the "Sovietization of Guatemala". Castillo Armas had expressed sympathy for "justicialismo," the philosophy supported by Juan Perón of Argentina.
Upon taking power, Castillo Armas worried that he lacked popular support, and so attempted to eliminate all opposition. He quickly arrested many thousand opposition leaders, branding them communists. Concentration camps were built to hold the prisoners when the jails overflowed. Historians have estimated that more than 3000 people were arrested following the coup, and that approximately 1000 agricultural workers were killed by Castillo Armas' troops in the province of Tiquisate. Acting on the advice of Dulles, Castillo Armas also detained a number of citizens trying to flee the country. He also created a National Committee of Defense Against Communism (CDNCC), with sweeping powers of arrest, detention, and deportation. Over the next few years, the committee investigated nearly 70,000 people. Many were imprisoned, executed, or "disappeared", frequently without trial. In August the government passed Decree 59, which allowed the security forces to detain anybody on the blacklist of the CDNCC for six months without trial. The eventual list of suspected communists compiled by the CDNCC included one in every ten adults in the country. Attempts were also made to eliminate from government positions people who had gained them under Árbenz. All political parties, labor unions, and peasant organizations were outlawed. In histories of the period, Castillo Armas has been referred to as a dictator.
Castillo Armas' junta drew support from individuals in Guatemala that had previously supported the dictator Jorge Ubico; José Bernabé Linares, the deeply unpopular head of Ubico's secret police, was named the new head of the security forces. Linares had a reputation for using electric-shock baths and steel skull-caps to torture prisoners. Castillo Armas also removed the right to vote from all illiterate people, who constituted two-thirds of the country's population, and annulled the 1945 constitution, giving himself virtually unbridled power. In 1956 he implemented a new constitution and had himself declared president for four years. His presidency faced opposition from the beginning: agricultural laborers continued to fight Castillo Armas' forces until August 1954, and there were numerous uprisings against him, especially in the areas that had experienced significant agricultural reform. Opposition to his government grew over his presidency. On Labor Day in 1956, members of the government were booed off a stage at a labor rally, while officials who had previously been in the Árbenz administration were cheered. The Guatemalan Communist Party began to recover underground, and became prominent in the opposition. Overall, the government had to deal with four serious rebellions, in addition to the coup attempt by the cadets in 1954. On 25 June 1956 government forces opened fire on student protesters, killing size people and wounding a large number. Castillo Armas responded by declaring a "state of seige", and revoked all civil liberties. On the advice of the US ambassador, the events were portrayed as a communist plot.
Decree 900 reversal
Castillo Armas' government also launched a concerted campaign against trade unionists. Some of the worst violence was directed at workers on the plantations of the United Fruit Company. The government also attempted to reverse the agrarian reform project initiated by Árbenz, and large areas of land were seized from the agrarian laborers who had received them under Árbenz, and given to large landowners. The peasants were able to hang on to their lands only in a few isolated cases. This led the US embassy to comment that it was a "long step backwards" from the previous policy. Thousands of peasants who attempted to remain on the lands they had received from Árbenz were arrested by the Guatemalan police. Some peasants were arrested under the pretext that they were communists, although very few of the them actually were. Very few of these thousands of arrested people were ever convicted, but landlords used the arrests to evict peasants from their land. Ultimately, however, he did not go as far towards restoring the power and privileges of his constituency of upper-class landowners and business leaders as they would have liked. A "Liberation tax" that he imposed was not popular among the wealthy. The government under Castillo Armas issues two ordinances related to agricultural policy. In theory, these decrees promised to protect the grants of land made by the Árbenz government under Decree 900. They also allowed landowners to petition for the return of land seized "illegally". However, the repressive atmosphere that the decrees were passed in meant that very few peasants could take advantage of them. In total, of the 529,939 manzanas of land expropriated under Decree 900, 368,481 were taken from peasants and returned to landowners.[b]
Castillo Armas' dependence on the officer corps and the merceneries who had put him in power led to widespread corruption, and the Eisenhower administration was soon subsidizing the Guatemalan government with many millions of US dollars. Guatemala quickly came to depend completely on financial support from the US government. Castillo Armas proved unable to attract sufficient business investment, and in September 1954 asked the US for 260 million USD in aid. Castillo Armas also directed his government to provide support to the CIA operation "PBHISTORY". Despite examining many hundreds of thousands of documents, this operation failed to find any evidence that the Soviet Union was controlling communists within Guatemala. Castillo also found himself dependent on a coalition of economic interests, including cotton and sugar industries in Guatemala and real estate, timber, and oil interests in the US, to be able to seriously pursue democratic reforms that he had promised.
By April 1955, the Guatemalan government's foreign exchange reserves had declined from $42 million at the end of 1954 to just $3.4 million. The regime was thus facing difficulties borrowing money, leading to Capital flight. The government also received criticism for the presence of black markets, and other signs of approaching bankruptcy. By the end of 1954, the number of unemployed people in the country had risen to 20,000, four times higher than it had been during the end of Árbenz' government. In April 1955, the Eisenhower administration approved an aid package of $53 million, and began to underwrite the debt of the Guatemalan government. Although officials in the US government complained about Castillo Armas' incompetence and corruption, he also received praise in that country for acting against communists, and his human rights violations generally went unremarked. In 1955, during a corn famine, Castillo Armas gave corn import licences to some of his old fighters, in return for a $25,000 bribe. The imported corn, upon inspection by the UN, turned out to be unfit for consumption. When a student newspaper exposed the story, Castillo Armas launched a police crackdown against those criticizing him. Castillo Armas returned some of the privileges that the United Fruit Company had had under Ubico, but the company did not benefit substantially from them; it went into a gradual decline following disastrous experiments with breeding and pesticides, falling demand, and an anti-trust action.
Death and legacy
On July 26 1957 Castillo Armas was shot dead by a leftist sympathizer in the presidential palace in the Guatemalan Capital. The assassin, named Romeo Vásquez Sánchez, was a member of the presidential guard, who approached Castillo Armas as he was walking with his wife and shot him twice. Castillo Armas died instantly; Vasquez is said to have fled to a different room and committed suicide. There is no conclusive information about whether Vasquez was acting alone or whether he was a part of a larger conspiracy. Castillo Armas' death led to a marked increase in the attacks in the Guatemalan media against the exiled Jacobo Árbenz. Elections were held following his death, in which the centrist Ortiz Passarelli won a plurality. However, supporters of Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes rioted, the army seized power and annulled the result, and another election was held. Ydígoras Fuentes won this election comfortable, and soon afterwards declared a "state of siege" again, and seized complete power. Nick Cullather has stated that by overthrowing Árbenz, the CIA ended up undermining its own initial goal of a stable Guatemalan government. Historian Stephen Streeter has stated that while the US achieved certain strategic goals by installing the "malleable" Castillo Armas as president, it did so at the cost of Guatemala's democratic institutions. Furthermore, although Castillo Armas is likely to have committed the human rights violations that he did even without US presence, the US State Department aided and abetted the process. The rolling-back of the progressive policies of the civilian governments resulted in a series of leftist insurgencies in the countryside, beginning in 1960. This triggered the thirty-six-year Guatemalan Civil War, between the US-backed military government of Guatemala and the leftist insurgencies, which frequently had a large degree of popular support. The civil war ran from 1960 to 1996. By the end of it 200,000 civilians were dead. During the civil war, atrocities against civilians were committed by both sides; 93% of these violations were committed by the United States-backed military, which included a genocidal scorched-earth campaign against the indigenous Maya population in the 1980s.
- Way 2012, p. 78.
- Lentz 2014, pp. 342-343.
- Streeter 2000, p. 25.
- Cullather & 2006, pp. 12-14.
- Cullather 1999, p. 12.
- Fraser 2006.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 59–69.
- Cullather 1999, pp. 12-13.
- Cullather 1999, p. 28.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 229–230.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 75–82.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, p. 72–77.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 82–100.
- Cullather 1999, p. 27.
- Cullather 1999, p. 29.
- Cullather 1999, p. 31.
- Cullather 1999, p. 32.
- De La Pedraja 2013, pp. 27–28.
- Hanhimäki & Westad 2004, pp. 456–457.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, pp. 100–101.
- Gleijeses 1992, p. 234.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 122–127.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, pp. 106–107.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 138–143.
- Kornbluh 1997.
- Cullather 2006, p. 45.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 141–142.
- Cullather 1999, p. 50.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 141–143.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 28–35.
- State Department 2004.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 162–165.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 87–89.
- Immerman 1982, p. 161.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 90–93.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 166–167.
- Immerman 1982, p. 165.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, p. 166.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 74–77.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 100–101.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 326–329.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 330–335.
- Cullather 2006, p. 97.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 354–357.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 342–345.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 345–349.
- Immerman 1982, p. 174.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 102–105.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, p. 206.
- McCleary 1999, p. 237.
- Gleijeses 1992, pp. 354-357.
- Lentz 2014, pp. 343-343.
- Life 1954.
- Handy 1994, p. 193.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, pp. 212–215.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, p. 216.
- Streeter 2000, p. 42.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 173–178.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, pp. 224–225.
- Grandin 2004, p. 86.
- Booth 2014, p. 175.
- Schlesinger & Kinzer 1999, p. 248.
- Immerman 1982, pp. 198–201.
- Grandin 2000, p. 321.
- Streeter 2000, p. 39.
- Forster 2001, pp. 202-210.
- Cullather 2006, p. 113.
- Cullather 1999, p. 113.
- Streeter 2000, p. 40.
- Streeter 2000, p. 30.
- Cullather 1999, p. 115.
- Streeter 2000, p. 54.
- Forster 2001, p. 202.
- Gleijeses 1992, p. 382.
- Cullather 1999, p. 109.
- Handy 1994, p. 194.
- Handy 1994, p. 195.
- Handy 1994, p. 197.
- Cullather 2006, pp. 114–115.
- Cullather 1999, p. 114.
- Cullather 1999, p. 107.
- Streeter 2000, p. 53.
- Streeter 2000, p. 30-45.
- Cullather 1999, p. 118.
- Cullather 1999, p. 116.
- Garcia Ferreira 2008.
- Cullather 1999, p. 117.
- Streeter 2000, pp. 50-58.
- McAllister 2010.
- Streeter 2000, p. 3.
- Mikaberidze 2013, p. 216.
- Harbury 2005, p. 35.
- Horvitz & Catherwood 2006, p. 183.
- Based on documents declassified since 2003, historians have speculated that Cordova Cerna actually had a much larger role in the coup than was previously thought, and that the description of his illness was fictional.
- These figures exclude the land taken or returned to the United Fruit Company. If these figures are included, 603,775 of 765,233 manzanas were returned by the Castillo Armas government.
- Booth, John A.; Wade, Christine J.; Walker, Thomas (2014). Understanding Central America: Global Forces, Rebellion, and Change. Westview Press. ISBN 9780813349596.
- Cullather, Nicholas (2006). Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of its Operations in Guatemala 1952-54 (2nd ed.). Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804754682.
- Cullather, Nicholas (1999). Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of its Operations in Guatemala 1952-54 (2nd ed.). Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804733113.
- De La Pedraja, René (2013). Wars of Latin America, 1948–1982: The Rise of the Guerrillas. McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-7015-0.
- Forster, Cindy (2001). The time of freedom: campesino workers in Guatemala's October Revolution. University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 9780822941620.
- Fraser, Andrew (21 Aug 2006). "Architecture of a broken dream: The CIA and Guatemala, 1952–54". Intelligence and National Security. 20 (3): 486–508. doi:10.1080/02684520500269010.
- Garcia Ferreira, Roberto (2008). "The CIA and Jacobo Arbenz: The story of a disinformation campaign". Journal of Third World Studies. United States. XXV (2): 59.
- Gleijeses, Piero (1992). Shattered hope: the Guatemalan revolution and the United States, 1944-1954. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691025568.
- Grandin, Greg (2000). The blood of Guatemala: a history of race and nation. Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822324959.
- Grandin, Greg (2004). The Last Colonial Massacre. The University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-30572-4.
- Hanhimäki, Jussi; Westad, Odd Arne (2004). The Cold War: A History in Documents and Eyewitness Accounts. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-927280-8.
- Handy, Jim (1994). Revolution in the countryside: rural conflict and agrarian reform in Guatemala, 1944-1954. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 9780807844380.
- Harbury, Jennifer (2005). Truth, Torture, and the American Way: The History and Consequences of U.S Involvement in Torture. Beacon Press.
- Horvitz, Leslie Alan Horvitz; Catherwood, Christopher (2006). Encyclopedia of War Crimes and Genocide. Facts On File Inc.
- Immerman, Richard H. (1982). The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention. University of Texas Press. ISBN 9780292710832.
- Kornbluh, Peter; Doyle, Kate, eds. (May 23, 1997) , "CIA and Assassinations: The Guatemala 1954 Documents", National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 4, Washington, D.C.: National Security Archive
- Lentz, Harris M. (2014). Heads of States and Governments Since 1945. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-26490-2. Retrieved 3 January 2017.
- "The End Of a Twelve Day Civil War". Life. 37 (2): 21–22. 12 June 1954. Retrieved 3 January 2017.
- McAllister, Carlota (2010). "A Headlong Rush into the Future". In Grandin, Greg; Joseph, Gilbert. A Century of Revolution. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. pp. 276–309. ISBN 978-0-8223-9285-9. Retrieved 14 January 2014.
- McCleary, Rachel M. (1999). Dictating Democracy: Guatemala and the End of Violent Revolution. University Press of Florida. p. 237. ISBN 978-0-8130-1726-6. Retrieved 3 January 2017.
- Mikaberidze, Alexander (2013). Atrocities, Massacres, and War Crimes: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO, LLC.
- Office of the Historian, US State Department (2003). "Foreign Relations, Guatemala, 1952-1954; Documents 1-31". US State Department. Archived from the original on 2 February 2004.
- Schlesinger, Stephen; Kinzer, Stephen (1999). Bitter Fruit: The Story of the American Coup in Guatemala. David Rockefeller Center series on Latin American studies, Harvard University. ISBN 978-0-674-01930-0.
- Streeter, Stephen M. (2000). Managing the counterrevolution: the United States and Guatemala, 1954-1961. Ohio University Press. ISBN 9780896802155.
- Way, J. T. (2012). The Mayan in the Mall: Globalization, Development, and the Making of Modern Guatemala. Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822351313.
- Koeppel, Dan (2008). Banana: The Fate of the Fruit That Changed the World. New York: Hudson Street Press.
- Krehm, William (1999). Democracies and Tyrannies of the Caribbean in 1940s. COMER Publications. ISBN 9781896266817.
- LaFeber, Walter (1993). Inevitable revolutions: the United States in Central America. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 77–79. ISBN 9780393309645.
- Loveman, Brian; Davies, Thomas M. (1997). The Politics of antipolitics: the military in Latin America (3rd, revised ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 9780842026116.
- Martínez Peláez, Severo (1990). La Patria del Criollo (in Spanish). México: Ediciones En Marcha. p. 858.
- Paterson, Thomas G.; et al. (2009). American Foreign Relations: A History, Volume 2: Since 1895. Cengage Learning. ISBN 0547225695.
- Rabe, Stephen G. (1988). Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 9780807842041.
- Sabino, Carlos (2007). Guatemala, la historia silenciada (1944-1989) (in Spanish). Tomo 1: Revolución y Liberación. Guatemala: Fondo Nacional para la Cultura Económica.
- Media related to Carlos Castillo Armas at Wikimedia Commons
|President of Guatemala