Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador
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The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Spanish: La Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador) or more commonly, CONAIE, is Ecuador's largest indigenous organization. Formed in 1986, CONAIE has pursued social change on behalf of the region's significant native population using a wide range of tactics, including direct action. CONAIE is most well known for its organization of popular uprisings ("levantamientos populares") that often include blockading of commercial arteries and the takeover of government buildings.
CONAIE's political agenda includes the strengthening of a positive indigenous identity, recuperation of land rights, environmental sustainability, opposition to neoliberalism and rejection of U.S. military involvement in South America (for example Plan Colombia).
In 2013 CONAIE became more involved in discussions with other indigenous organizations involving land rights and environmental sustainability due to deals made by the government with large multinational oil companies. These deals primarily concern the Amazon basin, and would take over much of the indigenous land that is currently inhabited. There has been much debate for many years between the governments, the indigenous peoples, and the oil companies. Chevron (formerly Texaco) is a major oil company which has had a presence in Ecuador; recently Chevron has come into many Ecuadorian headlines regarding drilling rights that they are attempting to acquire. CONAIE has taken a stance against Chevron and their hope of drilling on indigenous land.
CONAIE is composed of three regional federations: the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas de la Amazonía Ecuatoriana; CONFENIAE) in the eastern Amazon region or Oriente; The Confederation of Peoples of Quichua Nationality in the central mountain region (Confederación de Pueblos de la Nacionalidad Kichuas del Ecuador; ECUARUNARI); and the Coordination of Indigenous and Black Organizations of the Ecuadorian Coast (Coordinadora de Organizaciones Indígenas y Negras de la Costa Ecuatoriana; CONAICE).
CONAIE was founded at a convention of some 500 indigenous representatives on November 13-November 16, 1986.
Initially explicitly rejecting the use of the electoral process, CONAIE developed an economic and political strategy to redefine and implement participatory democracy. Simultaneously, CONAIE called for the conversion of Ecuador into a multi-nation state recognizing the national autonomy of 12 indigenous nations, run by "popular parliaments".
Throughout the 1990s, CONAIE repeatedly mobilized thousands of indigenous campesinos to shut down Quito, clogging the streets with traditional dance, art and song while making demands of the political structure via direct negotiation. These protests often came in response to International Monetary Fund (IMF) policies.
CONAIE adopted a programme with these 16 demands:
- A public declaration that Ecuador is a plurinational country (to be ratified by the constitution)
- The government must grant lands and titles to lands to the nationalities
- Solutions to water and irrigation needs
- Absolution of indigenous debts to FODERUMA and the National Development Bank
- Freezing of consumer prices
- Conclusion of priority projects in Indian communities
- Nonpayment of rural land taxes
- Expulsion of the Summer Institute of Linguistics
- Free commercial handicraft activities
- CONAIE protection of archaeological sites
- Officialization of Indian medicine
- Cancellation of government decree that created parallel land-reform granting bodies
- The government should immediately grant funds to the nationalities
- The government should grant funds for bilingual education
- Respect for the rights of the child
- The fixing of fair prices for products
Current CONAIE Leadership
- President: Humberto Cholango
- Vice President: Pepe Acacho
- Leader of Strengthening the Organization: Bartolo Ushigua
- Leader of International Relations: Silvia Tibi
- Leader of Women and Families: Mariana Solorzano
- Communication Leader: Evelio Gende
- Territory Leader: Mauricio Paqui
- Leader of Youth: Severino Sharupi
- Director of Education and Culture: Miguel Angel Bistin
- Director of Health and Nutrition: Ana Maria Chaiguamán
In May 1990, on the 500th anniversary since Columbus' first trip to the Americas, the "1990 Indigenous Uprising" took place in Quito with the occupation of the Santa Domingo Church. Led by CONAIE, protesters took to the streets to head towards Santa Domingo in May "to protest the failure of the legal system to process land claims." The protesters intended to occupy the church until CONAIE was able to meet with a government representative to discuss changes in policy regarding their land claim issues; as a result of the strong protests the government became worried and demanded that a police force surround the church. It was not until June that the pivotal action of this movement (which ultimately led to its end) occurred and changed the way that indigenous peoples in Ecuador were viewed. The occupiers in the Santa Domingo church were about to begin a hunger strike when "hundreds of thousands of Indians, in some areas with the support of mestizo peasants, blocked local highways and took over urban plazas. Their demands were focused mostly on land, but also included such issues as state services, cultural rights, and the farm prices of agricultural products." This movement caused so much disruption to federal commerce and social order that the government relented and met with the leaders of CONAIE. This movement, however, did not gain the indigenous peoples much ground in terms of agrarian reform. They accomplished some of their goals and saw some of their terms met, but it would not be until 1994 that CONAIE would make another stand.
In 1994 another massive mobilization was realized in response to a new neo-liberal Agrarian Reform Law and a World Bank loan granted in order to privatize the oil sector. The oil deal threatened physical damage indigenous groups (earlier oil exploration had led to contamination of water and environmental degradation) in the Amazon and loss of their land holdings. The Agrarian Reform Law was an attempt to sell communally held land to stimulate competition and productivity, reduce and consolidate indigenous land holdings, and privatize the water system, all of which represented great threats to indigenous livelihood. Because of the ferocity of the uprising and criticism of the government led by CONAIE, the land reform and water privatization basically disappeared and although the oil privatization passed, indigenous groups gained some protection. In short, however, in 1994 the process of globalization was well underway and it constituted immense danger for all indigenous groups in Ecuador because of the potential for loss of land, sovereignty, and the destruction of their natural habitats. CONAIE had achieved much, but still lacked that vital connection to mainstream politics that held the key to protecting indigenous communities.
Prior to 1996 CONAIE had been very untrusting of politicians and wary of those who sought to become involved in politics because of politicians' tendency to make concessions. Nevertheless, the situation in Ecuador, especially in the Amazon region of the Oriente, was becoming desperate, as oil exploration was due to increase at any moment. Rumblings began within the organization to adapt to the political process, but a statute was passed in 1995 by CONAIE prohibiting members from running for political office. In 1996, CONAIE reversed its stand on elections and played a major role in the formation of Pachakutik (Pluri-National Pachakutik United Movement - New Country), an electoral coalition of indigenous and non-indigenous social movements including CONFEUNASSC-CNC, Ecuador's largest campesino federation.
Although Pachakutik won many local and congressional seats, it failed to garner significant votes in Ecuador's presidential 1996 election.
In August 1997 CONAIE led two straight days of protest against the lack of constitutional reform and held the government accountable, as the process was thereafter soon underway with the appointing of the Assembly of Constitutional Reform. What followed this process was a new constitution that brought CONAIE and the indigenous movement the greatest success in the history of its existence.
The changes to Ecuador's constitution in 1998 were not solely related to indigenous demands, but it changed the role of indigenous people in Ecuadorian society completely. The actual wording of the constitution defined Ecuador as a multiethnic and multicultural state, which would set the groundwork for the respect of indigenous rights that had been sought for so long. Many new rights were explicitly granted to indigenous groups in the new document, including “the right to maintain, develop, and fortify their spiritual, cultural, linguistic, social, political and economic identity and traditions.” Through the constitution the state was given many new responsibilities and standards to follow in terms of environmental conservation, the elimination of contamination, and sustainable management. Related to this was the right given to all people (targeted toward indigenous communities) that they must give prior consent before projects can be undertaken on their lands which will affect their lands. Finally, the document provides protection of self-determination among indigenous lands, preserving traditional political structures, and follows International Labour Organization, Convention 169 that outlines generally accepted international law on indigenous rights. All of these points had been sought after for so many years and were finally guaranteed in this rewrite of the most important document in the country.
Despite CONAIE and Pachakutik's triumph in this endeavor, government implementation of the policy has not exactly been consistent with the outline in that new constitution and the indigenous organizations have struggled since 1998. In cases such as ARCO’s deal to exploit oil resources in the Amazon, the government has totally ignored these new indigenous rights and sold communal land to be developed without another thought. Such violations have become commonplace and the reformation of the constitution seems in many ways to have just been a populist tactic used by the government to appease the indigenous groups while continuing to persistently pursue its neoliberal agenda. Because of this there has been an increasing amount of tension and differences of opinion within the indigenous movement, both between Pachakutik and CONAIE and within CONAIE itself. There even exists frustration among local tribes and the efforts of CONAIE because of the inability to stop the aggression of the government despite all that had been achieved.
On January 21, 2000, in response to President Jamil Mahuad's proposed dollarization of the Ecuadorian economy, CONAIE, in coordination with organizations like CONFEUNASSC-CNC, blocked roads and cut off agricultural supplies to Ecuador's major cities. At the same time, rural indigenous protesters marched on Quito. In response, government officials ordered transit lines not to service Indians and individuals with indigenous characteristics were forcibly removed from interprovincial buses in an effort to prevent protesters from reaching the capitol. Nevertheless, 20,000 arrived in Quito where they were joined by students, local residents, 500 military personnel, and a group of rogue colonels.
Angry demonstrators led by Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez stormed the Congress of Ecuador and declared a new "National Salvation Government". Five hours later, the armed forces called for the resignation of President Mahuad. For a period of less than 24 hours, Ecuador was ruled by a three-man junta - CONAIE's president Antonio Vargas, army colonel Lucio Gutiérrez, and retired supreme court justice Carlos Solórzano.
The coup was made possible by the support of the military; however, the military's influence also served to deflate the revolutionary potential of the popular uprising. Only a few hours after taking the presidential palace, Col. Lucio and other collaborators handed over power to the armed forces' chief of staff, General Carlos Mendoza. That night Mendoza was contacted by the Organization of American States as well as the U.S. State Department, which hinted at the imposition of a Cuban-style isolation on Ecuador if power was not returned to the neoliberal Mahuad administration. Additionally, Mendoza was contacted by senior White House policy makers who threatened to end all bilateral aid[clarification needed] and World Bank[clarification needed] lending to Ecuador. The next morning, General Mendoza dissolved the new government and ceded power to Vice President Gustavo Noboa.
2002 elections and the FTAA
In the presidential elections CONAIE backed populist Lucio Gutiérrez, a military man who had supported the 2000 coup. Gutiérrez was not widely trusted, but he was seen as the only alternative to rival candidate Álvaro Noboa, the richest man in Ecuador who embodied popular fears of crony capitalism.
Lucio Gutiérrez won the presidential race with 55% of the final vote, owing much of his victory to support from Pachakutik.
Six months after the election of Gutiérrez, CONAIE proclaimed its official break with the government in response to what CONAIE termed a betrayal of "the mandate given to it by the Ecuadorian people in the last elections." Among other things, Gutiérrez's signing of a Letter of Intent with the International Monetary Fund sparked outrage. (see Indigenous Movement Breaks with President Lucio Guiterrez)
In 2005, CONAIE participated in an uprising which ousted president Lucio Gutiérrez. In an April 2005 Assembly of Peoples, and in their own contentious assembly in May, CONAIE made public calls for the ouster of both Gutiérrez and the entire mainstream political class under the slogan "Que se vayan todos" (They all must go), a phrase popularized by the December 2001 Argentine uprising.
In August 2005 CONAIE called for action among indigenous peoples in the Sucumbios and Orellana provinces to protest political repression, Petrobras' attempt to expand their petroleum extracting activities to the Yasuní National Park, and the general activities of Occidental Petroleum in the Amazon. Hundreds of protestors from the Amazon region took control of airports and oil installations in the two provinces for five days, which has prompted a strong response from Alfredo Palacio's government in Quito. The government called for a state of emergency in the two provinces and the army was sent in to disperse the protestors with tear gas, but in response to the growing crisis the state oil company has temporarily suspended exports of petroleum. Protestors have gone on record as saying that they want oil revenues to be redirected toward society, making way for more jobs and greater expenditures in infrastructure.
Since 2005 CONAIE has been focusing less on drastic activism movements and more on policy making and attempting to reach a greater audience in order to educate and spread their platform of environmental use awareness, intercultural education, plurinationality, indigenismo, and multiculturalism. In 2009 CONAIE announced that it would be striking and putting up road blocks in order to protest laws that were to be passed by the government dealing with water management, but also to protest old laws dealing with environment. Unfortunately the protests were not as well organized as they had been previously and did not effectively change any laws or garner much attention in the media.
The largest involvement CONAIE has had in recent politics is with large national oil companies who wish to drill and build on indigenous land and with the government, currently led by President Rafael Correa. On "November 28th, 2013, plain-clothes officers in Quito, Ecuador summarily closed the offices of Fundación Pachamama, a nonprofit that for 16 years has worked in defense of the rights of Amazonian indigenous peoples and the rights of nature. The dissolution, which the government blamed on their “interference in public policy,” was a retaliatory act that sought to repress Fundación Pachamama's legitimate right to disagree with the government's policies, such as the decision to turn over Amazonian indigenous people's land to oil companies."
- Colloredo-Mansfeld, Rudi. Fighting like a community Andean civil society in an era of Indian uprisings. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.
- Korovkin, Tanya. "Indians, peasants, and the state: The growth of a community movement in the ecuadorian andes." CERLAC Occasional Paper Series 1 (1992): 1-47.
- Zuckerman, Adam. "Ecuador Cracks Down on Indigenous Leaders Opposed to Oil". Archived from the original on 28 December 2016. Retrieved 2 March 2014.
- CONAIE official website
- "Mainstreaming the Indigenous Movement in Ecuador: The Electoral Strategy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2005-01-23. (58.0 KiB), by Kenneth Mijeski and Scott Beck
- Ecuadorian Protests, by Duroyan Fertl, ZNet
- Protests halt Ecuador oil exports, BBC article on August 2005 protests