Cultural achievements of pre-colonial Philippines

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The cultural achievements of pre-colonial Philippines include those covered by the prehistory and the early history (900–1521) of the Philippine archipelago's inhabitants, the indigenous forebears of today's Filipino people. Among the cultural achievements of the native people's belief systems, and culture in general, that are notable in many ethnic societies, range from agriculture, societal and environmental concepts, spiritual beliefs, up to advances in technology, science, and the arts.

Summary of achievements[edit]

The following are the notable achievements of the natives of the pre-colonial archipelago between the 16th century to the 9th century, and most likely even farther. Many of the achievements have been lost or retrofitted due to more than three centuries of colonial rule beginning in the middle of the 16th century and ending in the middle of the 20th century.

  • Development and expertise in indigenous martial arts, warfare, and the crafts used in them, and respecting the usage of the martial arts for protection of communities and subjugation of what are deemed as discriminatory and hateful[1]
  • High respect for the natural world, including the spiritual realms and its beings, which are all seen as part of all the affairs of every life on earth, thus envisioned as an interconnected web, where one action affects the other, whether directly or indirectly[2][3]
  • Development of an organized system of communities, with laws enacted to promote social welfare and to protect nature, the spirits, and the people[3]
  • Expansion of indigenous educational systems and writing systems through focusing on belief systems, epics, and other mediums that exhibit good values of an egalitarian society[4][5]
  • Sociable culture based on peace pacts, maritime and land journeys, communal gatherings, and respect towards ethnic differences[3][6]
  • Solving problems and wars through a variety of mediums such as divine intervention, sacred peace pacts, public consultations, and community interference[7][8]
  • Development of craft innovations used for non-agricultural and non-martial tasks such as textiles, pottery and ornaments, with respect to the sustainability of sources and the environment and its wildlife[9][10][11]
  • Development of indigenous culinary and healing arts, including medicinal practices and its associated objects and ingredients that were sustainably-sourced due to respectful cultures directed to the natural world[12][13][14][15]
  • Enhancement of the fine arts focusing on folk literature, calligraphy, performing arts, and craft arts, among many other forms, which highly contributed to the advancement and notice-ability of a variety of values such as wisdom, resiliency, creativity, and respect[16][17][18][19]
  • High respect for equal rights, notable in the matriarchal societies of pre-colonial ethnic groups, which includes the legality of divorce, equal stand on decision-making from any gender, retention of names after marriage whether women or men, equal suitability of any work for any gender[20][21][22][23]

Agriculture[edit]

The Banaue Rice Terraces are part of the rice terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras

Pre-colonial Philippine societies relied more on swidden agriculture than intensive permanent agriculture. For example, in pre-colonial Visayas, the staple crops such as rice, millet, bananas and root crops were grown in swiddens (kaingin).[24] While rice was highly-valued and was the preferred food, the most common food all year round were actually root crops, and in some areas the only available crop for most of the year were root crops such as taro and yam. The historian William Henry Scott also noted that pre-colonial Visayan farmers neither knew the plow nor the carabao before the arrival of the Spaniards while the anthropologist Robert B. Fox described the Mangyans of Mindoro as sedentary agriculturalists who farm without the plow and the carabao. In fact, it is well known among historians that the plow technology and the harnessing of the domesticated carabao for plowing were introduced and disseminated by the Spanish friars to finance the colonial enterprise, a fact which is often elided in most Philippine nationalist histories.[25][26] Similarly, the building of the rice terraces of the Cordilleras started around 1650 and coincided with the arrival of the Spaniards in northern Luzon; this notion is supported by archeological evidence collected from five major sites (Old Kiangan Village, Hapao, Nagacadan, Batad, and Banaue) by the Ifugao Archeological Project,[27] thus falsifying the previously accepted notion that the rice terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras have a 2000-year old origin. The anthropologist Stephen Acabado noted that the adoption of wet-rice agriculture in the Cordillera highlands and the subsequent landscape modification for terraced wet-rice cultivation were part of the strategy of resistance of the highlanders from the Spanish conquest, as the modified landscape served as zones of refuge.[28]

William Henry Scott also noted that the swiddening techniques employed by the pre-colonial Visayans were not destructive, as evidenced by the fact that most of the Visayan settlements around that time were permanent. The people did not see the need to resort to cutting into virgin woodland each time but due to the balance between the population and the available land available to them, reuse of previously abandoned swidden areas which underwent forest regeneration was possible.[29]

Martial arts and weaponry[edit]

Collection of Philippine lantaka in a European museum
18th-century engraving of a Philippine karakoa, two lantaka can be seen mounted on the deck

The most intimate weapon wielded by pre-colonial inhabitants of the Philippines was the balaraw, a dagger with a double-edged leaf-shaped blade and a cross-shaped hilt which at times was used as a protection against wrist cuts.[30] They are typically 20-25 centimeters long, although there were smaller versions given to youngsters since even a boy felt naked without one.[31]

Pre-colonial Filipinos use two kinds of swords for combat, the kris and the kampilan. The kris (also called in Visayan as kalis) is a double-edged blade, which can be either completely straight (called sundang) or completely wavy (called kiwo-kiwo).[32] The kris blades were forged from layers of different grades of steel, which gave them a damascened appearance.[33] The Visayan kris was considered inferior compared to those from Mindanao and Sulu, and these in turn were less esteemed compared to the imports from Makassar and Borneo.[34] The blade of the kampilan on the other hand is long and straight with a single edge which widens to a dual point. Like the kris, it was coated with poison before combat and the propagated fiction that an arcane alchemy was used to render the kampilan blade poisonous certainly increased its market value.[35] The kampilan was never manufactured by the Visayan smiths but imported from Mindanao.[36] Those with access to foreign imports also possessed Japanese swords (or katana) as weapon of war.

For protection, they wielded padded armor and carabao-hide breastplates, and long narrow shields called kalasag, or round bucklers called palisay. People who had access to foreign imports may also possess the Chinese peaked helmet, also called kupya or tangkulog in Tagalog.

The Bornean arquebus called astinggal (etymologically derived from Malay istinggar, ultimately from Portuguese espingarda[37]) was also known by the pre-colonial Filipinos, however the Spaniards never faced any in their encounters in Luzon and Mindanao.[38]

While historical and archeological evidences suggest that the pre-colonial inhabitants of the Philippines were a metal-using people, they did not possess the metallurgical knowledge of locally-forging war cannons.[39] The archeological researcher Eusebio Dizon noted that the pre-colonial Filipinos were capable of forging the small cannons, called lantakas, although they are not used for warfare but as ornaments for interior decoration. As far as current archeological data is concerned, pre-colonial Filipinos were not capable of founding the heavy European-style cannons used in sixteenth-century warfare.[40]

Education and writing[edit]

Laguna Copperplate Inscription (c. 900), a thin copperplate document measuring less than 8×12 inches in size, shows heavy Hindu-Malayan cultural influences present in the Philippines during the 10th century

Prehistoric people devised and used their own system of writings from 300 BC, which derived from the Brahmic family of scripts of Ancient India. Baybayin became the most widespread of these derived scripts by the 11th century.

Early chroniclers, who came during the first Spanish expeditions to the islands noted the proficiency of some of the natives, especially the chieftain and local kings, in Sanskrit, Old Javanese, Old Malay, and several other languages.[41][42][43]

The indigenous scripts of the Philippines like Baybayin have been abandoned in exchange of the Roman alphabet and the complete absence of pre-Hispanic specimens of usage of the Baybayin script has led to a common misconception that fanatical Spanish priests must have burned or destroyed massive amounts of native documents.[44] One of the scholars who proposed this theory is the anthropologist and historian H. Otley Beyer who wrote in "The Philippines before Magellan" (1921) that, "one Spanish priest in Southern Luzon boasted of having destroyed more than three hundred scrolls written in the native character". Historians have searched for the source of Beyer's claim and no one has verified the name of the said priest.[45] There is no direct documentary evidence of substantial destruction of native pre-Hispanic documents by Spanish missionaries and modern scholars such as Paul Morrow[46] and Hector Santos[47] accordingly rejected Beyer's suggestions. In particular, the scholar Hector Santos suggested that only the occasional short documents of incantations, curses and spells that were deemed evil were possibly burned by the Spanish friars, and that the early missionaries only carried out the destruction of Christian manuscripts that were not acceptable to the Church, but Hector Santos rejected the idea that ancient pre-Hispanic manuscripts were systematically burned.[48] The scholar Paul Morrow also noted that there are no recorded instance of ancient Filipinos writing on scrolls, and that the most likely reason why no pre-Hispanic documents survived is because they wrote on perishable materials such as leaves and bamboo.[49] He also added that it is also arguable that Spanish friars actually helped to preserve Baybayin by documenting and continuing its use even after it had been abandoned by most Filipinos.[50]

The scholar Isaac Donoso stated that the documents written in the native language and in the native script (particularly Baybayin) played a significant role in the judicial and legal life of the colony and that many colonial-era documents written in Baybayin are still present in some repositories, including the library of the University of Santo Tomas.[51] He also noted that the early Spanish missionaries did not suppress the usage of the Baybayin script but instead they may have even promoted the Baybayin script as a measure to stop Islamization, since the Tagalog language was moving from Baybayin to Jawi, the Arabized script of Islamized Southeast Asian societies.[52]

While there were recorded at least two records of burning of Tagalog booklets of magic formulae during the early Spanish colonial period, scholar Jean Paul-Potet (2017) also commented that these booklets were written in Latin characters and not in the native Baybayin script.[53] There are also no reports of Tagalog written scriptures, as they kept their theological knowledge unwritten and in oral form while reserving the use of the Baybayin script for secular purposes and talismans.[54]

By the end of Spanish colonization, majority of indigenous suyat scripts in the Philippines, numbering at least 17 according to UNESCO, were virtually dead, with the exemption of four scripts, which have been inscribed in the Memory of the World Programme.[55] Today, the usage of various suyat scripts, including those that died out during colonial rule, have been revived by younger generations since the 21st century.[56][57][58]

Maritime culture and aquaculture[edit]

Native boats and outriggers as depicted in The history and conquest of the Philippines and our other island possessions; embracing our war with the Filipinos[59] by Alden March, published in 1899. Caption (cropped out) read: "Boats of the upper type were used to land the U.S. troops at Manila. One of those in which the Astor Battery landed sank in the surf just before reaching shore. The natives carried the men ashore on their shoulders. The lower boat is a fisherman's craft used by the Negritos, who shoot fish in the clear water with bows and arrows."

Indigenous people of the Philippines, being descendants of the balangay-borne Austronesian migrants from Maritime Southeast Asia,[60] were known for their navigational skills. Some of them used compasses similar to those used among maritime communities of Borneo and traders of China, although most had no need for such devices. In modern times, some fishermen and traders in the Visayas, Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan are still able to navigate long distances over open water without the use of modern navigational instruments.[61] Philippine ships, such as the karakao or korkoa were of excellent quality and some of them were used by the Spaniards in expeditions against rebellious tribes and Dutch and British forces. Some of the larger rowed vessels held up to a hundred rowers on each side besides a contingent of armed troops.[42] Generally, the larger vessels held at least one lantaka at the front of the vessel or another one placed at the stern.[61] Philippine sailing ships called praos had double sails that seemed to rise well over a hundred feet from the surface of the water. Despite their large size, these ships had double outriggers. Some of the larger sailing ships, however, did not have outriggers.

Communities of the ancient Philippines were active in international trade, and they used the ocean as natural highways.[42] Ancient peoples were engaged in long-range trading with their Asian neighbors as far as west as Maldives and as far as north as Japan.[61] Some historians proposed that they also had regular contacts with the people of Western Micronesia due to it being the only area in the Oceania that had rice crops, tuba (fermented coconut sap), and a tradition of betel nut chewing when the first Europeans arrived there. The uncanny resemblance of complex body tattoos among the Visayans and those of Borneo also suggest some connection between Borneo and ancient Philippines.[61] Magellan's chronicler, Antonio Pigafetta, mentioned that merchants and ambassadors from all surrounding areas came to pay tribute to the king of Sugbu (Cebu) for the purpose of trade. While Magellan's crew were with the king, a representative from Siam was paying tribute to the king.[61] Miguel López de Legazpi also wrote how merchants from Luzon and Mindoro had come to Cebu for trade, and he also mentioned how Chinese merchants regularly came to Luzon for the same purpose.[61] People from the region enjoyed extensive trade contacts and immigration with other cultures, such as Indians, Arabs, Koreans, Japanese, Vietnamese, Cambodians, Thais, Malaysians, and Indonesians.[62][63]

Aside from trade relations, indigenous Filipinos were also involved in aquaculture and fishing. The natives made use of the salambao, which is a type of raft that utilizes a large fishing net which is lowered into the water via a type of lever made of two criss-crossed poles. Night fishing was accomplished with the help of candles made from a particular type of resin similar to the copal of Mexico. Use of safe pens for incubation and protection of small fry from predators was also observed, a method that interested the Spaniards at that time.[61]

Mining and Adornment[edit]

Piloncitos was the currency in pre-colonial times. Gold was prized for many reasons, one of which is for teeth ornamentation such as the case of the gold-scale teeth of the Bolinao Skull,[64] the Calatagan teeth,[65] and a Pigafetta account of the gold-dotted teeth of Butuan's ruler.[66]
A couple from the nobility class in pre-colonial Philippines draped in gold.

Mining in the Philippines began around 1000 BC. Early Filipinos worked in various mines containing gold, silver, copper and iron. Jewels, gold ingots, chains, calombigas and earrings were handed down from their ancestors and passed from generation to generation. Gold dagger handles, gold dishes, tooth plating, and huge gold ornaments were also used.[61] Death masks made of gold dating back to precolonial times have also been discovered in the Philippines.[67] In Laszlo Legeza's "Tantric elements in pre-Hispanic Philippines Gold Art", it is mentioned that gold jewelry of Filipino origin was found in Ancient Egypt.[61] According to Antonio Pigafetta, the people of Mindoro were skilled in mixing gold with other metals, giving it a natural appearance that often deceived even skilled silversmiths.[61] Indigenous Filipinos were also known for the jewelry made of other precious stones such as carnelian, agate and pearl. Some notable examples of Filipino jewelry include necklaces, belts, armlets and rings placed around the waist.

The natives of the Philippines, especially the nobility class, were gold-draped, as depicted in the Boxer Codex (c. 1590), where nobilities in the Visayas and Luzon have been portrayed accurately.[68] Among the many former kingdoms and states in pre-colonial Philippines, the Rajahnate of Butuan in Mindanao has produced the largest bulk and the most sophisticated gold crafts in the archipelago.[69]

Pottery[edit]

Detail of jar cover of one of the Maitum anthropomorphic pottery (5BC-370AD) from west Sarangani.

The ancient people of the Philippines had a rich tradition of pottery as verified by the finds at Ayub Cave in South Cotabato and other parts of the islands. Japanese texts mentioned trading expeditions to the island of Rusun (Luzon) for the highly prized Rusun and Namban jars of the area. Japanese texts were very specific about these jars being made in Luzon. The Tokiko, for example, referred to the Rusun and Namban jars as Ru-sun tsukuru or Lu-sung ch'i (in Chinese), which mean simply "made in Luzon."[61] These Rusun jars, which had rokuru (wheel mark), were said to be more precious than gold because of their ability to act as tea canisters and enhance the fermentation process.[61]

Pottery in the Philippines have different usage, depending on its cultural inclinations. Some potteries are used for food and beverages, while others are used for burials and religious ceremonies.[70][71][72]

Textiles and accessories[edit]

The Banton Cloth, the oldest existing example of warp ikat in Southeast Asia, displayed at the National Museum of the Philippines.

Indigenous textiles and accessories are extremely varied in the Philippines. The traditions concerning textiles and accessories have centuries of practices honed by different ethnic societies.[73]

Shells, gold, beads, jade, silver, brass, copper, horns, bills, and many other materials have used in multiple accessories throughout the archipelago. Both gold and jade were one of the most prized, although ceremonial accessories were also very important.[74][75][76]

The oldest surviving textile in the entire Southeast Asian region was found in the Philippine island of Banton in Romblon province. The cloth, known as the Banton cloth, has designs with folkloric motifs, and was used as a death wrap.[77]

Examples of various textile types in the Philippines are the brocaded weave (pinilian) of the Ilocano, the wavy designs of the Bontoc, the geometric designs of the Kalinga, the piña of the Aklanon, the hablon of the Kiniray-a and Hiligaynon, the seputangan of the Yakan, the mabal tabih of the Blaan, the bagobo inabal of the Bagobo Manobo, the dagmay of the Mandaya, the mëranaw of the Maranao, the pis syabit of the Tausug, and the t'nalak of the T'boli.[78]

Societal norms[edit]

Itneg potters, the person on the right is wearing women's clothes.

In pre-colonial Philippines, both men and women enjoyed the same rights and privileges.[20] Women, like men, can ascend the headship of families, villages, and cities.[79] Women can also ascend the throne of a nation. In some cases, some queens have ascended as sole ruler, superior to her consort.[80][81][82]

Additionally, children and elders were given the same respect,[20] as children were also noted as capable of things that an elder can do if given the proper training. Unwed mothers or fathers were not shamed,[20] as many of their gods and goddesses were the same.[20] Divorce was also practiced, and was highly accepted. Both women and men can initiate a divorce.[83][20][84]

Virginity was considered by pre-colonial Filipinos as an impediment to marriage.[85] The blood shed during the deflowering of a young woman was considered to be an impurity, so when a girl reaches her nubile years, a specialist in charge of deflowering was hired. According to Potet (2017) the man in charge of the operation may have also worn protective amulets to protect his penis from blood impurity. The term panating was used to refer to the pre-colonial ceremonies marking the nubility of the woman and was also used as a term to refer to the deflowering process itself.[86]

The practice of abortion and infanticide was widespread in pre-colonial Visayas, as it was considered a disgrace to raise a large family, presumably because having many children usually result to poverty. Abortions were carried out for unmarried women in pre-colonial Visayan society.[87] In pre-colonial Tagalog society, infanticide was also routinely practiced for children born to unmarried women, however it does not appear to have been as widespread as in the Visayas.[88] Infanticide through burying the child alive was also a practice in Pangasinan during the pre-colonial and early Spanish colonial period and it was carried out when a family didn't want or couldn't support the child. [89] Unlike Visayans, the ancient Tagalogs prefer to raise large families, as evidenced by the numerous superstitions that encouraged fertility and the survival of infants.[90]

After marriage, women did not lose their name.[20] In fact, if a woman was especially distinguished, either from her own merit or her family's merit, her husband usually took her name as she was seen as far superior to her husband.[20] During this time, women and feminized men were also given high distinction as many of which took on the role of shamans (such as babaylans), who also took on the role as interim head[20] of the domain every time a datu, a male or female ruler,[91] is absent or goes into a journey.[20]

The people can freely marry and have children,[92] including male asog who were recorded by early Spanish colonists as being married to other men, an early notion of same-sex marriage, although the distinction between heterosexual and homosexual marriages was never given as both were viewed as equally the same thing.[21][22][23]

When the Spaniards came and started colonizing the Philippine islands in 1521, the colonialists and friars were horrified[93] in the perspective of the natives towards women, feminized men, marriage, divorce, and virginity. The Spaniards acknowledged the "superior quality of the indigenous"; however, they also sought out to remold many precolonial concepts of equality, which led to much colonially-imposed hate crimes[94][84] discrimination, and gender inequality in the Philippines,[20][84] which continue to linger within Philippine society in modern times.[95][96][97]

Later achievements[edit]

Additional cultural achievements of indigenous belief systems that have sprang through practices and patronizations of the ancient times made by modern generations in the late 20th century and early 21st century are as follow:

Notes[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Wagner, Jim (10 April 2014). "Filipino Kali is Alive and Well in Today's Police and Military Training".
  2. ^ "ANIMISM | Understanding Philippine Mythology (Part 1 of 3) • THE ASWANG PROJECT". March 13, 2016.
  3. ^ a b c FilipiKnow (3 July 2018). "10 Reasons Why Life Was Better In Pre-Colonial Philippines".
  4. ^ Francia, Luis (2010). A History of the Philippines: from indios bravos to filipinos. New York: The Overlook Press. pp. 40–44
  5. ^ Hernandez Kahayon, Alicia; Limdico, Magdalena; Santiago, E M (1989). Panitikang Filipino: kasaysayan at pag-unlad: pangkolehiyo. Metro Manila: National Book Store Publishing Inc. pp. 32–33.
  6. ^ Abbang, Gregg Alfonso. "W.H. Scott and K.B. Fajardo in the Study of Filipino Seafaring Culture" – via www.academia.edu. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  7. ^ "War and peace in precolonial Philippines". 5 April 2014.
  8. ^ Bacdayan, Albert S. (29 April 1969). "Peace Pact Celebrations: The Revitalization of Kalinga Intervillage Law". Law & Society Review. 4 (1): 61–78. doi:10.2307/3052762. JSTOR 3052762.
  9. ^ Johnson, Ken (24 September 2015). "Review: 'Philippine Gold: Treasures of Forgotten Kingdoms'" – via NYTimes.com.
  10. ^ "pottery in precolonial philippines - Google Search". www.google.com.
  11. ^ "Warring Kalinga tribes declare peace zones". 2 September 2017.
  12. ^ "History Of Philippine Cuisine". November 8, 2016.
  13. ^ "12 Surprising Facts You Didn't Know About Ancient Philippines". FilipiKnow. July 3, 2018.
  14. ^ "10 Reasons Why Life Was Better In Pre-Colonial Philippines". FilipiKnow. July 3, 2018.
  15. ^ "In pre-colonial Philippines, we already had kinilaw and corpses smoked tobacco". cnn.
  16. ^ "Early Philippine Literature". Ncca.gov.ph. Retrieved 2019-12-22.
  17. ^ "Fine art collection". nationalmuseum.gov.ph. Retrieved 2019-12-22.
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  19. ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2019-02-15. Retrieved 2019-04-20.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k "Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People", 1998, Reader's Digest
  21. ^ a b J. Neil C. Garcia (2008). "Precolonial Gender-Crossing and the Babaylan Chronicles". Philippine Gay Culture: Binabae to Bakla, Silahis to MSM. The University of the Philippines Press. ISBN 9789715425773.
  22. ^ a b A. L. Kroeber (1918). "The History of Philippine Civilization as Reflected in Religious Nomenclature". Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. XXI (Part II): 35–37.
  23. ^ a b Carolyn Brewer (1999). "Baylan, Asog, Transvestism, and Sodomy: Gender, Sexuality and the Sacred in Early Colonial Philippines". Intersections: Gender, History and Culture in the Asian Context (2): 1.
  24. ^ Scott, William Henry (2010). "Chapter 2 - Food and Farming". Barangay: sixteenth-century Philippine culture and society. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 35. ISBN 9789715501354.
  25. ^ Scott, William Henry (2010). "Chapter 11 - Tagalog Culture and Technology". Barangay: sixteenth-century Philippine culture and society. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 201. ISBN 9789715501354. It is well known that Spanish missionaries introduced plows to Filipino farmers, a transfer of technology which is memorialized by the word for plow in modern Philippine languages - Spanish arado.
  26. ^ Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr (10 September 2013). "Rice and Magic: ACultural History from the Precolonial World to the Present". Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints. 61 (3): 304–305. ISSN 2244-1638. To propagate the new plow technology—a contribution by Spanish friars often elided in Philippine nationalist histories—a foundry for casting plowshares was established in Manila in 1584, with Panday Pira as the first foundryman.
  27. ^ Acabado, Stephen (1 December 2018). "Zones of refuge: Resisting conquest in the northern Philippine highlands through environmental practice". Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 52: 9. doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2018.05.005. ISSN 0278-4165. The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, but evidence that will support the 2000-year old origin of the Ifugao terraces is completely absent from five major sites (Old Kiangan Village, Hapao, Nagacadan, Batad, and Banaue), which were excavated by the IAP. As such, in this case, the absence of evidence is evidence of absence.
  28. ^ Acabado, Stephen (1 December 2018). "Zones of refuge: Resisting conquest in the northern Philippine highlands through environmental practice". Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 52. doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2018.05.005. ISSN 0278-4165. Previously thought to be at least 2000 years old, the recent findings of the Ifugao Archaeological Project (IAP) show that landscape modification for terraced wet-rice cultivation started at ca. 1650 CE. The archaeological record implies that economic intensification and political consolidation occurred in Ifugao soon after the appearance of the Spanish empire in the northern Philippines (ca. 1575 CE). The foremost indication of this shift was the adoption of wet-rice agriculture in the highlands, zones that served as refuge for local populations. I argue that the subsistence shift was precipitated by political pressures and was then followed by political and economic consolidation.
  29. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 2 - Food and Farming". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 36. ISBN 9789715501354.
  30. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 8 - Weapons and War". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 147. ISBN 9789715501354.
  31. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 8 - Weapons and War". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 148. ISBN 9789715501354. It was 20 to 25 centimeters long, with smaller ones made especially for youngsters since even a small boy felt naked without one.
  32. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 8 - Weapons and War". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 148. ISBN 9789715501354. The kris was a long double-edged blade (modern specimens run to 60 or 70 centimeters), either straight or wavy but characterized by an asymmetrical hornlike flare at the hilt end, called kalaw-kalaw after the kalaw hornbill.
  33. ^ Wiley, Mark V. (1997). Filipino Martial Culture. Tuttle Publishing. ISBN 9780804820882. Kris blades are forged from finely tempered steel of different grades, giving it the appearance of the revered Damascus blade.
  34. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 8 - Weapons and War". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 148. ISBN 9789715501354. But even the best Visayan products were considered inferior to those from Mindanao or Sulu, and these in turn were less esteemed than imports from Makassar and Borneo. Alcina thought the best of them excelled Spanish blades.
  35. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 8 - Weapons and War". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 148. ISBN 9789715501354. Like the kris, it was coated with poison before going into battle, and the fiction that the metal itself had been rendered poisonous by some arcane alchemy no doubt enhanced its market value.
  36. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 8 - Weapons and War". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 148. ISBN 9789715501354. It apparently was never manufactured by Visayan smiths but imported from parts of Mindanao, both Muslim and pagan, which had direct culture contact with the Moluccas.
  37. ^ Potet, Jean-Paul (2016). Tagalog borrowings and cognates. Jean-Paul G. Potet. p. 52. ISBN 9781326615796.
  38. ^ Scott, William Henry (1994). "Chapter 12 - Tagalog Society and Religion". Barangay: Sixteenth-century Philippine Culture and Society. Ateneo University Press. p. 232. ISBN 9789715501354. The Bornean arquebus (astingal) was also known, but the Spaniards seem never to have faced any in Luzon encounters as they did in Mindanao.
  39. ^ Ocampo, Ambeth R. (14 May 2012). "Rizal's Morga and Views of Philippine History". Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints. 46 (2): 199. ISSN 2244-1638. Historical evidence provided by Retana is supported by recent archeological research. Dr. Eusebio Dizon, Chief of the Archaeology Division of the National Museum of the Philippines, wrote his doctoral dissertation on pre-Hispanic Philippine metal implements. His research showed that the indios were a metal-using people, but did not possess the metallurgical knowledge attributed to them by Rizal or the subsequent historians who drew on Rizal's work.
  40. ^ Ocampo, Ambeth R. (14 May 2012). "Rizal's Morga and Views of Philippine History". Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints. 46 (2): 199. ISSN 2244-1638. The pre- Hispanic indios, as far as current archaeological data is concerned, were not capable of founding the heavy European-style cannons used in the sixteenth century (Dizon 1991, interview).
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  44. ^ Morrow, Paul. "Baybayin, The Ancient Script of the Philippines". paulmorrow.ca. The complete absence of truly pre-Hispanic specimens of the baybayin script is puzzling and it has led to a common misconception that fanatical Spanish priests must have burned or otherwise destroyed massive amounts of native documents as they did so ruthlessly in Central America.
  45. ^ Morrow, Paul. "Baybayin, The Ancient Script of the Philippines". paulmorrow.ca. Even the prominent Dr. H. Otley Beyer wrote in The Philippines before Magellan (1921) that, “one Spanish priest in Southern Luzon boasted of having destroyed more than three hundred scrolls written in the native character.” B19 Historians have searched for the source of Beyer's claim, but until now none have even learned the name of that zealous priest.
  46. ^ Morrow, Paul. "Baybayin, The Ancient Script of the Philippines". paulmorrow.ca. Archived from the original on 15 September 2019. Retrieved 15 September 2019. Historians have searched for the source of Beyer's claim, but until now none have even learned the name of that zealous priest.
  47. ^ Santos, Hector. "Extinction of a Philippine Script". www.bibingka.baybayin.com. However, when I started looking for documents that could confirm it, I couldn't find any. I pored over historians' accounts of burnings (especially Beyer) looking for footnotes that may provide leads as to where their information came from. Sadly, their sources, if they had any, were not documented.
  48. ^ Santos, Hector. "Extinction of a Philippine Script". www.bibingka.baybayin.com. Archived from the original on 15 September 2019. Retrieved 15 September 2019. But if any burnings happened as a result of this order to Fr. Chirino, they would have resulted in destruction of Christian manuscripts that were not acceptable to the Church and not of ancient manuscripts that did not exist in the first place. Short documents burned? Yes. Ancient manuscripts? No.
  49. ^ Morrow, Paul (15 September 2019). "Baybayin, The Ancient Script of the Philippines". Archived from the original on 15 September 2019. Retrieved 15 September 2019. Furthermore, there has never been a recorded instance of ancient Filipinos writing on scrolls. The fact that they wrote on such perishable materials as leaves and bamboo is probably the reason why no pre-Hispanic documents have survived.
  50. ^ Morrow, Paul. "Baybayin, The Ancient Script of the Philippines". paulmorrow.ca. Archived from the original on 15 September 2019. Retrieved 15 September 2019. Although many Spaniards didn't hide their disdain for Filipino culture, the only documents they burned were probably the occasional curse or incantation that offended their beliefs. There simply were no “dangerous” documents to burn because the pre-Hispanic Filipinos did not write at length about such things as their own beliefs, mythology, or history. These were the subjects of their oral record, which, indeed, the Spanish priests tried to eradicate through relentless indoctrination. But, in regard to writing, it can be argued that the Spanish friars actually helped to preserve the baybayin by continuing to use it and write about it even after it fell out of use among most Filipinos.
  51. ^ Donoso, Isaac (14 June 2019). "LETRA DE MECA: JAWI SCRIPT IN THE TAGALOG REGION DURING THE 16TH CENTURY". Journal of Al-Tamaddun. 14 (1). doi:10.22452/JAT.vol14no1.8. ISSN 2289-2672. What is important to us is the relevant activity during these centuries to study, write and even print in Baybayin. And this task is not strange in other regions of the Spanish Empire. In fact indigenous documents placed a significant role in the judicial and legal life of the colonies. Documents in other language than Spanish were legally considered, and Pedro de Castro says that “I have seen in the archives of Lipa and Batangas many documents with these characters”. Nowadays we can find Baybayin documents in some repositories, including the oldest library in the country, the University of Santo Tomás.
  52. ^ Donoso, Isaac (14 June 2019). "LETRA DE MECA: JAWI SCRIPT IN THE TAGALOG REGION DURING THE 16TH CENTURY". Journal of Al-Tamaddun. 14 (1): 92. doi:10.22452/JAT.vol14no1.8. ISSN 2289-2672. Retrieved 15 September 2019. Secondly, if Baybayin was not deleted but promoted and we know that Manila was becoming an important Islamic entrepôt, it is feasible to think that Baybayin was in a mutable phase in Manila area at the Spanish advent. This is to say, like in other areas of the Malay world, Jawi script and Islam were replacing Baybayin and Hindu-Buddhist culture. Namely Spaniards might have promoted Baybayin as a way to stop Islamization since the Tagalog language was moving from Baybayin to Jawi script.
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