Cultural appropriation

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Example of Phoenician craftmanship, recycling Egyptian motives for purely decorative purposes. The cartouche contains hieroglyphs in a meaningless combination. On display at the British Museum.

Cultural appropriation is the adoption or use of elements of one culture by members of a different culture.[1] Cultural appropriation is seen by some as controversial, notably when elements of a minority culture are used by members of the cultural majority; this is seen as wrongfully oppressing the minority culture or stripping it of its group identity and intellectual property rights.[2][3][4][5] This view of cultural appropriation is sometimes termed "cultural misappropriation."[2][5] According to authors in the field, cultural (mis)appropriation differs from acculturation or assimilation in that the "appropriation" or "misappropriation" refers to the adoption of these cultural elements in a colonial manner: elements are copied from a minority culture by members of the dominant culture, and these elements are used outside of their original cultural context—sometimes even against the expressed, stated wishes of representatives of the originating culture.[5][6][7][8][9][10][11]

Often, the original meaning of these cultural elements is lost or distorted, which means that these uses may be viewed as disrespectful by members of the originating culture, or even as a form of desecration. Cultural elements which may have deep meaning to the original culture can be reduced to "exotic" fashion by those from the dominant culture.[6][7][12] When this is done, the imitator, "who does not experience that oppression is able to 'play,' temporarily, an 'exotic' other, without experiencing any of the daily discriminations faced by other cultures."[12]


Cultural appropriation can involve the use of ideas, symbols and artifacts, or other aspects of human-made visual or non-visual culture.[13] Anthropologists study the various processes of cultural borrowing, "appropriation", and cultural exchange (which includes art and urbanism), as part of cultural evolution and contact between different cultures.[14]

As a concept that is controversial in its applications, the propriety of cultural appropriation has been the subject of much debate. Opponents of cultural appropriation view many instances as wrongful misappropriation when the subject culture is a minority culture or is subordinated in social, political, economic, or military status to the dominant culture[10][12] or when there are other issues involved, such as a history of ethnic or racial conflict.[7] This is often seen in cultural outsiders' use of an oppressed culture's symbols or other cultural elements, such as music, dance, spiritual ceremonies, modes of dress, speech and social behaviour, among other cultural expressions,[15] notably when these elements are trivialized and used for fashion, rather than respected within their original cultural context. Opponents view the issues of colonialism, context, and the difference between appropriation and mutual exchange as central to analyzing cultural appropriation. They argue that mutual exchange happens on an "even playing field," whereas appropriation involves pieces of an oppressed culture being taken out of context by a people who have historically oppressed those they are taking from, and who lack the cultural context to properly understand, respect, or utilize these elements.[7][11][16]

Proponents view cultural borrowing as inevitable and a contribution to diversity and free expression.[17] This view distinguishes outright cultural theft or exotic stereotyping from more benign borrowing or appreciation. Cultural borrowing and cross-fertilization is seen by proponents as a generally positive thing, and as something which is usually done out of admiration of (and with no intent to harm) the cultures being imitated.[18][19] The language of "appropriation" is sometimes criticized as misleadingly implying "theft" when applied to culture, which is not generally seen as an exhaustible resource.[18]

Academic study[edit]

Cultural and racial theorist George Lipsitz used the term "strategic anti-essentialism" to refer to the calculated use of a cultural form, outside of your own, to define yourself or your group. Strategic anti-essentialism can be seen in both minority cultures and majority cultures, and is not confined only to the use of the other. However, Lipsitz argues, when the majority culture attempts to strategically anti-essentialize itself by appropriating a minority culture, it must take great care to recognize the specific socio-historical circumstances and significance of these cultural forms so as not to perpetuate the already existing, majority vs. minority, unequal power relations.[20]

According to this view, acts of resistance to a dominant society, when undertaken by persons belonging to subordinate groups (i.e. when members of a marginalized community mimic and alter aspects of a dominant culture to assert their agency and resistance), are excepted from the usual understanding of cultural appropriation, because the power dynamic is reversed.[citation needed] A historical example is the emergence of Mods in the UK, in the late 1950s and early 1960s; largely working class youth imitated and exaggerated the highly tailored clothing styles, past and present, of the upper middle class and re-purposed iconic British symbols like the Union Jack and the Royal Air Force's rondel. In such cases, the borrowing and re-contextualization of cultural elements can also be termed as "cultural appropriation", however this is usage is usually not intended to suggest any negative connotations.[citation needed]


Art, iconography, and adornment[edit]

A common example of cultural appropriation is the adoption of the iconography of another culture, and using it for purposes that are unintended by the original culture or even offensive to that culture's mores. Examples include sports teams using Native American tribal names or images as mascots; wearing jewelry or fashion with religious symbols such as the war bonnet,[10] medicine wheel, or cross without any belief in those religions; mimicking iconography from another culture's history such as tattoos of Polynesian tribal iconography, Chinese characters, or Celtic art worn without regard to their original cultural significance. Critics of the practice of cultural appropriation contend that divorcing this iconography from its cultural context or treating it as kitsch risks offending people who venerate and wish to preserve their cultural traditions.[10][11][21][22][23]

In Australia, Aboriginal artists have discussed an "authenticity brand" to ensure consumers are aware of artworks claiming false Aboriginal significance.[24][25] The movement for such a measure gained momentum after the 1999 conviction of John O'Loughlin for the fraudulent sale of works described as Aboriginal but painted by non-indigenous artists.[26]

Historically, some of the most hotly debated cases of cultural appropriation have occurred in places where cultural exchange is the highest, such as along the trade routes in southwestern Asia and southeastern Europe. Some scholars of the Ottoman Empire and ancient Egypt argue that Ottoman and Egyptian architectural traditions have long been falsely claimed and praised as Persian or Arab.[27]


This reproduction of a 1900 William H. West minstrel show poster, originally published by the Strobridge Litho Co., shows the transformation of a Caucasian actor using blackface makeup. Blackface was both a cultural appropriation of African-American culture and way of portraying racist stereotypes.

Blackface is a form of theatrical makeup used by performers to represent a black person. The practice gained popularity during the 19th century and contributed to the proliferation of negative stereotypes such as the "happy-go-lucky darky on the plantation" or the "dandified coon".[28] In 1848, blackface minstrel shows were popular for general audiences.[29] Early in the 20th century, blackface branched off from the minstrel show and became a form in its own right, until it ended in the United States with the U.S. Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s.[30] White blackface performers in the past used burnt cork and later greasepaint or shoe polish to blacken their skin and exaggerate their lips, often wearing woolly wigs, gloves, tailcoats, or ragged clothes to complete the transformation. Stereotypes embodied in the stock characters of blackface minstrels played a significant role in cementing and proliferating racist images, attitudes, and perceptions worldwide.[31] Blackface's groundbreaking cultural appropriation[32][33][34] exploitation, and assimilation[32] of African-American culture were but a prologue to the lucrative packaging, marketing, and dissemination of African-American cultural expression and its myriad derivative forms in today's world popular culture.[33][35][36]

During Halloween, some people buy, wear and sell Halloween costumes based on racial stereotypes.[37][38] Costumes such as "Vato Loco", "Pocahottie",[39] "Indian Warrior",[39] or "Kung Fool" are sometimes worn by people who do not belong to the respective corresponding racial or ethnic group.[39] These costumes have been criticized as being in poor taste at best and, at worst, patently racist.[10][12][38][39] In some cases, theme parties have been held where attendees are encouraged to dress up as stereotypes of a certain racial group.[37][38] A number of these parties have been held at colleges, and at times other than Halloween, such as when white students donned blackface for Martin Luther King Day.[37][38]

Religion and spirituality[edit]

People have been injured, and some have died, in fraudulent sweat lodge ceremonies performed by non-Natives.[40][41][42][43][44] Among critics, this misuse and misrepresentation of indigenous intellectual property is seen as an exploitative form of colonialism, and one step in the destruction of indigenous cultures:[45]

The results of this use of indigenous knowledge have led some tribes, and the United Nations General Assembly to issue several declarations on the subject:

We especially urge all our Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota people to take action to prevent our own people from contributing to and enabling the abuse of our sacred ceremonies and spiritual practices by outsiders; for, as we all know, there are certain ones among our own people who are prostituting our spiritual ways for their own selfish gain, with no regard for the spiritual well-being of the people as a whole.

5. We assert a posture of zero-tolerance for any "white man's shaman" who rises from within our own communities to "authorize" the expropriation of our ceremonial ways by non-Indians; all such "plastic medicine men" are enemies of the Lakota, Dakota and Nakota people.

— Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality, 4[8][9]

Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions, as well as the manifestations of their sciences, technologies and cultures, including human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of the properties of fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs, sports and traditional games and visual and performing arts. They also have the right to maintain, control, protect and develop their intellectual property over such cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions.

In 2015 a group of Native American academics and writers issued a statement against the Rainbow Family members who are "appropriating and practicing faux Native ceremonies and beliefs. These actions, although Rainbows may not realize, dehumanize us as an indigenous Nation because they imply our culture and humanity, like our land, is anyone’s for the taking." The signatories specifically named this appropriation as "cultural exploitation."[46]


While the history of colonization and marginalization is not unique to the Americas, the practice of non-Native sports teams deriving team names, imagery, and mascots from indigenous peoples is still common in the United States and Canada, and has persisted to some extent despite protests from Indigenous groups. Cornel Pewewardy, Professor and Director of Indigenous Nations Studies at Portland State University, cites indigenous mascots as an example of dysconscious racism which, by placing images of Native American or First Nations people into an invented media context, continues to maintain the superiority of the dominant culture.[47] It is argued that such practices maintain the power relationship between the dominant culture and the indigenous culture, and can be seen as a form of cultural imperialism.[48][49]

Such practices may be seen as particularly harmful in schools and universities which have a stated purpose of promoting ethnic diversity and inclusion.[50] In recognition of the responsibility of higher education to eliminate behaviors that create a hostile environment for education, in 2005 the NCAA initiated a policy against "hostile and abusive" names and mascots that led to the change of many derived from Native American culture, with the exception of those that established an agreement with particular tribes for the use of their specific names. Other schools retain their names because they were founded for the education of Native Americans, and continue to have a significant number of indigenous students. The trend towards the elimination of indigenous names and mascots in local schools has been steady, with two thirds having been eliminated over the past 50 years according to the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI).[51]

While many Native Americans and their tribes object to depictions as sports mascots, some tribes explicitly approve of such representations. A prominent example of this approval is the Florida State Seminoles, which uses the iconography of the Seminole tribe and whose mascots are Osceola and Renegade, a depiction of the Seminole chief Osceola and his Appaloosa horse.[52][53] After the NCAA attempted to ban the use of Native American names and iconography in college sports in 2005, the Seminole Tribe of Florida passed a resolution offering explicit support for FSU's use of Seminole culture and Osceola as a mascot; the university was granted a waiver, citing the close relationship with and consultation between the team and the tribe.[53] In 2013, the tribe's chairman objected to outsiders meddling in tribal approval, stating that the FSU mascot and use of Seminole iconography "represents the courage of the people who were here and are still here, known as the Unconquered Seminoles."[54] Conversely, in 2013 the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma expressed disapproval of "the use of all American Indian sports-team mascots in the public school system, by college and university level and by professional sports teams," and not all members of the tribe's Florida branch are supportive of its stance.[52][53]

In other former colonies in Asia, Africa and South America, the adoption of indigenous names for majority indigenous teams is also found. There are ethnicity-related team names derived from non-indigenous peoples, such as the Boston Celtics, the Notre Dame Fighting Irish and the Minnesota Vikings, however rather than being appropriations, these names were chosen by people of that heritage to represent themselves.

African-American culture[edit]

The term wigger (common spelling "wigga") is a slang term for a white person who emulates mannerisms, language, and fashions associated with African-American culture, particularly hip hop, and in Britain, the grime scene.[55] The "wannabe" connotation may be used pejoratively, implying a failed attempt at cultural appropriation by a white subject. The term is a portmanteau of white and nigger. The term "nigger" has often been used disparagingly, and since the mid-20th century, particularly in the United States, its usage became unambiguously pejorative and it is viewed as a racist insult. One dictionary defines the term "wigger" as a slang, derogatory reference to "...a white youth who adopts black youth culture by adopting its speech, wearing its clothes, and listening to its music."[56] Another dictionary defines the term as "offensive slang" referring to a "...white person, usually a teenager or young adult, who adopts the fashions, the tastes, and often the mannerisms considered typical of urban black youth."[57] The term may be considered derogatory, reflecting stereotypes of African-American, black British and white culture (when used as synonym of white trash). It is also sometimes used in a racist manner, not only belittling the person perceived as "acting black", but also demeaning black people and culture, by proxy.

The phenomenon of white people adopting stereotypical black mannerisms, speech, and apparel – which in the general case is called allophilia – has appeared in several generations since slavery was abolished in the Western world. The concept has been documented in the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Australia and other white-majority countries. An early form of this was the white negro in the jazz and swing music scenes of the 1920s and 1930s; as examined in the 1957 Norman Mailer essay "The White Negro". It was later seen in the zoot suiter of the 1930s and 1940s, the hipster of the 1940s, the beatnik of the 1950s-1960s, the blue-eyed soul of the 1970s, and the hip hop of the 1980s and 1990s.

Bakari Kitwana, "...a culture critic who's been tracking American hip hop for years..." has written Why White Kids Love Hip Hop: Wangstas, Wiggers, Wannabes, and the New Reality of Race in America.[58] In 1993, an article in the UK newspaper The Independent described the phenomenon of white, middle-class kids who were "wannabe Blacks".[59]

The African-American hip hop artist Azealia Banks has criticized white rapper Iggy Azalea "..for failing to comment on "black issues" despite capitalising on the appropriation of African American culture in her music."[60] Banks has called Azelea a "wigger" and there have been "...accusations of racism against Azalea" focused on her "...insensitivity to the complexities of race relations and cultural appropriation."[60]

Robert A. Clift's documentary, "Blacking Up: Hip-Hop's Remix of Race and Identity," questions white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture. The term of art "wigger" " used both proudly and derisively to describe white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture."[61] Clift's documentary examines "...racial and cultural ownership and authenticity -- a path that begins with the stolen blackness seen in the success of Stephen Foster, Al Jolson, Benny Goodman, Elvis Presley, the Rolling Stones -- all the way up to Vanilla Ice (popular music's ur-wigger...and Eminem."[61] A review of the documentary refers to the wiggers as "white poseurs."[61]

Other uses[edit]

In some cases, a culture usually viewed as the target of cultural appropriation can be accused of appropriation, particularly after colonization and an extensive period re-organization of that culture under the nation-state system. For example, the government of Ghana has been accused of cultural appropriation in adopting the Caribbean Emancipation Day and marketing it to African American tourists as an "African festival".[62]

For some members of the South-Asian community, the wearing of a bindi dot as a decorative item, by a non-Hindu,[63] or more broadly, by a woman who is not South Asian, is considered cultural appropriation.[11]

A common term among the Irish for someone who imitates or misrepresents Irish culture is Plastic Paddy.[64]

Celebrity controversies[edit]

Most recent of celebrity cultural appropriation controversy came from Beyonce and Coldplay's 2016 video, "Hymn for the Weekend". In the video, Beyonce is seen wearing a sari, henna tattoos on her hands, and traditional Indian jewelry. The video caused widespread controversy from online speculators to faithful Beyonce fans. Although some argue that the video was intended to celebrate Indian culture, many feel that the video could have featured a real Bollywood actress.[65]

When Selena Gomez wore the Bindi during a performance there was debate on her reasoning behind wearing the culture specific piece. Some viewed this as "casting her vote for Team India" but it was also viewed as misuse of the symbol as Selena was seen as not supporting or relating the Bindi to its origin of Hinduism, but furthering her own self-expression.[66] In 2014, Pharrell Williams posed in a Native American war bonnet on the cover of ELLE UK magazine, after much controversy and media surrounding the photo Williams apologized.[67]

Avril Lavigne has been cited as appropriating Japanese culture in her song "Hello Kitty," co-written with her husband and Nickelback frontman Chad Kroeger. The song and music video depict Asian women dressed up in matching outfits and Lavigne eating Asian food while dressed in a pink tutu.[68] Its depiction of Japanese culture was met with widespread criticism, which has included suggestions of racism. Lavigne responded by stating "I love Japanese culture and I spend half of my time in Japan. I flew to Tokyo to shoot this video...specifically for my Japanese fans, WITH my Japanese label, Japanese choreographers AND a Japanese director IN Japan."[69] A lot of the feedback Lavigne received on Twitter was favorable, and those who blamed her for racism were non-Japanese.[70]

Another example of cultural appropriation was seen in the 2012 Victoria's Secret Fashion Show when former Victoria's Secret model Karlie Kloss donned a Native American-style feathered headdress with leather bra and panties and high-heeled moccasins.[71] This was an example of cultural appropriation because the fashion show is showcasing the company's lingerie and image as a global fashion giant. The outfit was supposed to represent November, and thus, 'Thanksgiving' in the 'Calendar Girls' segment. The outfit met with backlash and criticism as an appropriation of Native American culture and tradition. Victoria's Secret pulled it from the broadcast and apologized for its usage. Kloss also commented on the decision by tweeting, "I am deeply sorry if what I wore during the VS Show offended anyone," "I support VS's decision to remove the outfit from the broadcast."[72]

Actress Amandla Stenberg made a school-related video called "Don't Cash Crop on My Cornrows" about the use of black hairstyles and black culture by non-black people, questioning celebrities like Katy Perry and Iggy Azalea for using "black culture as a way of being edgy and gaining attention."[73] Stenberg later critiqued Kylie Jenner for embracing African-American aesthetic values without addressing the issues that affect the community.[74]


In 2011 a group of students at Ohio University started a poster campaign denouncing the use of cultural stereotypes as costumes. The campaign features people of color alongside their respective stereotypes with slogans such as "This is not who I am and this is not okay." [75] The goal of the movement was to raise awareness around racism during Halloween in the university and the surrounding community, but the images also circulated online and received a largely positive response.[76]

"Reclaim the Bindi" has become a hashtag used by people of South Asian descent who wear traditional garb. #CoachellaShutdown has been used in conjunction with #ReclaimtheBindi in order to combat the use of the bindi at music festivals, most notably the Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival.[77] Reclaim the Bindi Week seeks to promote the cultural significance of the bindi and combat its use as a fashion statement.[78]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ Young, James O. (February 1, 2010). Cultural Appropriation and the Arts. John Wiley & Sons. p. 5. ISBN 9781444332711. Retrieved July 22, 2015. 
  2. ^ a b Fourmile, Henrietta (1996) "Making things work: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Involvement in Bioregional Planning" in Approaches to bioregional planning. Part 2. Background Papers to the conference; 30 October – 1 November 1995, Melbourne; Department of the Environment, Sport and Territories. Canberra. pp. 268–269: "The [western] intellectual property rights system and the (mis)appropriation of Indigenous knowledge without the prior knowledge and consent of Indigenous peoples evoke feelings of anger, or being cheated"
  3. ^ a b Working Group on Indigenous Populations, accepted by the United Nations General Assembly, Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples; UN Headquarters; New York City (13 September 2007). Archived October 19, 2014 at the Wayback Machine
  4. ^ Rainforest Aboriginal Network (1993) Julayinbul: Aboriginal Intellectual and Cultural Property Definitions, Ownership and Strategies for Protection. Rainforest Aboriginal Network. Cairns. Page 65
  5. ^ a b c Metcalfe, Jessica, "Native Americans know that cultural misappropriation is a land of darkness". For The Guardian. 18 May 2012. Accessed 24 Nov 2015.
  6. ^ a b Houska, Tara. "'I Didn't Know' Doesn't Cut It Anymore". Indian Country Today Media Network. Retrieved April 20, 2015.  On imitation Native headdresses as "the embodiment of cultural appropriation ... donning a highly sacred piece of Native culture like a fashion accessory."
  7. ^ a b c d Caceda, Eden. "Our cultures are not your costumes". Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved January 20, 2015. 
  8. ^ a b Mesteth, Wilmer, et al (June 10, 1993) "Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality." "At the Lakota Summit V, an international gathering of US and Canadian Lakota, Dakota and Nakota Nations, about 500 representatives from 40 different tribes and bands of the Lakota unanimously passed a "Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality." The following declaration was unanimously passed."
  9. ^ a b Taliman, Valerie (1993) "Article On The 'Lakota Declaration of War'."
  10. ^ a b c d e Keene, Adrienne (April 27, 2010) "But Why Can’t I Wear a Hipster Headdress?" at Native Appropriations – Examining Representations of Indigenous Peoples.
  11. ^ a b c d Sundaresh, Jaya (May 10, 2013) "Beyond Bindis: Why Cultural Appropriation Matters" for The Aerogram.
  12. ^ a b c d Johnson, Kjerstin (25 October 2011) "Don't Mess Up When You Dress Up: Cultural Appropriation and Costumes" at Bitch Magazine. Accessed 4 March 2015. 'Dressing up as "another culture," is racist, and an act of privilege. Not only does it lead to offensive, inaccurate, and stereotypical portrayals of other people's culture...but is also an act of appropriation in which someone who does not experience that oppression is able to "play," temporarily, an "exotic" other, without experience any of the daily discriminations faced by other cultures.'
  13. ^ Schneider, Arnd (2003) On ‘appropriation’. A critical reappraisal of the concept and its application in global art practices, published in Social Anthropology (2003), 11:2:215–229 Cambridge University Press
  14. ^ Schneider, Arnd (2007) Appropriation as Practice. Art and Identity in Argentina pp. 24–5, 199 Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978-1-4039-7314-6. review
  15. ^ Alcoff, Linda Martin (1998). "What Should White People Do?". Hypatia 13 (3): 6–26. doi:10.1111/j.1527-2001.1998.tb01367.x. Retrieved November 22, 2014. 
  16. ^ Uwujaren, Jarune (Sep. 30, 2013) "The Difference Between Cultural Exchange and Cultural Appropriation" for
  17. ^ Young, Cathy (August 21, 2015). "To the New Culture Cops, Everything is Appropriation". The Washington Post. Retrieved December 6, 2015. 
  18. ^ a b McWhorter, John. "You Can't 'Steal' A Culture: In Defense of Cultural Appropriation". The Daily Beast. Retrieved October 20, 2014. 
  19. ^ Jacoby, Jeff (December 1, 2015). "Three cheers for cultural appropriation". The Boston Globe. Retrieved December 6, 2015. 
  20. ^ Darren Lee Pullen, ed. (2009). Technoliteracy, Discourse, and Social Practice: Frameworks and Applications in the Digital Age. IGI Global. p. 312. ISBN 1605668435. 
  21. ^ Ehrlich, Brenna (June 4, 2014) "Here’s Why You Shouldn’t Wear A Native American Headdress" for MTV News.
  22. ^ Freda, Elizabeth (Jul. 28, 2014) "Music Festival Is Banning Cultural Appropriation, aka Hipsters Wearing Native American Headdresses" for EOnline.
  23. ^ Zimmerman, Amy (June 4, 2014) "Pharrell, Harry Styles, and Native American Appropriation" for The Daily Beast.
  24. ^ James, Marianne. "Art Crime." Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, No. 170. Australian Institute of Criminology. October 2000. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  25. ^ "The Aboriginal Arts 'fake' controversy." European Network for Indigenous Australian Rights. July 29, 2000. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  26. ^ "Aboriginal art under fraud threat." BBC News. November 28, 2003. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  27. ^ Ousterhout, Robert. "Ethnic Identity and Cultural Appropriation in Early Ottoman Architecture." Muqarnas Volume XII: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture. Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1995. Retrieved January 3, 2010.
  28. ^ For the "darky"/"coon" distinction see, for example, note 34 on p. 167 of Edward Marx and Laura E. Franey's annotated edition of Yone Noguchi, The American Diary of a Japanese Girl, Temple University Press, 2007, ISBN 1-59213-555-2. See also Lewis A. Erenberg (1984), Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture, 1890–1930, University of Chicago Press, p. 73, ISBN 0-226-21515-6. For more on the "darky" stereotype, see J. Ronald Green (2000), Straight Lick: The Cinema of Oscar Micheaux, Indiana University Press, pp. 134, 206, ISBN 0-253-33753-4; p. 151 of the same work also alludes to the specific "coon" archetype.
  29. ^ William J. Mahar, Behind the Burnt Cork Mask: Early Blackface Minstrelsy and Antebellum American Popular Culture, University of Illinois Press (1998), p. 9, ISBN 0-252-06696-0.
  30. ^ Frank W. Sweet, A History of the Minstrel Show, Backintyme (2000), p. 25, ISBN 0-939479-21-4
  31. ^ Lott, Eric. "Blackface and Blackness: The Minstrel Show in American Culture", in Annemarie Bean, James V. Hatch, and Brooks McNamara (eds), Inside the minstrel mask: readings in nineteenth-century blackface minstrelsy, pp. 5-6.
  32. ^ a b Lott 1993, pp. 17–18
  33. ^ a b Watkins 1999, p. 82
  34. ^ Inside the minstrel mask: Readings in nineteenth-century blackface minstrelsy by Bean, Annemarie, James V. Hatch, and Brooks McNamara. 1996. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.
  35. ^ Jason Rodriquez, "Color-Blind Ideology and the Cultural Appropriation of Hip-Hop", Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, Vol. 35, No. 6, 645–68 (2006).
  36. ^ Darktown Strutters. – book reviews by Eric Lott, African American Review, Spring 1997.
  37. ^ a b c Mueller, Jennifer (11 April 2007). "Unmasking Racism: Halloween Costuming and Engagement of the Racial Other". Qualitative Sociology 30 (3): 315. doi:10.1007/s11133-007-9061-1. Retrieved 4 March 2015. 
  38. ^ a b c d Escobar, Samantha (17 October 2014) "13 Racist College Parties That Prove Dear White People Isn’t Exaggerating At All" at The Gloss. Accessed 4 March 2015
  39. ^ a b c d Keene, Adrienne (October 26, 2011) "Open Letter to the PocaHotties and Indian Warriors this Halloween" at Native Appropriations – Examining Representations of Indigenous Peoples. Accessed 4 March 2015
  40. ^ Herel, Suzanne (2002-06-27). "2 seeking spiritual enlightenment die in new-age sweat lodge". San Francisco Chronicle (Hearst Communications). Retrieved 2006-09-26. 
  41. ^ Taliman, Valerie (13 October 2009), Selling the sacred, Indian Country Today 
  42. ^ Goulais, Bob (2009-10-24). "Editorial: Dying to experience native ceremonies". North Bay Nugget. 
  43. ^ Hocker, Lindsay. "Sweat lodge incident 'not our Indian way'", Quad-Cities Online, 14 October 2009.
  44. ^ Wernitznig, Dagmar, Europe's Indians, Indians in Europe: European Perceptions and Appropriations of Native American Cultures from Pocahontas to the Present. University Press of America, 2007: p.132. "What happens further in the Plastic Shaman's [fictitious] story is highly irritating from a perspective of cultural hegemony. The Injun elder does not only willingly share their spirituality with the white intruder but, in fact, must come to the conclusion that this intruder is as good an Indian as they are themselves. Regarding Indian spirituality, the Plastic Shaman even out-Indians the actual ones. The messianic element, which Plastic Shamanism financially draws on, is installed in the Yoda-like elder themselves. They are the ones – while melodramatically parting from their spiritual offshoot – who urge the Plastic Shaman to share their gift with the rest of the world. Thus Plastic Shamans wipe their hands clean of any megalomaniac or missionizing undertones. Licensed by the authority of an Indian elder, they now have every right to spread their wisdom, and if they make (quite more than) a buck with it, then so be it.—The neocolonial ideology attached to this scenario leaves less room for cynicism."
  45. ^ Estes, Nick; et al "Protect He Sapa, Stop Cultural Exploitation" at Indian Country Today Media Network. 14 July 2015. Accessed 24 Nov 2015
  46. ^ Pewewardy, Cornel (1999). "From enemy to mascot: The deculturation of Indian mascots in sports culture". Canadian Journal of Native Education 23 (2): 176–189. ISSN 0710-1481. Retrieved 2014-11-22. 
  47. ^ Longwell-Grice, Robert; Hope Longwell-Grice (2003). "Chiefs, Braves, and Tomahawks: The Use of American Indians as University Mascots". NASPA Journal (National Association of Student Personnel Administrators, Inc.) 40 (3): 1–12. doi:10.2202/0027-6014.1255. ISSN 0027-6014. Retrieved 2014-10-29. 
  48. ^ Riley, Angela (2005). "Straight Stealing: Towards an Indigenous System of Cultural Property Protection". Washington Law Review 80 (69). 
  49. ^ "Statement of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights on the Use of Native American Images and Nicknames as Sports Symbols". The United States Commission on Civil Rights. April 13, 2001. Retrieved 2012-06-13. 
  50. ^ "Anti-Defamation and Mascots". National Congress of American Indians. Retrieved 12 January 2013. 
  51. ^ a b Lyden, Jacki (November 28, 2015). "Osceola At The 50-Yard Line". Retrieved December 6, 2015. 
  52. ^ a b c Culpepper, Chuck (December 29, 2014). "Florida State's Unusual Bond with Seminole Tribe Puts Mascot Debate in a Different Light". The Washington Post. Retrieved December 6, 2015. 
  53. ^ Billie, James E. (October 24, 2013). "Like the old Florida flag: 'Let us alone!'". The Seminole Tribune. Retrieved December 6, 2015. 
  54. ^ Bernstein, Nell: Signs of Life in the USA: Readings on Popular Culture for Writers, 5th ed. 607
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