Dolle Mina

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Dolle Mina (Mad Mina) was a 1970s Dutch feminist group which campaigned for equal rights for women. It was named after early Dutch feminist Wilhelmina Drucker.[1]


In the first wave of feminism [nl], about 1880-1925, feminists strove to vote and stand for women's rights and their access to college and university. This action movement largely fell silent after the main goals were reached and the economic crisis in 1930. In the war years 1939 to 1945 changed thinking about the role of women and they were strong in countries such as England, Germany or the United States deployed in factories to replace men who served in the military. In the postwar years, the bell was again partially reversed. Women who worked in factories were sent home, they were put out of unions and other civil society organizations and the new morality was that women were generally not supposed to work outside the home, but were happy to provide unpaid home by their spouse, children to educate and organize the household. [1] In the Netherlands, working women were fired when they got married, for officials was regulated. In the Netherlands, married women could not independently perform legal acts such as the conclusion of a contract (incapacitation). In the sixties, mainly originated in Western countries among women worldwide again feminist movement, from dissatisfaction with the social position and partly because of the contraceptive pill that made possible the sending of pregnancies. This action period, the second wave of feminism and called in the Netherlands was activist group Dolle Mina as an important and well-known part of. In autumn 1969, the founders were Dunya Verwey, Michael Korzec, Alex and Rita Korzec Hendriks. Shortly thereafter locks include Anne Marie and her husband Philippens Huub themselves. Dolle Mina of the first hour included Nora Rozenbroek, Friedl Baruch, Claudette van Trikt, Selma Leydesdorff, Marjan Sax, Miklos Racz and Loes Mallée, and Henriëtte Schatz. During Maagdenhuis occupation earlier that year the Dunya Verwey had noticed that especially the men activists who spoke. Selma Leydesdorff saw that only the women made sandwiches. Around the same time were Nora Rozenbroek Rita Hendriks and her husband Alex Korzec faced in their daily work and life the practical consequences of inequality between men and women. Dolle Mina was able to draw attention to the unequal rights of men and women with playful public campaigns. Since October 1968 the group consisted Man Woman Society, one of the Labour Party sympathetic action group in the parliament and the public administration would exert influence to improve the rights of women and their position in society. The founders of Dolle Mina saw MVM as a conformist club too much part of the established order and opted for other purposes and methods. Some Dolle Mina members found MVM also reformist: they saw themselves as members of a new "grassroots" who sought a more fundamental change in society. There should be, according to them, a democratic socialist society. Various groups at the bottom of society ("the base") had to be mobilized in it. This basic strategy groups the line at that time was also the student movement (among others Ton Regtien was turned off)

Dolle Mina had a Marxist outlook, and brought attention to the struggle by women to gain equality in the trade unions, which routinely avoided expanding the rights of women members when it meant concessions by male "breadwinners". The group had activist campaigns, including protests and publications,[2] to promote women's right to abortion, equal pay for equal work, childcare, and even access to public toilets.[3]

Dolle Mina's protests lasted throughout the 1970s. They were characterized by their humour, often inverting gender roles.[4] In 1970, the group co-organized a "Discrimination Fair" to draw attention to the issue of equal pay. Central to the debate was the Netherlands' failure to ratify the International Labour Organization Convention ILO-100, which mandated equal pay for equal work. The Netherlands ratified ILO-100 in 1971, although it did not have an immediate impact.[5]

Media coverage[edit]

One of the most remarkable aspects of the movement is the media coverage. The attention was crucial to the professionality of the Dolle Mina movement. It showed that well-organised and well-documented protest did not only contribute to the demonstration itself, it could also spark a reaction from surrounding countries, especially Belgian and German women's emancipation movements.[6] Another group that was known for their use of media was the Man-Vrouw-Maatschappij (MVM), which translates as the Man-Women-Society. This group was more professional in the way that it had actual functions on their board (chairman, treasurer and secretary), but compared to the Dolle Mina's, it lacked controversiality. The MVM mainly pursued their goals through the political path by for example, lobbying in national and local parliaments, writing reports and organizing conferences. They did several news segments and printed out their statements for everyone to read.[7] However, as said before, the movement of the Dolle Mina provoked a true 'mediablitz' with the use of provocative events or other unconventional ways to get their statements across. For example tying pink ribbons across (mostly public) male lavatories or, a more direct approach: the kidnapping of a movie-maker who wanted to organise a 'Miss Cinema Pageant'.[7] Even though these acts seem to have had a long-term preparation, most of the acts were carried out days apart from each other, which resulted in weeks long press-headliners about the Dolle Mina movement. The movement was especially exceptional in providing the media with 'readymade' news, such as the pink ribbon-demonstration. Their exceptional use of media with the use of shock and/or materials in an unconventional way was a significant part of the success of the movement.[7]


  1. ^ Kaplan, Gisela (2012). Contemporary Western European Feminism (RLE Feminist Theory). Routledge. p. 152. ISBN 9780415636810.
  2. ^ Kaplan, Gisela (2012). Contemporary Western European Feminism (RLE Feminist Theory). Routledge. p. 154. ISBN 9780415636810.
  3. ^ Van Der Vleuten, Anna (2013). The Price of Gender Equality (Epub) Member States and Governance in the European Union. Ashgate Publishing. p. 75. ISBN 9781409498063.
  4. ^ Denis, Marie and Suzanne Van Rokeghem (1992). Le féminisme est dans la rue: Belgique 1970-1975. De Boeck Supérieur. p. 43. ISBN 9782873110093.
  5. ^ Van Der Vleuten, Anna (2013). The Price of Gender Equality (Epub) Member States and Governance in the European Union. Ashgate Publishing. p. 81. ISBN 9781409498063.
  6. ^ Hooghe, M. (1994). De organisatiestructuur van de Vlaamse vrouwenbeweging. Autonomie en integratie in een gesloten politieke cultuur. Sociologische Gids, 41(2), 144-161.
  7. ^ a b c Van Zoonen, E. A. (1992). The women's movement and the media: Constructing a public identity. European Journal of Communication, 7(4), 453-476.