Erra (god)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
Erra amulet
Amulet to ward off plague.jpg
Amulet to ward off plague inscribed with a quotation from the Akkadian Erra Epic.
MaterialStone, copper
SizeL:1.81 in (4.6 cm)
W:1.25 in (3.2 cm)
Created800–612 BCE
Period/cultureNeo-Assyrian
PlaceAshur
Present locationRoom 55, British Museum, London
Identification118998

Erra (sometimes called Irra) is an Akkadian plague god known from an 'epos'[1] of the eighth century BCE. Erra is the god of mayhem and famine who is responsible for periods of political confusion. During the Old Babylonian Period, he became assimilated to Nergal[2] and treated as an aspect of him interchangeably in texts; where "Erra" was utilized as a stand-in for the name "Nergal" since they were considered synonyms.

Epic of Erra[edit]

In the epic that is given the modern title Erra, the writer Kabti-ilani-Marduk,[3] a descendant, he says, of Dabibi, presents himself[4] in a colophon following the text as simply the transcriber of a visionary dream in which Erra himself revealed the text.

The poem opens with an invocation. The god Erra is sleeping fitfully with his consort (identified with Mamītum and not with the mother goddess Mami)[5][6] but is roused by his advisor Išum and the Seven (Sibitti or Sebetti), who are the sons of heaven and earth[7]—"champions without peer" is the repeated formula—and are each assigned a destructive destiny by Anu. Machinist and Sasson (1983) call them "personified weapons". The Sibitti call on Erra to lead the destruction of mankind. Išum tries to mollify Erra's wakened violence, to no avail. Foreign peoples invade Babylonia, but are struck down by plague. Even Marduk, the patron of Babylon, relinquishes his throne to Erra for a time. Tablets II and III are occupied with a debate between Erra and Išum. Erra goes to battle in Babylon, Sippar, Uruk, Dūr-Kurigalzu and Dēr. The world is turned upside down: righteous and unrighteous are killed alike. Erra orders Išum to complete the work by defeating Babylon's enemies. Then the god withdraws to his own seat in Emeslam with the terrifying Seven, and mankind is saved. A propitiatory prayer ends the work.

The poem must have been central to Babylonian culture: at least thirty-six copies have been recovered from five first-millennium sites—Assur, Babylon, Nineveh, Sultantepe and Ur[8]—more, even, as the assyriologist and historian of religions Luigi Giovanni Cagni points out, than have been recovered of the Epic of Gilgamesh.[9]

The text appears to some readers to be a mythologisation of historic turmoil in Mesopotamia, though scholars disagree as to the historic events that inspired the poem: the poet exclaims (tablet IV:3) "You changed out of your divinity and made yourself like a man."

The Erra text soon assumed magical functions[10] Parts of the text were inscribed on amulets employed for exorcism and as a prophylactic against the plague. The Seven are known from a range of Akkadian incantation texts: their demonic names vary,[11] but their number, seven, is invariable.

The five tablets containing the Erra epos were first published in 1956,[12] with an improved text, based on additional finds, appearing in 1969.[13] Perhaps 70% of the poem has been recovered.[14]

Walter Burkert[15] noted the consonance of the purely mythic seven led by Erra with the Seven against Thebes, widely assumed by Hellenists to have had a historical basis.

Erragal[edit]

Erragal, also known as Errakal, is a rarely-attested deity usually regarded as a form of Erra,[16] but the two gods are probably of separate origin.[17] He is connected with storms and the destruction caused by them.[18] In An = Anum I 316, Erragal is listed as the husband of the goddess Ninnisig and is equated with Nergal.[18] In the Epic of Gilgamesh and the Atra-Hasis Epic, Errakal is said to "tear up the mooring poles", causing the Great Flood.[18]

Ninnisig and Erragal (Nergal), written dU.GUR, also feature together in two mythological explanatory texts[18] where they are addressed as "bearers of the bronze dagger".[19]

Zababa is a god usually identified with Ninurta, given that he's listed as the husband of the goddess Bau,[20] Ningirsu's wife,[21] and the sons of Ningirsu: Igalim and Shulshaga are also addressed as the weapons of Zababa,[22][23] as well as being depicted while standing erected in front of the seated god Zababa, representing either his weapons or his symbols.[24] Furthermore, Zababa also receives the epithet "Crusher of Stones",[25][26][27] which would seemingly identify him with Ninurta, given Ninurta's win over the stones led by the Asag-demon in the poem Lugal-e, and yet – references to Zababa as the "Nergal of Kish"[28] are known too.

The reason why a deity like Zababa could seemingly be equated with both Ninurta and Nergal simultaneously (although he wasn't ever fully conflated with either of them), is because the term "Nergal" was also a generic title that became attached to a number of underworld deities in god-lists in order to denote their general death-dealing functions and chthonic associations; since the name Nergal stems from En-uru-gal, meaning "lord of the big city,"[29] a euphemistic way to refer to the god as a ruler of the world of the dead.[30] Thus any deity who had underworld connections could be defined as a Ner-gal; a god of the underworld or lord of the dead generically, and such could be the case also for Zababa, where – if he was indeed addressed as the "Nergal of Kish" as well, that would be because the title referred to his underworld connections and general chthonic associations which were part of his character much like his warrior qualities (or also as secondary traits), rather than instead implying an equation with the homonymously called deity Nergal. This was also the case for the god Lugal-Marada, tutelary deity of the city of Marad, who despite being assimilated to Ninurta,[31] he was regarded as a local manifestation of Nergal in the city of Marad (as an epithet of Nergal). This, again, does not imply that the god Lugal-Marad was equivalent with both Ninurta and Nergal at the same time but instead refers to the fact that it was Ninurta himself who was also addressed as "Nergal" alternatively, and in the context, specifically referring to the city of Marad. Other examples of this would be the deity Lagamal equated with Nergal in An = Anum[32] despite being considered a son of Urash, the tutelary god of Dilbat equivalent with Ninurta; and Ninurta and Nergal are usually regarded as brothers, not as father and son, or also Ninazu, a deity distinct from Nergal, who was addressed as the "Nergal of Enegi" in some sources.[33]

But more specifically there had been another god mainly addressed by the title "Nergal" who was Lugal-irra, Nergal-Meslamtaea's twin companion that accompanied him in the Gemini coupling. In a Neo-Assyrian amulet reported by Wiggermann[34] the text implies that «[…] one god, Meslantaea, is imagined as having two identical bodies». In a passage reported by E. von Weiher[35] it is stated that because of a fire in the temple of Nergal, the statues of the two gods ("Nergal") had to be moved to the temple of the god Lugal-marad. The two deities (ilānimeš) from line 15 are identified according to E. von Weiher[35] as the «two Nergals», because in line 23 of the same text it is read that the gods called "Nergal" are two: «a-na dnèrgal (IGI.DU)meš ki-lál-le-e» which are to be identified with Lugal-irra and Meslantaea according to von Weiher. The same concept appears in the myth entitled "Nergal and Ereshkigal" when the god is addressed as Nergal and indicated with the plural "they", or when Namtar the judge of the underworld identifies the two gods standing at his doorway as "the gods Erra" in order to let them in.[36] This would seem to indicate that there were two deities mainly who were identified by the names "Erra" and "Nergal", which is why Erra is sometimes synonymous with Nergal whilst other times he can also appear as a separate entity. The Gemini are not regarded as proper twins despite resembling each other – as they are variously ascribed different parentage depending on the version; same mother but different fathers in the case of Castor and Pollux according to the more commonly recognized tradition, or same father but different mothers when the Gemini are instead identified with Apollo and Heracles,[37][38] who are notably not twins in Greek mythology and in their Roman equivalents. This would explain how the two sons of Enlil – Ninurta and Nergal, are both designated by the cuneiform element dMAŠ ("twin") with Ninurta being addressed as dMAŠ only written once whilst Nergal is indicated with the ideogram dMAŠ.MAŠ thus repeated twice.[39][34] This view was rejected due to the fact that Ninurta and Nergal are not twins, and yet – based on the tradition of the Gemini throughout different cultures; it becomes apparent how the two brothers are never regarded as real twins and instead only appear as duplicates of each other in terms of resemblance, but born to different parents that change according to the version. In Mesopotamia Ninurta is usually regarded as the son of Enlil and Ninhursag[40][41] whilst Nergal is addressed as a son of Enlil and his consort Ninlil instead,[42] thus they would seem to share different parentage at least for one of the two relatives. In an alternative tradition Ninurta is instead regarded as a son of Anu in the form of the god Urash from Dilbat, where Urash and An were most likely viewed as father and son in that local genealogy.

Thus the differentiation of Erragal from Erra could be based on this concept, where the two gods were simultaneously both identified as "Erra" (and subsequently Nergal), but in order to differentiate one over the other when necessary, the title -gal was added at the end of it as in "Erra the Great" or "Great Erra" instead of simply Erra. This differentiation could also emphasize their divergence in traits, because only Erragal is known to be associated with the element of water and is considered a god connected with storms and the destruction caused by them as well as flooding. Erragal (Nergal) listed as the husband of Ninnisig and indicated with the cuneiform writing dU.GUR,[18] was addressed in the context of Nippur,[43] Ninurta's main cult center. Zababa is equivalent with Ningirsu, and Ninurta is also assimilated to Erra in the Erra Epic when the god Erra (also called Nergal in the text) is credited with the wins over the Asag demon (spelled Asakku in the epic) and the bird Anzû, enemies typically defeated by Ninurta in Mesopotamian tradition. Also, based on the fact that Ninurta is usually perceived as a god of thunderstorms and springtime flooding, the identification of Erragal as the one to "tear up the mooring poles" causing the Great Flood[18] is more in line with the character of Ningirsu as a god of irrigation, rather than Nergal who has no known associations with water and flooding and is instead limited to the sphere of war, death and pestilence.

The lines in Atrahasis II. VII. 51 and Gilgamesh XI. 101 from the poem of Atra-Hasis and the Epic of Gilgamesh respectively, could thus refer to a single god, mentioned as both Errakal and Ninurta at the same time, and addressed by these two different names who belong to only one deity. According to this interpretation the passage in question would describe a succession of actions performed by the same god, who is addressed by his two different names: "Erragal pulled out the mooring poles, forth went Ninurta and made the dikes overflow" – describing the deity as he tears out the mooring poles first; and in that case he is called: Erragal – then the same god now addressed as: Ninurta in the continuation of the passage, goes forth after having performed the action of tearing out the poles, and he thus makes the dikes overflow by releasing the waters.

In a join to the Weidner god-list "Erragal" is equated with Tarḫun(ta) (Hurrian: Teshub),[44] probably as a more modern identification of the god with another similar deity who also had connections with water and storms, given that the Hurrian Teššub was designated with the cuneiform writing dIM of the Mesopotamian god Adad, a storm-deity associated with rain and flooding as well. The iconography of the two gods is also similar, where both Ninurta and Teshub are armed with a mace (an axe or a club) and hold thunderbolts in their hands, as well as being perceived as slayers of monsters.

Deities equated with both Ninurta and Nergal have been associated with the divine name Gaṯaru or Gašaru at Ugarit, since a trilingual god list equates Tišpak (the tutelary god of Eshnunna) with the divine name Gaṯaru;[45] and Tishpak is also regarded as a Ninurta-like deity because Wilfred G. Lambert proposed that Tishpak could be understood as a deity connected with Ninurta based on his association with Ninazu, who shared many traits with the latter.[46] Similarly, Andrew R. George argues that Tishpak's placement in the so-called Canonical Temple List might indicate he was one of the deities who could be syncretised with Ninurta, similar to Lugal-Marada, Zababa or Urash.[47] According to Marten Stol, both classification of Tishpak as a Ninurta-like figure ("Ninurta-Gestalt") and direct equation between these two gods (Tishpak being described as Ninurta ša ramkūti) is attested in a single document each.[48] The divine name Gaṯaru was also equated in the same list with two more deities whose names have been restored as Ningirsu and Mesagunu by Aaron Tugendhaft,[49] Mesagunu being a minor warrior god from Uruk possibly associated with Nergal or Ninurta.[50] Gašaru is translated into Sumerian language as: ir9 -ra, thus equivalent with the divine name "Erra". Occasionally, ir9-ra was applied also to Ninurta as an epithet,[51] as well as being attributed to Nergal and in contexts of related deities, which means that the term was generally employed for both gods. The distinction arose when one is identified as Erragal over the other. The fact that Erragal was considered analogous to Lugal-irra (which is a Sumerianized form of the Akkadian deity Bēl Gašir, "the strong lord") can be deduced from a particular case of deformation of a noun found in an OB collection of extispicy omens published by Nougayrol[52][53] where it is read: lugal.ir9-ra.gal – as posited by Nougayrol[52] that it must reflect a contamination of Lugal-irra (previously spelled: Lugal-girra) and Irragal fused together, and he rendered the name as "Lugal(g)irragal"; similarly to Richter.[54]

Tishpak has also been proposed to have been alternatively an Elamite form of Teshub,[55][56] which would make the association of Tarḫun(ta) (Teššub) with Erragal even more logical; since Tishpak had been equated with the divine name Gaṯaru or Gašaru (Ir9-ra) and because Teshub was a god of storm and rain, he could only be identified with the form of Erra associated with the destructive effects of storms which would be Erragal.

Analogously to the concept of "duality" for the deities called Erra (and subsequently the «two Nergals»); a similar proposition could be applied to the West Semitic deity Resheph. Although Resheph is usually equated with Nergal, it has been speculated that sometimes Rašap could be read as the logogram dNIN.URTA in personal nouns,[57][58] as well as suggesting that the lack of Resheph in the god-lists from Emar could result from him being identified with Ninurta in those cases.[59] This would explain how Resheph can embody contradicting divine qualities such as being a god of pestilence and disease on one side, but also of healing if propitiated, on the other – all at once. Thus there would be a "Resheph of plague" and a "Resheph of healing". Another hint at this ambivalent aspect of the god is given by the Luwian deity named Runtiya designated with the cuneiform writing dLAMMA, that's been identified as a special version of Resheph called "Rašap of the he-goats" or "Rašap of the birds" (ršp ṣprm) in the Luwian-Phoenician Karatepe Bilingual,[60] and equated with Hermes (Mercury),[61] when instead Ugaritic Resheph is usually identified with Nergal who embodies more so the qualities associated with the planet Mars. Runtiya is connected with the deer, similar to the Canaanite deity Attar who was associated with the antelope. A further parallel can be drawn between the myths that feature Kurunta/Runtiya and Attar. In The Song of KAL/LAMMA[62][63][64] Kurunta/Runtiya (the god probably identified by the sumerograms dLAMMA and dKAL) replaces Teššub, who is struck with a stone and driven from heaven. As Teshub falls from the sky, LAMMA takes the reins and the whip out of his hand, the symbols of power. Ea appoints LAMMA as king of the gods. For mankind, the reign of LAMMA is a prosperous age on earth. The goddess Kubaba suggests that LAMMA meet the Primeval Gods, the great gods, and pay his respects to them, but he refuses to do so and "to bow to them". Ea then accuses LAMMA of being unfit to rule and appeals to Kumarbi and other Underworld gods in order to depose him. Teshub is thus reinstated as King of the gods. The influence that Ea holds over this newly appointed ruler echoes the same power in decision-making that characterizes Enki (Ea's Sumerian equivalent) from the myth of Ninurta and the Turtle, recorded by UET 6/1 2.[65] In it, after defeating the Anzû, Ninurta is honored by Enki in Eridu.[65] Enki senses his thoughts and creates a giant turtle, which he releases behind Ninurta and it bites the hero's ankle.[65][66] As they struggle, the turtle digs a pit with its claws, which both of them fall into.[65][66] Enki gloats over Ninurta's defeat.[65][66] According to Charles Penglase, in this account, Enki is clearly intended as the hero and his successful foiling of Ninurta's plot to seize power for himself is intended as a demonstration of Enki's supreme wisdom and cunning.[65] In a passage from the same myth – Enki expressly states: "you who set your mind to kill me, ...... who makes big claims - I cut down, I raise up." (B47-54),[67] expressing his power to be able to increase Ninurta's might and prestige if he wished to, or to cut him down if he deemed it necessary. The Hurrian Teššub was designated with the same logogram (dIM) as the Mesopotamian god Hadad, who is equivalent to the Canaanite Baal. In the Baal Cycle, Ba’al defeats Yamm and is elected king of the gods, but when Mot (personification of death) wishes to slay Baal, Hadad needs to descend into the Underworld and a substitute is elected to replace him, that would be the god Attar. But Attar is regarded as unfit to rule, and he thus descends from the throne of Baal on Mount Zaphon and rules over the earth instead.[68][69][70] Although in the Hittite myth Kurunta/Runtiya is slain by Tarhun (Teshub) and a god designated as "Ninurta", the logograms dNIN.URTA[71] and dURAŠ[72] are used to write the name of the god Tašmišu as well. Tašmišu, while regarded as a brother and ally of the storm-god, is also equated with Papsukkal,[73] a helper or servant of deities, who could have been the one that aided Tarhun in slaying Kurunta and was also designated with the same logographic writing used for the name of Ninurta. Not coincidentally is this deity addressed in The song of LAMMA as the "vizier" of Teshub.

The Anatolian god Sandas is depicted in coins while standing on top of a horned and winged lion[74] and the lion with horns and wings is also the animal-mount of the Mesopotamian god Ninurta. Sandan was sometimes indicated with the logogram dAMAR.UTU of Marduk, because Marduk had inherited the warrior-qualities of Ninurta while also embodying the role of most important god of the Babylonian pantheon just as Sandan was the chief deity of the Cilician pantheon.[75] The role of Marduk was also similar to that of Teshub in the Hittite pantheon. Additionally, Ninurta in the poem Lugal-e defeats the Asag demon and by repurposing its body at the end of the poem he erects a mound or mountain made out of stone calling it the Hursag, as a symbol of his divinity. Many scholars agree that Ninurta was probably the inspiration for the biblical figure Nimrod, mentioned in Genesis 10:8–12 as a "mighty hunter".[76][77][78][79] Though it is still not entirely clear how the name Ninurta became Nimrod in Hebrew,[77] the two figures bear mostly the same functions and attributes[80] and Ninurta is currently regarded as the most plausible etymology for Nimrod's name.[77][81] Eventually, the ruins of the city of Kalhu itself became known in Arabic as Namrūd because of its association with Ninurta.[81] A possibility that has been proposed is that the name of Nimrod could have derived from "Nin-Marad" or "En-Marad";[82] meaning "Lord of Marad" as a possible title belonging to the tutelary deity of the center of Marad; Lugal-Marada – equivalent with Ninurta. In the Homilies from Pseudo-Clemens an account is reported according to which Nimrod aspired to become king but a lightning-bolt or "the fire of kingship" fell from heaven striking him,[83] and that his remains were worshipped but some believed he had instead disappeared and was taken to heaven, so they worshipped him as a god. A similar account is given for the cult of the Anatolian god Sandas where he was depicted inside a pyramid with an eagle on top, and the god perishes in flames. Given that the pyramid of the god was also interpreted as the pyre itself on which he perishes – and Sandan had been equated with Heracles,[84] it is worth of notice that the pyre on which Heracles burns was also struck by a thunderbolt sent by Zeus from heaven which lit it on fire. The Hursag of Ninurta is comparable to the pyramid of Sandan and the tower of Nimrod. In the MUL.APIN Ninurta is consistently identified with Mercury,[85][86][87] and it is read: "Mercury whose name is Ninurta travels the (same) path the Moon travels." Given that in Babylon Mercury had been associated with Nabu, the father and son relationship between Marduk and Nabu was originally embodied by Enlil and Ninurta; where Marduk inherited all cultic roles and epithets from Enlil also occupying his position in the Pantheon as new king of the gods, whilst the position of the most notable son of the Father of the Gods was occupied by Nabu instead. According to Erika Reiner and David Pingree, tablet K.42 attests that ‘Lugal-irra and Meslamtaea (are) Mercury and Mars’.[88] The explanation of Lugalirra and Meslamtaea as Sin and Nergal is a secondary development when the role of the other twin had been reinterpreted and replaced by other deities.

The same as there could have been a Rešef of pestilence and a Rešef of healing embodied by the two Nergals (Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea); one associated with the planet Mars and identified with Meslamtaea whilst the other associated with Mercury and identified with Lugalirra; the same way in Hittite texts there are Iyarri [de] (whose name is possibly related to Erra) and Sandan. Iyarri is the one who inflicts pestilence and disease through his deadly arrows, while Sandan is invoked in the case of illness presumably to relieve from it, as addressed by a Hittite and Luwian ritual reported on a clay tablet from Bogaz Köy (KUB IX.31),[89][90][91] on which one can read that Zarpia, a physician in Kizzuwatna addressed to perform the following in case of plague: to put on a table some cultic objects and call for the god Šanta/Sandas (addressed with the logogram "Marduk" in this case) to come. When they are finished addressing the deity and his accompanying demons (the Innarawanta) they will slay a she-goat, and perform other ritual actions. Apparently the god requires offering of food so that he can banquet and be satisfied that way; and then will he give aid – but if the offerings are not of his liking, he will not provide help, as expressed by the formulation at the end of the text: "Do not take maliciously (the food)! Eat (this offering?)! Do not eat (our) sheep, (our) beef, (our) men..."; thus implying that if the food that's been presented to him as offering is not enough or not of the god's liking, he will resort to consuming the resources of humans, depriving them of essentials in order to be appeased. Iyarri is instead addressed in another ritual where the god is accused of doing evil in a camp and of killing the men – thus the ritual is posited in order to ask the deity to insert the "evil" (plague) inside a donkey and have it be sent to enemy territory, which will divert the pestilence towards the enemy, and the act is symbolized by shooting arrows from a bow, alluding to the arrows of plague of the god Iyarri.[92] Thus similarly the two «Erras» or two «Nergals» are associated with different qualities where one is identified mainly by plague and disease whilst the other (and thus addressed as 'Erragal') would instead be associated in Mesopotamian contexts with the destruction caused by storms and flooding – but both of them are addressed as destroyers and the destruction that they can cause expresses itself in different ways because of their diverging attributes – since Nergal is a god of pestilence while Ninurta is instead a deity of healing who releases from the power of demons and sickness, but he was also associated with the element of water and flooding for irrigation and he displayed storm-like attributes, which could represent a destructive force as well as a life-giving one. The common element between the two is war, given that both Ninurta and Nergal are depicted as warrior deities, and they are also both armed with bows and arrows.

In Nonnus' Dionysiaca (40.366–580) the Tyrian Heracles Melqart (another deity who died by fire) is identified in a climactic burst of syncretism by the god Dionysus with various characters who are said to be equivalents of him; for example he identifies the Tyrian Heracles with Belus on the Euphrates, the constructor of the Tower of Belus according to classic sources (Eusebius of Caesarea Praeparatio Evangelica 9.18) and among others he's also equated with Phaethon, another figure of Greek mythology who was struck by a thunderbolt for attempting to reach the heavens. But the Tyrian Heracles is especially identified with both Arabian Cronus and Cronus himself from Greek mythology; thus associating him with Saturn who was the primary planet attributed to Ninurta in Mesopotamian culture. He's then also identified with the Delphic Apollo, a specific version of Apollo venerated at his oracle in Delphi where he fought the serpent Python and on top of his carcass or near it he erected the Oracle of Delphi, similar to how Ninurta defeats the Asag-demon (depicted as a poisonous creature) in the mountains in the poem Lugal-e, and out of its carcass or on top of it ("From today forward, do not say Asag: its name shall be Stone. Its name shall be zalag stone, its name shall be Stone. This, its entrails, shall be the underworld. Its valour shall belong to the lord." – lines 310-330)[93] he erected his "Hursag" which represented his symbol of power and might. Delphic Apollo would thus be a specific version of Apollo venerated at Delphi as a giver of oracles (similar to the Babylonian god Nabu who was compared to the oracular Apollo that gives prophecies,[94][95] and Nabu is also associated and equated with the scribe god Ninurta)[96][97] that isn't necessarily the same as the usual incarnation of Apollo as the one in the Iliad where he strikes the enemy with his deadly arrows bringing plague and disease to enemy lines[98] – which would more closely associate him with the Mesopotamian Nergal instead. To further emphasize his nature as a healing deity, the Tyrian Heracles is also called Paeon 'Healer' by Dionysus.

See also[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Peter Machinist and Jack M. Sasson, "Rest and Violence in the Poem of Erra" Journal of the American Oriental Society 103.1 (January 1983, pp. 221-226) p. 221, prefer to withhold the expectations raised by "'myth', or worse, 'epic'" and simply call it "poem".
  2. ^ Nergal and Ereshkigal: Re-enchanting the Mesopotamian Underworld, 2000, Gateways to Babylon
  3. ^ Kabti-ilani-Marduk’s name has also surfaced in the “Catalogue of Texts and Authors” from the library of Ashurbanipal, published by Lambert in JCS 16.
  4. ^ Erra V, 42-61
  5. ^ Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses: Erra (god). Accessed 03 December, 2013.
  6. ^ Rafael Jiménez Zamudio, '"El Poema de Erra" Ediciones Clásicas(1999).
  7. ^ Among the Greeks the Titans were sons of heaven and earth.
  8. ^ The provenance of some Erra tablets is not securely known. (Machinist and Sasson 1983:221 note 2).
  9. ^ L. Cagni, '"The Poem of Erra" SANE 1.3 (1977).
  10. ^ Burkert, Walter. The Orientalizing Revolution: Near Eastern Influences on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age, 1992, p. 109-10.
  11. ^ However, Cagni as well as Daniel Bodi (Daniel Bodi (1991). The Book of Ezekiel and the Poem of Erra. Saint-Paul. p. 104. ISBN 978-3-525-53736-7. Retrieved 18 July 2012.) state that the Sebetti are individually nameless.
  12. ^ P. Felix Gössmann, editor. Das Erra-epos (Würzburg) 1956. George Smith had published a fragment in The Chaldean Account of Genesis, 1875 as "The Exploits of Lubara".
  13. ^ Cagni, L. editor. L'Epopea di Erra in Studi Semitici 34, (Rome: Istituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente), 1969. Critical edition.
  14. ^ Machinist and Sasson 1983:222.
  15. ^ Burkert 1992:108ff.
  16. ^ Simons 2017, p. 88.
  17. ^ Simons 2017, pp. 88–89.
  18. ^ a b c d e f Simons 2017, p. 89.
  19. ^ Streck 2020, p. 218.
  20. ^ Sallaberger 2017, p. 164.
  21. ^ Black & Green 1992, p. 142.
  22. ^ Streck 2020, p. 167.
  23. ^ Krebernik 2019, pp. 286–287.
  24. ^ Streck 2020, p. 226.
  25. ^ Livingstone 2007, p. 65.
  26. ^ Gabbay 2016, p. 253.
  27. ^ Parpola 2007, p. 132.
  28. ^ Sallaberger 2017, p. 167.
  29. ^ Wiggermann 1998, p. 215.
  30. ^ Wiggermann 1998, p. 217.
  31. ^ Stol 1987, p. 148.
  32. ^ Lambert 1983, p. 419.
  33. ^ Wiggermann 1998b, p. 333.
  34. ^ a b Wiggermann 1992, p. 38.
  35. ^ a b von Weiher 1971, p. 62, n. 1.
  36. ^
    Nergal and Ereshkigal - Gateways to Babylon.
  37. ^
    Varro on Farming: Marcus Terentius Varro's De re rustica – G. Bell and Sons, Limited (1912)
    , Marcus Terentius Varro, p. 131.
  38. ^ Tetrabiblos - Ptolemy; Book I Chap. 9
  39. ^ Kang 2011, p. 30.
  40. ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 59.
  41. ^ Dalley (1998), p. 204.
  42. ^ Wiggermann 1998, p. 219.
  43. ^ Reallexikon der Assyrologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie: Nab-Nuzi - Michael P. Streck, A. Bramanti, J. Fechner, M. Greiner, S. Heigl, N. Morello, p. 218.
  44. ^ Simons 2017, p. 88-89.
  45. ^ Tugendhaft 2016, p. 175.
  46. ^ Lambert 2013, p. 236.
  47. ^ George 1993, p. 6.
  48. ^ Stol 2014, p. 66.
  49. ^ Tugendhaft 2016, p. 176.
  50. ^ Krul 2018, pp. 208–209.
  51. ^ Studies in Third Millennium Paleography, 4: Sign KIŠ by Piotr Steinkeller – Harvard University, p. 176, note 6.
  52. ^ a b Nougayrol 1969, p. 156.
  53. ^ The Scaffolding of Our Thoughts: Essays on Assyriology and the History of Science in Honor of Francesca Rochberg - C. Jay Crisostomo, Eduardo A. Escobar, Terri Tanaka, Niek Veldhuis, p. 31.
  54. ^ Richter 1994, p. 241 n. 87.
  55. ^ Westenholz 2010, p. 381.
  56. ^ Gelb 1944, p. 55.
  57. ^ Van Soldt 1991, p. 26.
  58. ^ Languages and Cultures in Contact: At the Crossroads of Civilizations in the Syro-Mesopotamian Realm - Karel van Lerberghe, Gabriela Voet, p. 155.
  59. ^ Ar Or - Volume 73, Orientální ústav (Akademie věd České republiky), Orientální ústav, 2005, p. 168.
  60. ^ Wolfgang Fauth: Gnomon. 46, 1974, pp. 689.
  61. ^ The God Resheph in the Ancient Near East - Maciej M. Münnich, p. 213.
  62. ^ E. Laroche (1968), p. 31–38.
  63. ^ H.A. Hoffner Jr. (1990), p. 43–45.
  64. ^ V. Haas (2003); V. Haas (2006), p. 145–147.
  65. ^ a b c d e f Penglase 1994, p. 61.
  66. ^ a b c Black & Green 1992, p. 179.
  67. ^
    Ninurta and the turtle: translation - ETCSL.
  68. ^ Religionen des Alten Orients: Hethiter und Iran - Volkert Haas, Heidemarie Koch, p. 190.
  69. ^ Legacy of Canaan: The Ras Shamra texts and their relevance to the Old Testament - John Gray, p. 66.
  70. ^ Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament: Volume XIII - G. Johannes Botterweck, Helmer Ringgren, Heinz-Josef Fabry, p. 313.
  71. ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 499.
  72. ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 500.
  73. ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 553.
  74. ^ A Guide to the Principal Coins of the Greeks, from Circ. 700 B.C. to A.D. 170 - British Museum. Dept. of Coins and Medal, p. 88.
  75. ^ Hetty Goldman, “The Sandon Monument of Tarsus”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 60, No. 4 (December 1940), p. 544.
  76. ^ Metzger & Coogan 1993, p. 218.
  77. ^ a b c van der Toorn, Becking & van der Horst 1999, p. 627.
  78. ^ Wiseman 1979, p. 337.
  79. ^ Wildberger 2002, p. 405.
  80. ^ van der Toorn, Becking & van der Horst 1999, pp. 627–629.
  81. ^ a b Robson 2015.
  82. ^ THE ORIGIN AND REAL NAME OF NIMROD BY E. G. H. KRAELING Union Theological Seminary, New York.
  83. ^ Homilies IX, p. 680.
  84. ^ Goldman, p. 544.
  85. ^ Mesopotamian astrology: an introduction to Babylonian and Assyrian celestial divination - 1995, p. 127.
  86. ^ The Babylonian Astronomical Compendium MUL.APIN - Hermann Hunger, John Steele, p. 127.
  87. ^ Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography - Wayne Horowitz, p. 172.
  88. ^ Erica Reiner and David Pingree, Babylonian Planetary Omens Part Three, Cuneiform Monographs 11 (Groningen: Styx, 1998), p. 195.
  89. ^ Laroche, CTH, no. 757; cf. B. Schwartz, The Hittite and Luwian Ritual of Zarpiya of Kezzuwatna, JAOS 58 (1938), p. 334-352.
  90. ^ S. Salvatori, Il dio Santa-Sandon: uno sguardo ai testi, PP 30 (1975), translation based on P. Meriggi, p. 403-4.
  91. ^ The Cilician god Sandas and the Greek Chimaera: Features of Near Estern and Greek Mythology concerning plague - Attilio Mastrocinque, p. 201.
  92. ^ Luwian Identities: Culture, Language and Religion Between Anatolia and the Aegean - Alice Mouton, Ian Rutherford, Ilya Yakubovich, p. 550.
  93. ^
    Ninurta's exploits: a šir-sud (?) to Ninurta - ETCSL
  94. ^ Bertman, Stephen (2005). Handbook to Life in Ancient Mesopotamia (Paperback ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press., p. 122.
  95. ^ Green, Tamara M. (1992). The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran. Leiden: Brill Publishers., p. 71.
  96. ^ Leick, Dr Gwendolyn (2002). A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 9781134641024. Retrieved March 7, 2019.
  97. ^ Mythology and Mythologies: Methodological Approaches to Intercultural Influences – Robert M. Whiting, Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project 2001, p. 192.
  98. ^ Homer, Iliad 1.39.

Bibliography[edit]

External links[edit]