Esteban Moctezuma

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Esteban Moctezuma Barragán (born October 21, 1954 in Mexico City) is a Mexican politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He is a former senator and served as secretary of social development and secretary of the interior in the cabinet of President Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León. From that position, early in January 1995, he sponsored peace talks in Chiapas with the EZLN insurgents; later on, he was active in the San Andres Accords (Los Acuerdos de San Andrés) to promote Constitutional Reforms on behalf of indigenous autonomy. Esteban Moctezuma is considered by some as an important advocate for the Mexican Government’s pacific solution with the EZLN. During the 1995 Zapatista Crisis, since he organized a creative strategy that demonstrated, then, Subcomandante Marcos's natural pacifist tendencies and the terrible consequences of a military solution. He achieved, under adverse conditions, a difficult and improbable reestablishment of peace talks between the Mexican Government and the EZLN.

1995 Zapatista Crisis[edit]

With President Carlos Salinas de Gortari economic and political reforms, the NAFTA agreement, Mexico was getting propelled as an important player in world economy. When un solved ethnic situation was brewing in the Mexican county, that is when the Zapatistas uprising happen. The Mexican Government started immediate peace talks. In the early days of the new government administration, President Zedillo took a series of erratic decisions that completely broke with the previous administration agreements and with his own action plan previously defined.

Mexico Political Background[edit]

The previous months to Zedillo presidential inauguration, a wave of political motivated assassinations happened in Mexico. Where personalities such as Cardenal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo; front runner Presidential Candidate Colosio that Zedillo replaced as the PRI candidate for the election; José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, brother in law of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari and PRI Secretary General. etc. So with the purpose to give credibility to the investigations of those political crimes and grant a healthy distance president Zedillo appointed a member of the opposition Political Party PAN Antonio Lozano Gracia as Attorney General. Who with the purpose of promoting a different political Agenda, during his commission the Law Procedures where used as a systematic opposition to the Due Process and Justice. This caused serious problems to President Zedillo Interior Government, originating among others the 1995 Zapatista Crisis.

Lacandon Jungle secret meeting[edit]

On January 5 of 1995 the Secretary of Interior Esteban Moctezuma started a secret meeting process with Marcos called "Steps Toward Peace" They took place in the village of Guadalupe Tepeyac, belonging to the municipality of Pantelho, Chiapas. Important specific agreements that both parties agreed to comply where reached. In which the Mexican army withdraw of certain points, such as San Andres Larrainzar and Marcos accepted that a group of citizens to be involved in a formal negotiation to start in a couple of weeks. Because of the fast progress of the negotiations in the steps toward peace, the possibility of an agreement look very close, because of that Marcos wrote “I am being threaten by 'unemployment“. »[1] »[2]

Subcomandante Marcos’s Identity[edit]

During the investigative stage to identify Marcos, the Mexican government speculated that Marcos was a dangerous guerrilla fighter. This theory gained much traction after the dissident Zapatista Comandante Salvador Morales Garibay gave away the identities of his former fellow Zapatistas to the Mexican government, among them Marcos.[3] They all were indicted for terrorism, arrest warrants were issued; »[4] arrests were made in a military action. The Mexican government alleged some Zapatistas to be terrorists, among them Marcos. There was a storm of political pressure calling for a fast military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. On February 9, 1995, in a televised special presidential broadcast, President Ernesto Zedillo announced that Subcomandante Marcos was Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, who was born on June 19, 1957, in Tampico, Tamaulipas to Spanish immigrants. An Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana School of Sciences and Arts for the Design former Professor. After the government revealed Marcos identity in January 1995, an old friend of Guillen’s, and ex-classmate with the Jesuits at the Instituto Cultural Tampico, had a direct intervention in the conflict. Max Appedole played a major roll with the Mexican government to avoid a military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. By demonstrating that contrary to the accusations announced by President Ernesto Zedillo[5] Rafael Guillén, was no terrorist. Max Appedole recognized his literary style in all of Marcos’s manifestos that where published in the media, linked them to their literary tournaments organized by the Jesuits in which they competed in Mexico. Confirming that he had no doubt that Marcos was his friend Rafael Guillén, a pacifist.[6][7][8][9]

The last public act before being Subcomandante Marcos[edit]

History revealed that Rafael Guillén, who later would become known as the Subcomandante Marcos, of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation last public act to be not only fortunate, well justified, but maybe strategic. It was the meeting with Max Appedole, an old friend and classmate. As it happens when the young people complete their high school studies, each takes his own way. Several years past when he occupied the Presidency of the Mexican Federation of Aquaculture Rafael Guillén, invited his old friend to give a conference in a Congress at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, where he was a professor at the School of Sciences and Arts for the design. He accepted go only if Rafael Guillén, undertook to accompany him during his visit to the University. By the time the Congress happened, Rafael Guillén, plans had speed up, his trip to Nicaragua advanced so he had already renounced his position at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana. Even so Rafael Guillén, attended the Congress at the UAM to meet with his friend Max Appedole and comply with what they had agreed. That was the last public act of who would later become the Subcomandante Marcos. Until recently only very few people knew about this. »[10]

The World’s First Postmodern Revolution[edit]

The Mexican indigenous communities claims for centuries, that they have being historically unattended by a distant government; their claims had reach a critical point in which they decided they needed to let their voice be heard to find their place in Mexico, so the answers and solutions could be found or die trying. Under the command of Marcos the Zapatista Army of National Liberation launched a social movement that gave hope and vision to other native American people and other native people on the earth under a similar historical situation. Organizing a social phenomena, now widely recognized as the World First Postmodern Revolution.[11][12]

The Military Site[edit]

Once Marcos was identified as Rafael Guillén, on 9 February 1995, in an counterproductive, turn of events, the then President Ernesto Zedillo took a series of decisions that completely broke with the strategy and action plan previously defined, and the agreements he authorized his Secretary of Interior, Esteban Moctezuma, to compromise with Marcos just three days before in Guadalupe Tepeyac. To the opposite extreme to send the Mexican army to capture or annihilate Marcos. This without even consulting his Secretary of Interior; without knowing exactly who Marcos was; only with the PGR single presumption that Marcos was a dangerous ‘’guerrillero’’, President Ernesto Zedillo decided to launch a military offence to capture or annihilate Marcos.[13] Arrest warrants where made against Marcos, Javier Elorriaga Berdegue, Silvia Fernández Hernández, Jorge Santiago, Fernando Yanez, German Vicente, Jorge Santiago and other EZLN members. At the Lacandon Jungle, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was then under the Mexican Army military siege. The Attorney General of Mexico, the PGR was after them. Javier Elorriaga was captured on February 9, 1995, in a military garrison at Gabina Velázquez that is in the Las Margaritas town, and later taken to the Cerro Hueco prison in Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas.[14]

On February 11, 1995, the Attorney General of Mexico informed that they made an operative in the State of Mexico, where they capture fourteen persons presumed to be involved with the EZLN of which eight were already being turned to the judicial authorities and had seized an important arsenal.[15] The Attorney General of Mexico’s repressive acts got to the extreme of pressuring the San Cristóbal de Las Casas’s Catholic Bishop, Samuel Ruiz García of arresting him for aiding to conceal the EZLN’s guerrilla activity; even though, the activities referred to were made public years before by the well known magazine ”Proceso”, and apparently it was the Mexican government the one trying to cover it up for years.[16][17][18] And with no consideration to the political consequences of with no legal reason hurting, the all ready seriously damaged, recently restored Mexico Vatican Diplomatic relations [19] because of the May 24, 1993 political assassination of a Prince of the Catholic Church, the Guadalajara, Mexico Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo that precisely that Agency the PGR has left it unresolved.

Marcos's resolve was put to the test, when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was then under the Mexican Army military siege in their camp and at the Lacandon Jungle. Marcos's response was immediate, sending Esteban Moctezuma the following message: "See you in hell". Conflicting signals strengthened in favor of a fast military solution. The facts seemed to confirm that Manuel Camacho Solis June 16, 1994 allegations that the reason for his resignation as the Chiapas Peace Commissioner, was due to sabotage done by the then presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo.

Under the big political pressure of a highly radicalized situation, Mexico's Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma believed a peaceful solution was possible. He championed to reach a peacefully negotiated solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis betting it all on a creative strategy to reestablish the Mexican government and Zapatista Army of National Liberation dialog to search for peace by demonstrating that Marcos's natural peace vocation and the terrible consequences of a military solution.

Making a strong position against the February 9 actions against peace, Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma, defender of a political solution to the crisis, submitted his resignation to then President Ernesto Zedillo, who did not accept it and asked the Secretary of the Interior, Esteban Moctezuma, to try the improbable task of restoring the conditions for dialog to reach a negotiation. For these foregoing reasons the Mexican army, eased actions, giving an opportunity that Marcos capitalized to escape the military site emplaced in the Lacandon Jungle.[20] Faced with this situation, Max Appedole, Rafael Guillén's, childhood friend and colleague, at the Jesuits College Instituto Cultural Tampico, asked for help from Edén Pastora, the legendary Nicaraguan "Commander Zero", to prepare a report for under-Secretary of the Interior Luis Maldonado Venegas, the Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma and the President Ernesto Zedillo about Marcos's natural pacifist vocation and the terrible consequences of a tragic outcome. [21]

The document concluded that the marginalized groups and the radical left that exist in Mexico, have been vented with the Zapatista movement, while Marcos maintained an open negotiating track. Eliminate Marcos and his social containment work would not only cease, but it would give opportunity to the radical groups to take control of the movement. They would respond to violence with violence. They would begin the terrorist bombings, kidnappings and belligerent activities. The country would be in a very dangerous spiral, which could lead to very serious situations because not only there is discomfort in Chiapas, but in many places in Mexico.[22]

Presidential decree for dialog, reconciliation, and a peace with dignity in Chiapas’s law[edit]

On March 10, 1995, then President Ernesto Zedillo and Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma signed the “Presidential Decree for the Dialog, the Reconciliation and a peace with dignity in Chiapas Law”. It was discussed and approved by the Mexican Congress. [23]

Restoration of the peace talks[edit]

It was the night of April 3, 1995, precisely at 8:55 p.m. when the first meeting between representatives of the EZLN which had declared war on the Mexican State the first minute of 1994, and the representatives of the government of President Ernesto Zedillo. His Secretary of Interior, Esteban Moctezuma, had sent a high rank officer, who delivered a letter to representatives of the EZLN, who did not lose radio communication, with then Marcos. The letter expressed the Secretary of Interior’s commitment with a political path to resolving the conflict. The messenger was Luis Maldonado Venegas, Mexico’s under-Secretary of Interior.[24] This was how on April 3, 1995 in Prado Pacayal, Chiapas a place located in the Lacandon Jungle near Ocosingo, the secret negotiations prior to restarting the dialog between the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and the Mexican government were initiated, this happened with Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Batel as witness of honor for the negotiations between Marcos and Luis Maldonado Venegas, Mexico under Secretary of the Interior on behalf of Lic Esteban Moctezuma Mexico Secretary of the Interior. These negotiations took place with the purpose of establishing parameters and base for the peace dialog between the parties. After several days of unfruitful negotiations, without reaching any specific agreements, it was very early in the morning nonstop in to the next day., in a strategically calculated move, as a conclusion Luis Maldonado Venegas proposed a definitive suspension of hostilities and measures of distention always proportionally higher to the Mexican government to the Zapatista Army of National Liberation On his way out, Luis Maldonado Venegas said:

“If you do not accept this, it will be regretted not having made the installation of the formal dialog in the time established by the Peace Talks Law”.

Marcos took this as a direct threat, so he did no longer reply.

The Subcomandante Marcos gave a message to the Witness of Honor Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Batel: "You have been witness to the fact that we have not threatened or assaulted these people, they have been respected in their person, property, their liberty and life. You have witnessed that the Zapatista Army of National Liberation has a word and has honor; you have also been witness to our willingness to engage in dialog. Thank you for taking the trouble to come all the way down here and have contributed with your effort to a peaceful settlement of the conflict, we hope that you will continue contributing in this effort to avoid war and you and your family, continue accepting to be witnesses of honor in this dialog and negotiation process." Finally, he asked the witness of honor to accompany Secretary Moctezuma negotiator Luis Maldonado Venegas in his way out, all the way to Ocosingo, to verify they are leaving well and unharmed. (The April 7, 1995 meeting ended at 4:00 a.m.). [25]

Peace[edit]

Without much hope of dialog, it was already in hostile conditions as the Secretary of Interior negotiator Luis Maldonado Venegas began his return to Mexico City. When passing by the Ejido San Miguel a patrol of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation beckons them to stop, surprised without even knowing what was happening, Maldonado was handed a radio, by means of which Mexico under-Secretary of Interior Luis Maldonado Venegas achieved with the Subcomandante Marcos the re-initiation of the Dialog and all the necessary agreements in accordance with the law to start the formal Peace Talks dialog between the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and the Mexican government. The charismatic leader of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation the Marcos led the zapatista movement to leave their arms a side and start the dialog for peace agreements with the Mexican Government. Time showed that the fight against a military solution to the conflict and the strategy to achieve a peaceful solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis was legal, politically and honorably correct, saving many lives in Mexico.

After a rocky start because of conflicting intelligence that caused the 1995 Zapatista Crisis President Ernesto Zedillo heading to a Military solution. When the intelligence issue was cleared, confirming that Subcomandante Marcos was no terrorist but a pacifist by nature, President Ernesto Zedillo change direction to the action demonstrated the humility of a Great Man of State, for that President Ernesto Zedillo endures heavy political criticism at the time, for doing the opposite of his February 9, 1995 television appearance. President Ernesto Zedillo did not accept Secretary of Interior Esteban Moctezuma resignation and ask the Secretary of Interior the restoration the Dialog conditions to achieve a peace solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. President Ernesto Zedillo Administration and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation achieved an honorable Peace and it is now a universal reference and example of respect to people honor and dignity.

Protocol[edit]

By April 9, 1995, the Bases for the Dialog Protocol and the Harmony, Peace with justice and Dignity agreement Negotiation between the Mexican Government and the Zapatistas got signed. On April 17, 1995 the Mexican Government appoints Marco Antonio Bernal as Peace Commissioner in Chiapas. The Mexican Government and the Zapatistas Peace Talks started in San Andrés Larráinzar on April 22, 1995. The Zapatistas rejected the Mexican Government proposal. Peace Talks Dialog re-initiated on Jun 7, 1995 they agree with Alianza Cívica Nacional y the Convención Nacional Democrática to organize a national Consultation for Peace and Democracy. The Bases for the Dialog Protocol was re negotiated, in La Realidad Chiapas. October 12, 1995 Peace Talks Dialog is resumed in San Andres Larráinzar, Chiapas. [26][27]

The other Agenda[edit]

The rocky road to Peace between the Mexican government and the Zapatistas, were due mostly to the initiatives promoted by the PGR. On October 23, 1995, with the purpose to derail the Peace Talks Dialog, the PGR once again, got them seriously disturbed by arresting Fernando Yañez Muñoz and sending him to prison. This time by violating the governing peace talks Law which granted guarantee of free passage to all of the Zapatistas during the negotiations and suspends all the arrest warrants against any of them. On 26 October 1995, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation denied any association with Fernando Yañez Muñoz; Announces a Red Alert. Marcos returns to the mountains. On 26 October 1995, the PGR drops all charges against the alleged Comandante German. The COCOPA agreed with the determination. The next day on 27 October 1995 Fernando Yañez Muñoz was freed from the Reclusorio Preventivo Oriente. [28]

"I was arrested for political reasons and I guess I am set free for political reasons, my arrest was with the objective purpose of sabotaging the talks of peace"

Yanez said to the press. [29] The next day on 29 October 1995. The Zapatista Army of National Liberation lifts the Red Alert and the negotiations where reinstalled.

Secret meetings[edit]

Steps for Peace

In contrast with many other talks, with a broad media exposure, strong security measures and great ceremony. Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma, went for the secret talks, alone, without any security, without the reflectors glitter, which could disrupt the talks, so he went to find a solution in the Lacandon Jungle to meet with Marcos. Important agreements were reached between the two, they called them: Steps for Peace. They demonstrated their sense of will, affinities and confidence where dispensed by with respect by both a significant track of understanding got established. When the 1995 Zapatista Crisis started. It paved the way for what then where call Secret Negotiations.

Secret Negotiations

To which under-Secretary of Interior Luis Maldonado Venegas attended to find a solution, alone, without any security, or media coverage, he went to the Lacandon Jungle to negotiate with Marcos and that he did, Luis Maldonado Venegas restored the conditions for the Peace Talks. These simple acts of courage, determination and confidence, were later matched by Marcos probing to be useful to help keep the faith in the works for a peace solution, through negotiation, champion by Esteban Moctezuma, from the Mexican Secretary of Interior during the series of clashes promoted by the PGR to derail peace.

The San Andrés Accords[edit]

On 16 February 1996, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and Mexican government, signed the Agreements of San Andrés. With the Terms of Peace and the Constitutional change that guarantees the rights to the Indigenous peoples of Mexico. Approved by the Commission on Concordance and Pacification COCOPA, a bicameral Legislative Commission formed on March 1995 by the Chamber of Deputies (Mexico) and the Senate of the Republic (Mexico), integrated by Deputies and Senate, of the political parties in Mexico to assist in the peace dialog process in the context of the 1995 Zapatista Crisis.

With delegates from 42 countries. On 27 July 1996, the EZLN organized the First Intercontinental Gathering for Humanity and against neoliberal practice.

Executive Decision[edit]

Time showed that the fight against a military solution to the conflict and the strategy to achieve a peaceful solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis was legal, politically and honorably correct, saving many lives in Mexico. After a rocky start because of conflicting intelligence that caused the 1995 Zapatista Crisis President Ernesto Zedillo was heading to a Military solution, and when the intelligence issue was cleared, confirming that Subcomandante Marcos was no terrorist but a pacifist by nature, as well as all the other conclusions that Secretary of Interior Esteban Moctezuma also gave to the President Ernesto Zedillo with the purpose of trying to avoid a bloodbath of the Mexican indigenous people, as well to prevent other also terrible repercussions of an immoral and unnecessary tragic outcome.

President Ernesto Zedillo to avoid innocent blood shedding, change course of action doing the opposite of his February 9, 1995 television appearance. For that President Ernesto Zedillo endured heavy political criticism at the time, he demonstrate humility of a Great Man of State, President Ernesto Zedillo did not accept Secretary of Interior Esteban Moctezuma resignation and ask him to restore the Dialog conditions to achieve a peaceful solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. On March 10, 1995 President Ernesto Zedillo and Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma sign the Presidential Decree for the Dialog, the Reconciliation and a peace with dignity in Chiapas Law. The governing Law that warrant only one agenda be in all of President Zedillo Administration, as well the Zapatista Army of National Liberation to achieve an honorable Peace and it is now a universal reference and example of respect to people honor and dignity.

Release of the prisoners[edit]

On appeal, the Court dismisses the previous condemnatory Sentence for the alleged Zapatistas Javier Elorriaga Berdegué and Sebastian Etzin Gomez given on May 2, 1996 for the crime of terrorism, with 13 and 6 years of imprisonment respectively and they were released on June 6, 1996. [30] The Zapatista Army of National Liberation suspends their troops Alert Status.

Esteban Moctezuma is the son of architect Pedro Moctezuma Diaz Infante and María Teresa Barragán Álvarez. He is married to Cecilia Barbara Morfín. Esteban Moctezuma received a bachelor's degree in economics from the National Autonomous University of Mexico and a master's degree in economic policy from Cambridge University (United Kingdom).

Esteban Moctezuma joined TV Azteca in 2002 and currently serves as Chief Executive Officer of Fundación Azteca of the Grupo Salinas.

Sources[edit]

  • Diccionario biográfico del gobierno mexicano, Ed. Fondo de Cultura Económica, Mexico, 1992.

External links[edit]