False accusation of rape

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A false accusation of rape is the reporting of a rape where no rape has occurred. It is difficult to assess the true prevalence of false rape allegations, but it is generally agreed that, for about 2% to 10% of rape allegations, a thorough investigation establishes that no crime was committed or attempted.[1][2]

Estimates of prevalence[edit]

It is extremely difficult to assess the prevalence of false accusations.[3] All jurisdictions have a distinct classification of false accusation, resulting in these cases being combined with other types of cases (e.g. where the accuser did not physically resist the suspect or sustain injuries) under headings such as "unfounded" or "unproved". There are many reasons other than falsity that can result in a rape case being closed as unfounded or unproven.[4][5] DiCanio (1993) states that while researchers and prosecutors do not agree on the exact percentage of cases in which there was sufficient evidence to conclude that allegations were false, they generally agree on a range of 2% to 10%.[1] Due to varying definitions of a "false accusation", the true percentage remains unknown.[6]

Another complicating factor is that data regarding false allegations generally do not come from studies designed to estimate of the prevalence of false allegations, rather they come from reviews of data regarding investigations and prosecutions within criminal justice systems. The goal of such investigations is to determine whether or not there is sufficient evidence to prosecute, not to evaluate the cases for which there is not sufficient evidence to prosecute and classify such cases as "false" or "true". [7] [8][9][10][11]

Journal of Forensic Psychology (2017)[edit]

In March 2017 a new study on the prevalence of false rape allegations in the United States in the period 2006-2010 was published on the Journal of Forensic Psychology. The goal of the research was to obtain recent figures of the prevalence of unfounded allegations of rape and compare to unfounded allegations of other crimes. According to the data provided by the FBI, between 4,400 and 5,100 allegations of rape every year were deemed false or baseless after investigation, out of 87,000 to 90,000 total, corresponding to an average of 5.55%. That was at least five times higher than for most other offence types. Cases of disputed consent were not included in the results as they were subject to judicial review in court.[12]

Archives of Sexual Behavior (2016)[edit]

Claire E. Ferguson and John M. Malouff conducted a meta-analysis of confirmed false rape reporting rates in the Archives of Sexual Behavior in 2016, and found that 5.2% of cases were confirmed false rape reports. As the study only looked at confirmed instances, the authors noted that the "total false reporting rate... would be greater than the 5% rate found here".[13]

Los Angeles Police Department (2014)[edit]

Cassia Spohn, Clair White and Katharine Tellis examined data provided by the Los Angeles Police Department from 2008, and found that false reports among rape cases was about 4.5 percent.[3]

Crown Prosecution Service report (2011–2012)[edit]

A report by the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) examined rape allegations in England and Wales over a 17-month period between January 2011 and May 2012. It showed that in 35 cases authorities prosecuted a person for making a false allegation, while they brought 5,651 prosecutions for rape. Keir Starmer, the head of the CPS, said that the "mere fact that someone did not pursue a complaint or retracted it, is not of itself evidence that it was false" and that it is a "misplaced belief" that false accusations of rape are commonplace.[14] He added that the report also showed that a significant number of false allegations of rape (and domestic violence) "involved young, often vulnerable people. About half of the cases involved people aged 21 years old and under, and some involved people with mental health difficulties. In some cases, the person alleged to have made the false report had undoubtedly been the victim of some kind of offence, even if not the one that he or she had reported."[15][16][17]

Lisak (2010)[edit]

David Lisak's study, published in 2010 in Violence Against Women, classified as demonstrably false 8 out of the 136 (5.9%) reported rapes at an American university over a ten-year period.[2]

Applying IACP guidelines, a case was classified as a false report if there was evidence that a thorough investigation was pursued and that the investigation had yielded evidence that the reported sexual assault had in fact not occurred. A thorough investigation would involve, potentially, multiple interviews of the alleged perpetrator, the victim, and other witnesses, and where applicable, the collection of other forensic evidence (e.g., medical records, security camera records). For example, if key elements of a victim's account of an assault were internally inconsistent and directly contradicted by multiple witnesses and if the victim then altered those key elements of his or her account, investigators might conclude that the report was false. That conclusion would have been based not on a single interview, or on intuitions about the credibility of the victim, but on a "preponderance" of evidence gathered over the course of a thorough investigation."[2]

Burman, Lovett & Kelly (2009)[edit]

In a study of the first 100 rape reports after April 1, 2004 in Scotland, researchers found that about 4% of reports were designated by police to be false.[18] In a separate report by the same researchers that year which studied primary data from several countries in Europe, including Austria, Belgium, England, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Portugal, Scotland, Sweden, and Wales found the average proportion of reports designated by police as false was about 4%, and wasn't higher than 9% in any country they studied. They noted that cases where the police doubt the allegation may be "hidden in the ‘no evidence of sexual assault’ category" instead of designated false category and suggested more detailed research into explicating both categories.[19]

Ministry of Justice (2008–2009)[edit]

The UK Ministry of Justice in their Research Series published a report describing the analysis of 1,149 case files of violent crimes recorded April 2008 to March 2009. They noted that 12% of rape allegations fell into a broader definition of false accusations (victim was intoxicated, there was a delay in reporting the crime, victim retracted the complaint after the fact, or no evidence of bodily harm was recorded). Approximately 3% of the false rape allegations were identified as malicious (determined to be intentionally false). When it came to cases with grievous bodily harm (GBH), even the broader definition (no evidence, delayed report, retraction, or intoxicated victim) accounted for only 2% of crimes.[20][21]

Rumney (2006)[edit]

A selection of findings on the prevalence of false rape allegations. Data from Rumney (2006).
Number False reporting rate (%)
Theilade and Thomsen (1986) 1 out of 56
4 out of 39
1.5% (minimum)
10% (maximum)
New York Rape Squad (1974) n/a 2%
Hursch and Selkin (1974) 10 out of 545 2%
Kelly et al. (2005) 67 out of 2,643 3% ("possible" and "probable" false allegations)
22% (recorded by police as "no-crime")
Geis (1978) n/a 3–31% (estimates given by police surgeons)
Smith (1989) 17 out of 447 3.8%
U.S. Department of Justice (1997) n/a 8%
Clark and Lewis (1977) 12 out of 116 10.3%
Harris and Grace (1999) 53 out of 483
123 out of 483
10.9% ("false/malicious" claims)
25% (recorded by police as "no-crime")
Lea et al. (2003) 42 out of 379 11%
HMCPSI/HMIC (2002) 164 out of 1,379 11.8%
McCahill et al. (1979) 218 out of 1,198 18.2%
Philadelphia police study (1968) 74 out of 370 20%
Chambers and Millar (1983) 44 out of 196 22.4%
Grace et al. (1992) 80 out of 335 24%
Jordan (2004) 68 out of 164
62 out of 164
41% ("false" claims)
38% (viewed by police as "possibly true/possibly false")
Kanin (1994) 45 out of 109 41%
Gregory and Lees (1996) 49 out of 109 45%
Maclean (1979) 16 out of 34 47%
Stewart (1981) 16 out of 18 90%

A 2006 paper by Philip N.S. Rumney in the Cambridge Law Journal offers a review of studies of false reporting in the US, New Zealand and the UK.[22] Rumney draws two conclusions from his review of literature. First, the police continue to misapply the "no-crime" or "unfounding" criteria. Studies by Kelly et al. (2005), Lea et al. (2003), HMCPSI/HMIC (2002), Harris and Grace (1999), Smith (1989), and others found that police decisions to no-crime were frequently dubious and based entirely on the officer's personal judgment. Rumney notes that some officers seem to "have fixed views and expectations about how genuine rape victims should react to their victimization". He adds that "qualitative research also suggests that some officers continue to exhibit an unjustified scepticism of rape complainants, while others interpret such things as lack of evidence or complaint withdrawal as 'proof' of a false allegation".

Rumney's second conclusion is that it is impossible to "discern with any degree of certainty the actual rate of false allegations" because many of the studies of false allegations have adopted unreliable or untested research methodologies. He argues, for instance, that in addition to their small sample size, the studies by Maclean (1979) and Stewart (1981) used questionable criteria to judge an allegation to be false. MacLean deemed reports "false" if, for instance, the victim did not appear "dishevelled" and Stewart, in one instance, considered a case disproved, stating that "it was totally impossible to have removed her extremely tight undergarments from her extremely large body against her will".[23]

Criticism[edit]

American psychologist David Lisak criticized the collection of studies used in Rumney's 2006 paper, which estimated the rate of false allegations as between 1.5–90%. Lisak stated that many of the stats are misleading upon investigation and "when the sources of these estimates are examined carefully it is clear that only a fraction of the reports represent credible studies and that these credible studies indicate far less variability in false reporting rates." Lisak points out that even in the original paper Rumney concludes that many of the studies have inadequacies and should not be used to estimate the frequency of false rape reports.[24]

Police in Victoria, Australia (2006)[edit]

A study of 850 rape accusations made to police in Victoria, Australia between 2000 and 2003 found that 2.1% were ultimately classified by police as false, with the complainants then charged or threatened with charges for filing a false police report.[25]

Home Office study (2005)[edit]

The Home Office on UK rape crime in 2005 released a large and rigorous study that followed 2,643 sexual assault cases from initial reporting of a rape through to legal prosecutions. The study was based on 2,643 sexual assault cases, of these, police classified 8% as false reports based on police judgement, and the rate was 2.5% when determined using official criteria for false reports.[26] The researchers concluded that "one cannot take all police designations at face value" and that "[t]here is an over-estimation of the scale of false allegations by both police officers and prosecutors."[27][28]

FBI statistics (1995–1997)[edit]

In the US, FBI reports from 1995, 1996, and 1997 consistently put the number of "unfounded" forcible rape accusations around 8%. In contrast, the average rate of unfounded reports for all "index crimes" (murder, aggravated assault, forcible rape, robbery, arson, burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft) tracked by the FBI is 2%.[29][30][31] This estimate, however, does not appear in subsequent FBI reports.[32][33][34] This estimate was criticised by academic Bruce Gross as almost meaningless as many jurisdictions from which FBI collects data use different definition of "unfounded", which, he wrote, includes cases where the victim did not physically fight off the suspect or the suspect did not use a weapon, and cases where the victim had a prior relationship to the suspect.[5]

Kanin (1994)[edit]

In 1994, Eugene J. Kanin of Purdue University investigated the incidences of false rape allegations made to the police in one small urban community in the Midwest United States (population 70,000) between 1978 and 1987. He states that unlike in many larger jurisdictions, this police department had the resources to "seriously record and pursue to closure all rape complaints, regardless of their merits". He further states each investigation "always involves a serious offer to polygraph the complainants and the suspects" and "the complainant must admit that no rape had occurred. She is the sole agent who can say that the rape charge is false".

The number of false rape allegations in the studied period was 45; this was 41% of the 109 total complaints filed in this period.[35] The researchers verified, whenever possible, for all of the complainants who recanted their allegations, that their new account of the events matched the accused's version of events.

After reviewing the police files, Kanin categorized the false accusations into three broad motivations: alibis, revenge, and attention-seeking. These motivations were assigned prevalence of roughly 50%, 30%, and 20% respectively. This categorization was supported by the details of complainant recantations and other documentation of their cases.

Kanin also investigated the combined police records of two large Midwestern universities over a three-year period (1986–1988), and found that 50% of the reported forcible rapes were determined to be false accusations (32 of the total 64). No polygraphs were used, the investigations were the sole responsibility of a ranking female officer, and a rape charge was only counted as false under complainant recantation. In this sample, the motivations mentioned above were roughly evenly split between alibi and revenge, with only one case characterized as attention-seeking.

Criticism[edit]

Critics of Kanin's report include David Lisak, an associate professor of psychology and director of the Men's Sexual Trauma Research Project at the University of Massachusetts Boston. He states, "Kanin's 1994 article on false allegations is a provocative opinion piece, but it is not a scientific study of the issue of false reporting of rape. It certainly should never be used to assert a scientific foundation for the frequency of false allegations."[36]

According to Lisak, Kanin's study lacked any kind of systematic methodology and did not independently define a false report, instead recording as false any report which the police department classified as false, whereas Kanin stated that the women filing the false allegations of rape had recanted. The department classified reports as false which the complainant later said were false, but Lisak points out that Kanin's study did not scrutinize the police's processes or employ independent checkers to protect results from bias.[2]

Kanin, Lisak writes, took his data from a police department which used investigation procedures (polygraphs) that are discouraged by the U.S. Justice Department and denounced by the International Association of Chiefs of Police. These procedures include the "serious offer", in this department, of polygraph testing of complainants, which is viewed as a tactic of intimidation that leads victims to avoid the justice process[2] and which, Lisak says, is "based on the misperception that a significant percentage of sexual assault reports are false".[36] The police department's "biases...were then echoed in Kanin's unchallenged reporting of their findings".[36] While also noting some of the same criticisms of Kanin, Rumney's 2006 metastudy of US and UK false rape allegation studies adds that "if, indeed, officers did abide by this policy then the 41% could, in fact, be an underestimate given the restrictive definition of false complaints offered by the police in this study. The reliability of these findings may be somewhat bolstered by the fact that the police appeared to record the details and circumstances of the fabrications."[22]

Bruce Gross writes in the Forensic Examiner that Kanin's study is an example of the limitations of existing studies on false rape accusations. "Small sample sizes and non-representative samples preclude generalizability."[5] Philip N.S. Rumney questions the reliability of Kanin's study stating that it "must be approached with caution". He argues that the study's most significant problem is Kanin's assumption "that police officers abided by departmental policy in only labeling as false those cases where the complainant admitted to fabrication. He does not consider that actual police practice, as other studies have shown, might have departed from guidelines."[22]

Police on false rape[edit]

Finland[edit]

A 2008 internal review by the Helsinki Police Violent Crimes Department stated that, in 2008, more than 20% of reports of sexual assault led to "no crime" decision. Chief Inspector Juha Rautaheimo voiced frustration at investigating what he believed were non-crimes. Sergeant Marja Vuento stated that many reports were made by people who were drunk and inconsiderate, and that the number of baseless rape reports had risen hand in hand with the increase of women's alcohol consumption. According to police the most usual reasons for baseless reports were memory breaks due to excessive alcohol consumption and creating an alibi against a cheated partner.[37][38]

In 2014 The Helsinki Police posted a Facebook message[39] discouraging people from filing false reports of rape or sexual assault after a drunken night.[40][41][42] In a subsequent post the next day Police claimed that 2/3 of cleared sexual crime reports in the first half of the year 2014 in Helsinki were either completely wrong, no crime was included or the accuser had dropped the claim.[43][40]

Germany[edit]

In 2015 the Rostock police in Germany observed the false allegations had increased in number and claimed 80% of sexual attack allegations in the town were "faked ones". Chief Criminal Investigator to district Britta Rabe opinied the reason for faked allegations was in many instances the women trying to justify her mistaken conduct to her husband, friend or parent.[44]

Possible effects of media representation[edit]

There are studies about the extent which the media affects the public perception of false rape accusations. Incorrect assumptions about false rape allegations increases the likelihood that a person who reports rape will be blamed or disbelieved.[45] Megan Sacks in Deviant Behavior says that the media perpetuates rape myths when reporting on sexual assaults.[46] Rapes that are reported in news media are typically sensational and don't often correspond with the reality of most rapes,[47] for example, the majority of sexual assaults are committed by someone the person knows as opposed to a stranger.[45] Sacks says, the media also normalizes sexual violence in general, often blames the person who reported the assault, and commonly expresses sympathy for the alleged perpetrators instead of the victim.[46] Laura Niemi, a postdoctoral psychology associate at Harvard University, speculated that mythologizing of rape could contribute to the idea that "no normal person" could rape. As a result, the people commonly had a difficult time believing someone they know or like is a rapist, and this could contribute to the idea that the person who reported the rape is at fault.[48]

In the European Journal of Psychology Applied to Legal Context, André De Zutter and a team described how false rape allegations often resemble stories of rape portrayed in the media, which are not typical of most true incidents of rape. False stories tend to be quick and straightforward with few details or complex interactions, and usually involve only vaginal intercourse. Some behaviors associated with lying by juries is actually typical of true rapes, including kissing or a previous relationship with the rapist. True rape reports often include many details rarely seen in media or false rape reports, for example pseudo-intimate actions, detailed verbal interactions and an otherwise wide range of behaviors besides simply face-to-face vaginal intercourse.[47]

Pam Vogel of Media Matters for America in the Spring 2017 issue of AMASS released the results of a study which found that ESPN networks discussed sexual assault or domestic violence about 30 hours and 40 minutes of airtime out of more than 8,600 total hours in the first quarter of 2017. The speakers were 74% male, and about 1/3 of that time was spent discussing an ESPN documentary about false rape accusations against a lacrosse team at Duke University. Vogel concludes that the high focus on false allegations could contribute to the myth that rapes are rare and false reports are common, when the facts don't back up those perceptions.[49]

Consequences of false accusations of rape in the UK[edit]

Consequences to accuser[edit]

Prosecution[edit]

Individuals suspected of making a false accusation of rape may be charged with the civil crime of "wasting police time" or the criminal charge of "Perverting the Course of Justice".[50][51]

Over a five-year period ending in 2014, a total of 109 women were prosecuted for crimes related to making false accusations of rape.[52] The report did not indicate the verdicts following prosecution. Another report identified 121 charging decisions involving allegations of false accusations of rape and an additional 11 false allegations of both domestic violence and rape between January 2011 and May 2012 and found of these cases, 35 were prosecuted based upon false accusations of rape. A further 3 were prosecuted based upon charges of false accusations of both rape and domestic abuse. The report did not indicate the verdicts following prosecution.[53]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b DiCanio, M. (1993). The encyclopedia of violence: origins, attitudes, consequences. New York: Facts on File. ISBN 978-0-8160-2332-5.
  2. ^ a b c d e Lisak, David; Gardinier, Lori; Nicksa, Sarah C.; Cote, Ashley M. (2010). "False Allegations of Sexual Assualt [sic]: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases" (PDF). Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. doi:10.1177/1077801210387747. PMID 21164210. Archived from the original on 2018-01-01. 
  3. ^ a b Spohn, Cassia; White, Clair; Tellis, Katharine (2014-03-01). "Unfounding Sexual Assault: Examining the Decision to Unfound and Identifying False Reports". Law & Society Review. 48 (1): 161–192. doi:10.1111/lasr.12060. ISSN 1540-5893. 
  4. ^ Hazelwood, Robert R.; Burgess, Ann Wolbert, eds. (2008). Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation. CRC Press. 
  5. ^ a b c Gross, Bruce (Spring 2009). "False Rape Allegations: An Assault On Justice". The Forensic Examiner
  6. ^ Turvey, Brent E. (2013). Forensic Victimology: Examining Violent Crime Victims in Investigative and Legal Contexts. Academic Press. p. 277. ISBN 0124080847. 
  7. ^ Heenan, Melanie; Murray, Suellen (2006). "Study of Reported Rapes in Victoria 2000-2003, Summary Research Report". Abstracts Database – National Criminal Justice Reference Service.
  8. ^ Briefing, Country; Burman, Scotland; Lovett, M; Kelly, Liz (2009-04-01). Different systems, similar outcomes? Tracking attrition in reported rape cases in eleven countries (Report). 
  9. ^ Lovett, Jo; Kelly, Liz (2018-01-16). Different systems, similar outcomes? Tracking attrition in reported rape cases across Europe (Report). ISBN 978-0-9544803-9-4. 
  10. ^ "2012 Ministry of Justice report "Understanding the progression of serious cases through the Criminal Justice System"" (PDF). 
  11. ^ Mandy Burton, Rosie McLeod, Vanessa de Guzmán, Roger Evans, Helen Lambert and Gemma Cass (2012). "Understanding the progression of serious cases through the Criminal Justice System: Evidence drawn from a selection of case files" (PDF). Ministry of Justice Research Series 11/12: V – via UK Government. 
  12. ^ Forensic Journal, of Psychology. "The Prevalence of False Allegations of Rape in the United States from 2006-2010, March 2017". 
  13. ^ Ferguson, Claire E.; Malouff, John M. (2016-07-01). "Assessing Police Classifications of Sexual Assault Reports: A Meta-Analysis of False Reporting Rates". Archives of Sexual Behavior. 45 (5): 1185–1193. doi:10.1007/s10508-015-0666-2. ISSN 0004-0002. 
  14. ^ Bowcott, Owen (March 13, 2013). "Rape investigations 'undermined by belief that false accusations are rife'". The Guardian. Retrieved April 25, 2013. 
  15. ^ Starmer, Keir (March 13, 2013). "False allegations of rape and domestic violence are few and far between". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 15 August 2013. Retrieved April 25, 2013. 
  16. ^ "False Rape Allegations Rare, But 'Damaging Myths' Harm Real Rape Victims, Says CPS' Keir Starmer". The Huffington Post. 13 March 2013. Archived from the original on 15 August 2013. Retrieved 15 August 2013. 
  17. ^ "Charging perverting the course of justice and wasting police time in cases involving allegedly false rape and domestic violence allegations" (PDF). Joint report to the Director of Public Prosecutions by Alison Levitt QC, Principal Legal Advisor, and the Crown Prosecution Service Equality and Diversity Unit. March 2013. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 August 2013. Retrieved April 25, 2013. This report is the product of the first ever study, by the Crown Prosecution Service, of the number and nature of cases involving allegedly false allegations of rape or domestic violence, or both. This is in many ways a trailblazing report, the first time we have clear evidence about the prosecution of this important issue. The report outlines the key findings of that review and the steps that we plan to take in response 
  18. ^ Briefing, Country; Burman, Scotland; Lovett, M; Kelly, Liz (2009-04-01). Different systems, similar outcomes? Tracking attrition in reported rape cases in eleven countries (Report). 
  19. ^ Lovett, Jo; Kelly, Liz (2018-01-16). Different systems, similar outcomes? Tracking attrition in reported rape cases across Europe (Report). ISBN 978-0-9544803-9-4. 
  20. ^ "2012 Ministry of Justice report "Understanding the progression of serious cases through the Criminal Justice System"" (PDF). 
  21. ^ Mandy Burton, Rosie McLeod, Vanessa de Guzmán, Roger Evans, Helen Lambert and Gemma Cass (2012). "Understanding the progression of serious cases through the Criminal Justice System: Evidence drawn from a selection of case files" (PDF). Ministry of Justice Research Series 11/12: V – via UK Government. 
  22. ^ a b c Rumney, Philip N.S. (2006). "False Allegations of Rape". Cambridge Law Journal. 65 (1): 128–158. doi:10.1017/S0008197306007069. 
  23. ^ Stewart (1981) quoted in Rumney, Philip N.S. (2006). "False Allegations of Rape". Cambridge Law Journal. 65 (1): 128–158. doi:10.1017/s0008197306007069. 
  24. ^ Lisak, David; Gardinier, Lori; Nicksa, Sarah C.; Cote, Ashley M. (2010-12-01). "False Allegations of Sexual Assualt [sic]: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases". Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. doi:10.1177/1077801210387747. ISSN 1077-8012. PMID 21164210. 
  25. ^ Heenan, Melanie; Murray, Suellen (2006). "Study of Reported Rapes in Victoria 2000-2003, Summary Research Report". Abstracts Database – National Criminal Justice Reference Service.
  26. ^ Kelly. L., Lovett, J., Regan, L. (2005). "A gap or a chasm? Attrition in reported rape cases". Home Office Research Study 293. (Archived from the original Archived 2008-03-08 at the Wayback Machine. on unknown date).
  27. ^ Lonsway, Kimberley A.; Aschambault, Joanne; Lisak, David (2009). "False Reports: Moving Beyond the Issue to Successfully Investigate and Prosecute Non-Stranger Sexual Assault" (PDF). The Voice. 3 (1): 1–11. 
  28. ^ Cybulska B (July 2007). "Sexual assault: key issues". J R Soc Med. 100 (7): 321–4. doi:10.1258/jrsm.100.7.321. PMC 1905867Freely accessible. PMID 17606752. 
  29. ^ Crime in the United States 1996: Uniform Crime Statistics, "Section II: Crime Index Offenses Reported." FBI, 1997.
  30. ^ https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/1995/95sec2.pdf
  31. ^ https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/1997/97sec2.pdf
  32. ^ https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/1998/98sec2.pdf
  33. ^ https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/1999/99sec2.pdf
  34. ^ https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2000/00sec2.pdf
  35. ^ Kanin, Eugene J., "Kanin, Eugene J. (February 1994). "False Rape Allegations" (PDF). Archives of Sexual Behavior. 23 (1): 81. doi:10.1007/bf01541619. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2016. 
  36. ^ a b c Lisak, David (September–October 2007). "False allegations of rape: a critique of Kanin". Sexual Assault Report. 11 (1). 
  37. ^ "Poliisia käytetään hyväksi uskottomuuden peittelyssä". Iltalehti (in Finnish). May 2, 2009. Retrieved May 20, 2018. 
  38. ^ "Raiskausilmoituksista yli viidennes perättömiä". Turun Sanomat (in Finnish). June 30, 2010. Retrieved May 20, 2018. 
  39. ^ Helsinki Police Department (21 July 2014). "Outo yleistyvä ilmiö: Pelti kiinni ja jatkoille, aamulla selvittämään sänkypuuhia poliisille (A strange new phenomenom: intoxicate, after party, in the morning to the police station to account for the last night)". Facebook. Retrieved 21 May 2018. 
  40. ^ a b "Helsingin poliisi tuskastui asiattomiin seksirikosilmoituksiin: "Pelti kiinni ja jatkoille, aamulla selvittämään sänkypuuhia poliisille" (Helsinki police got frustrated to inappropriate sex assault reports)". Yle (in Finnish). July 22, 2014. Retrieved May 20, 2018. 
  41. ^ "Poliisilta erikoinen viesti raiskausilmoituksista ("A peculiar notification from the Police")" (in Finnish). Ilta-Sanomat. July 21, 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2018. 
  42. ^ "Pasila Boys tell their own view of the increased rape reports". City.fi (in Finnish). City Digital. July 22, 2014. Retrieved 21 May 2018. ‘Minusta tuntuu että minut on huumattu ja raiskattu’, kuuluu yleinen kertomus. Huumeista ei usein kuitenkaan näy verikokeissa jälkeäkään ja tarinaa rytmitetään sanoilla "kai", "ehkä" ja "luulisin". ilmoituksen tekijä monesti myös myöntää, että viinaa tuli kyllä vedettyä ihan kahdella kädellä, mutta "en minä kyllä näin selvin päin olisi ikinä kaatunut sen kanssa sänkyyn" ; "'I think I was drugged and raped' goes the usual story. But there are not traces of any drugs in the blood and the story is told with words "possibly", "perhaps" and "I think". The accuser often openly admits that she/he used alcohol very heavily, but still claims: "Being sober I would have never gone to bed with that guy. 
  43. ^ Helsingin Poliisi (July 22, 2014). "Päihtyneen raiskaaminen on rikos" (in Finnish). Facebook. Retrieved 27 May 2018. 
  44. ^ Kesselring, Doris (2015). "Acht von zehn Vergewaltigungen sind vorgetäuscht". Ostsee Zeitung (in German). 
  45. ^ a b "Resource - Challenging misconceptions about sexual offending: Creating an evidence-based resource for police and legal practitioners". Child Family Community Australia. Retrieved 2018-01-09. 
  46. ^ a b Sacks, Meghan; Ackerman, Alissa; Shlosberg, Amy (2017-12-04). "Rape Myths in the Media: A Content Analysis of Local Newspaper Reporting in the United States". Deviant Behavior: 1–10. doi:10.1080/01639625.2017.1410608. 
  47. ^ a b De Zutter, André W.E.A.; Horselenberg, Robert; van Koppen, Peter J. (2017-01-01). "Filing false vice reports: Distinguishing true from false allegations of rape". The European Journal of Psychology Applied to Legal Context. 9 (1): 1–14. doi:10.1016/j.ejpal.2016.02.002. ISSN 1889-1861. 
  48. ^ Roberts, Kayleigh. "The Psychology of Victim-Blaming". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2018-01-09. 
  49. ^ Vogel, Pam. "Media coverage of sexual violence." AMASS, vol. 21, no. 4, 2017, p. 30+. Academic OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A503275811/GPS?u=sddp_main&sid=GPS&xid=e7329358. Accessed 8 Jan. 2018.
  50. ^ "Perverting the Course of Justice, March 2013". 
  51. ^ "Perverting the Course of Justice in Rape and Domestic Violence". 
  52. ^ "Time. Prosecuting Women for False Rape Allegations". 
  53. ^ "Perverting the Course of Justice, March 2013" (PDF). 

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]