Feminism in Poland
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The history of feminism in Poland has traditionally been divided into seven periods, beginning with the 19th century first-wave feminism. The first four early periods coincided with the foreign partitions of Poland, which resulted in the elimination of the sovereign Polish state for 123 years.
- 1 First-wave feminism
- 2 Twentieth century
- 3 Second-wave feminism
- 4 International Women's Day
- 5 Important Women of Polish Feminism
- 6 See also
- 7 Notes
- 8 References
- 9 External links
The first-wave feminism of the 19th century reached Poland later than other Western European countries due to political instability and economic exploitation by the partitioners. In that period, Poland experienced three successive waves of feminism (during that time the first feminist texts were produced); the first and weakest wave came before the November uprising of 1830. It was then that Klementyna z Tańskich Hoffmanowa wrote the first Polish text with ‘feminist’ features, Pamiątka po dobrej matce (Remembrance of a Good Mother) (1819). Although the author asserted the traditional social roles of wife and mother for Polish women, she nevertheless advocated the necessity of education for women as well.
Age of insurrections
The second (and stronger) wave took place between the November and January uprisings. This period was influenced by French ‘proto-feminist’ ideas: the literary works of George Sand and the newspaper La Gazette des Femmes (Women’s Daily). The leading advocate of feminism was the newspaper Przegląd Naukowy (Scientific Review). It published (among many others) articles by Narcyza Żmichowska (the Warsaw leader of "entuzjastki"), who advocated 'emancipation' and education for women. Żmichowska was also an active speaker, acting on behalf of women's causes. The first Polish female philosopher, Eleonora Zimięcka, wrote Myśli o wychowaniu kobiet (Suggestions for Women's Education) (1843), which postulated that the most important aim in women's education was forming their human nature and only afterwards – femininity.
Poland experienced the third (and strongest) wave after 1870, under preponderant Western influence. In this "wave," it is worth noting, men were principal advocates of the feminist cause: Adam Wiślicki published the article "Niezależność kobiety" ("Woman’s Independence") in Przegląd Naukowy (1870). This piece contained radical demands for equality of the sexes in education and the professions. In the same newspaper, Aleksander Świętochowski criticized Hoffmanowa's books, which he said "transform women into slaves." Another newspaper, Niwa, pushed for women's equality in education and work. The most radical feminist demands were included in Edward Prądzyński’s book O prawach kobiety (On Women’s Rights, 1873), which advocated full equality of the sexes in every domain.
The question of women’s emancipation was especially important at the University of Lwów (Lemberg). In 1874 a University lecturer, Leon Biliński, gave a series of lectures "O pracy kobiet ze stanowiska ekonomicznego" ("On Women’s Work from the Economic Standpoint"). He strongly supported women's intellectual and economic emancipation and their free access to higher education. His efforts later bore fruit — in 1897, the first female students graduated from Lwów University.
In Eliza Orzeszkowa’s literary output, the motif of women's emancipation is particularly important. In her book Kilka słów o kobietach (A Few Words about Women, 1871) she stressed the fundamental human nature of every woman, perverted by society.
In 1889 the Russian newspaper Pravda (Truth) published an article by Ludwik Krzywicki, "Sprawa kobieca" (The Women’s Cause), which postulated that women’s liberation was inherent to the capitalist economy.
The fourth – modernistic – wave of feminism reached Poland around 1900. While male writers focused on the ‘mysterious and mystic’ nature of women, female authors (e.g. Maria Konopnicka, Eliza Orzeszkowa) were occupied with more rational aspects of feminity. Zofia Nałkowska was especially active in the Polish women's movement. Her speech Uwagi o etycznych zadaniach ruchu kobiecego (Remarks about Ethical Objectives of the Women’s Movement) during the Women's Congress in Warsaw in 1907 condemned female prostitution as a form of polygamy. Nałkowska's first novel, Kobiety (Women) (1906), and another novel, Narcyza (1910), denounced female passivity confronted with what she perceived as masculine domination.
The fifth wave of Polish feminism took place in the interwar period (1920s and 1930s). Feminist discourses of that epoch (in Poland as well as in other countries) searched for new definitions of feminism and tried to identify new goals (there were doubts about whether to fight for full equality or rather for protective legislation). Almost every feminist (even radicals) believed that women had achieved their liberation. Róża Melcerowa expressed those feelings: Feminism (...) in fact ended among those nations where de iure had secured its object: social and political equality.
Article 96 of the Polish constitution of 1921 provided that all citizens were equal under law, however, it did not apply to married women. On 1 July 1921 the Act on the Change of Certain Provisions of the Civil Law Pertaining to Women's Rights was enacted by the Sejm, to address the most obvious inequalities for women who were married. The provisions of the Act allowed women to control their own property (except their dowry), to act as witnesses to legal documents, to act as custodian of her children if her husband was incapacitated, and to live separately from her spouse. The law also removed the requirements that a woman had to obey her husband and abolished requirements for a wife to obtain her husband's permission to engage in legal actions.:250
In 1932 Poland made marital rape illegal. Nałkowska continued to analyse women's questions: in the novels Romans Teresy Hennert (Teresa Hennert’s Liaison) (1923) and Renata Słuczańska (1935) she dealt with the limits of women's liberty in traditional society.
The 1920s saw the emergence of radical feminism in Poland. Its representatives, Irena Krzywicka and Maria Morozowicz-Szczepkowska, shared an aggressive rhetoric and advocated women's deliverance from the emotional relationship with men ("fight against love") as the sole medium towards individual independence. Krzywicka and Tadeusz Żeleński (‘Boy’) both promoted planned parenthood, sexual education, rights to divorce and abortion, and strict equality of sexes. Krzywicka published a series of articles in Wiadomości Literackie (Literary News) (from 1926), Żeleński wrote numerous articles (Brewerie (Brawls) 1926, Dziewice konsystorskie (Consistory Virgins) 1929, Piekło kobiet (Hell for Women) 1930, Zmysły, zmysły (Libido, Libido) 1932, Nasi okupanci (Our Invaders) 1932), among others, in which he protested against interference by the Roman Catholic Church into the intimate lives of Poles. Both Krzywicka and Żeleński were exceptionally active speakers, promoting the ideas of feminism in the whole country. A different aspect of Polish feminism figures in the poetry and drama (Szofer Archibald (Chauffeur Archibald) 1924 and Egipska pszenica (Egyptian Wheat) 1932) of Maria Pawlikowska-Jasnorzewska. That author advocated a female erotic self-emancipation from social conventions.
The Second World War virtually silenced Polish feminists.
Under communist rule
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After World War II, the situation of women was much better in Poland than in western European and America. The Polish communist state established in 1948 promoted women's emancipation in the family and at work.
This period, known as the "sixth wave" of Polish feminism, was characterized by considerable propaganda advocating equality of the sexes and by massive women's participation in industrial production, agriculture, and politics. Poland had the first female governmnent minister in the world.
Julia Minc (wife of Hilary Minc) was president of the Polish Press Agency, 1944–54. Zofia Grzyb (a worker with elementary-school education) was the first and only woman member of the Politburo of the Polish United Workers' Party, from 1981.
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The second-wave feminism as a period of feminist activity began in the early 1960s in the United States. The same wave reached its peak in Poland already in 1956 with the legalization of abortion, which generated the production of polemical pro-choice texts. Afterwards, feminist voices were almost silenced (until 1989)[need quotation to verify]; the state considered feminist demands fulfilled, any open discussion about women's problems was forbidden[need quotation to verify], only official (‘materialist’ and ‘Marxist’) feminist texts, mainly focused on taking off women the burden of ‘traditional’ female domestic work, were allowed[need quotation to verify]. ‘Western’ feminism was officially prohibited and was practically absent in the Polish social life until 1989.
In Poland during the years 1940–1989, feminism in general, and second-wave feminism in particular, were practically absent[need quotation to verify]. Although feminist texts were produced in the 1950s and afterwards, they were usually controlled and generated by the Communist state[contradictory]. In fact, any true and open feminist debate was virtually suppressed. Officially, any ‘feminism of Western type’ did not have the right to exist in the Communist state, which had supposedly granted to women every one of the main feminist demands[need quotation to verify].
Formally abortion was legalized in Poland almost 20 years earlier than in the United States and France (but later than in Scandinavian countries), equality of sexes was granted, sexual education was gradually introduced into schools, and contraceptives were legal and subsidised by the state. In reality, however, equality of sexes was never realized and contraceptives were of such a bad quality that abortion became an important method of planned parenthood. Those real problems were never officially recognized and any discussion of them was forbidden.
After the fall of communism
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During communist rule, Polish women enjoyed liberties (abortion, labour market, childcare) that were different from the West.[dubious ] However, following the transition to democracy in 1989 the government took "re-familisation" measures. Feminism in post-communist Poland is contested by the Polish public due to the influence of the Catholic Church in an ongoing "war on gender".Post-communist Poland experienced the seventh wave of feminism and was suddenly confronted with concepts of Western second-wave feminism that at once met with fierce opposition from the Roman Catholic Church. Western feminism has often been erroneously identified with the prior Communist reproductive policy, similar in some aspects, and feminism for that reason has often been regarded as ’suspect’.
In the beginning of the 1990s, Polish feminist texts often used the aggressive rhetoric related to feminist publications of the interwar period. That kind of ‘striking’ argumentation was more adequate in that epoch of violent polemics about prohibition of abortion. After the Polish government introduced the de facto legal ban on abortions (on January 7, 1993), feminists have changed their strategies. Many Polish feminists since that event have adopted argumentative strategies borrowed from the American ‘Pro-Choice’ movement of the 1980s. In Polish feminist texts, the mixed argumentation of ‘lesser evil’ and ‘planned parenthood’ has prevailed. In fact this argument is contrary to the feminist ideology and has proved ineffective. The ban on abortions has appeared immovable. Both sexual education in schools and state funding of contraceptives have been strongly suppressed since 1989. But Polish feminism is seemingly undergoing change; new feminist books include Agnieszka Graff’s Świat bez kobiet (World without Women) (2001), which directly points out the contemporary phenomenon of women’s discrimination in Poland; and Kazimiera Szczuka’s Milczenie owieczek (Silence of the Flock) (2004), which passionately defends abortion and often takes positions directly related to the interwar period and radical French feminism, thus renouncing the hitherto dominant ‘moderate’ American argumentative strategies. Ewa Dąbrowska-Szulc expressed the necessity of changing the Polish feminist stance as well: "We [feminists] have lost a lot by these lessons of an appeased language we are still giving each other".
Currently, Poland still has one of the most restrictive abortion laws in Europe.[failed verification] A proposed total ban on abortion, which had first been introduced in September 2016, and later in April 2016, has initiated a wave of demonstrations Black Protest, raising awareness about the women's right situation in Poland worldwide  Kaja Godek is a radical pro-life activists. 
Zuzanna Radzik claims to be a Catholic feminist. 
International Women's Day
In Poland, International Women's Day comes with some practices that Polish feminists find problematic. Traditionally, women are given a red rose and some perfume. There is a movement by Polish feminists to change the focus of International Women's Day in order to mobilize women toward activism. In Poland, stereotypes view women as either man hating feminists (much like the stereotype seen in America) or traditional mother figures. The movement to reclaim International Women's Day is focused on viewing women as complex individuals, not just through these popular stereotypes. 
Since 2000, Women's Day in Poland is celebrated with feminist demonstration actions called Manifa . Demonstrations and happenings take place nationwide, providing a platform to fight for women's rights.
Important Women of Polish Feminism
Agnieszka Graff (1970- ) -an author, human rights activist, and a co founder of Porozumienie Kobiet 8 Marca, she works at Warsaw University's Institute of the Americas and Europe. Her written works include the book World Without Women in 2001. 
Maria Janion (1926-) - a renowned feminist and scholar, she gave many lectures on feminist ideals and inspired many new age Polish feminists. She received an honorary degree from the Institute of Literary Research of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
Wanda Nowicka (1956-) - a Polish Politician, perhaps best known for her fight for legal abortion and her work co-founding the Federation for Women and Family Planning in 1992. She graduated from the University of Warsaw and worked as a Latin and English teacher until working in politics as the Deputy Marshal of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland from 2011-2015.
Elżbieta Korolczuk (1975-) - a Polish sociologist, researcher and leftist activist. She works at the Södertörn University in Stockholm.
- History of feminism
- Legal rights of women in history
- Abortion in Poland
- List of feminist literature
- Timeline of women's rights (other than voting)
- The term "Poland" in the 19th century refers to the Polish territories within boundaries from 1771 (from 1795 until 1918 the Polish state did not exist, being partitioned by its neighbours: Russia, Austria, and Prussia)
- Łoch, Eugenia (ed.) 2001. Modernizm i feminizm. Postacie kobiece w literaturze polskiej i obcej. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu M.Curie-Skłodowskiej, p.44
- Davies, Norman. God's Playground: a history of Poland. Revised Edition. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005.
- Compare with the first English claim for women’s education from 1675 (Hannah Woolley’s The Gentlewoman’s Companion)
- in: Łoch, 2001:46
- in: Łoch, 2001:47
- in: Łoch, 2001:48
- Poland granted to women the right to vote in 1918.
- in Łoch 2001: 59
- Klimaszewska, Anna; Gałędek, Michał (2016). "'Crippled Equality': The Act of 1 July 1921 on Civil Rights for Women in Poland". Acta Poloniae Historica. Warsaw, Poland: National Ossoliński Institute. 113: 231–260. doi:10.12775/APH.2016.113.09. ISSN 0001-6829. Retrieved 11 May 2019.:239-240
- "100 years of women's right to vote in Poland". Poland.pl. Warsaw, Poland: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Poland. 27 November 2018. Archived from the original on 11 May 2019. Retrieved 11 May 2019.
- "99 lat temu Polki uzyskały..." www.wysokieobcasy.pl. Retrieved 2017-11-29.
Pierwszą polską Ministrą była Zofia Wasilkowska (również pierwsza kobieta na świecie na stanowisku ministerialnym), która w 1956 roku objęła urząd Ministra Sprawiedliwości, natomiast drugą była Maria Milczarek - Ministra Administracji, gospodarki terenowej i ochrony środowiska w 1976 r.
- in: Śleczka, Kazimierz, 1997. "Feminizm czy feminizmy". In: Zofia Gorczyńska, Sabina Kruszyńska, Irena Zakidalska (eds.). Płeć, kobieta, feminizm. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego: p.17
- Narkowicz, Kasia, and Konrad Pędziwiatr. "Saving and fearing Muslim women in ‘post-communist’Poland: troubling Catholic and secular Islamophobia." Gender, Place & Culture 24.2 (2017): 288-299.
- The European Parliament stated in 2002 that sexual education in schools does not exist in Poland
- in Szczuka 2004: 13
- "Abortion Not Allowed in These European Countries".
- Jucewicz, Agnieszka (March 2003 - April 2003). "Polish Feminists: Forging a Sisterhood". Off Our Backs. 33 (3/4): 26–28.
- Feffer, John. "Poland Feminist Genealogy".
- Gozlinski, Pawel (4 April 2011). "What they're reading in Poland". The Guardian.
- Mishtal, Joanna (2015). The Politics of Morality:The Church, the State, and Reproductive Rights in Postsocialist Poland
- Eugenia Łoch (ed.) 2001. Modernizm i feminizm. Postacie kobiece w literaturze polskiej i obcej. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu M.Curie-Skłodowskiej.
- Kazimiera Szczuka 2004. Milczenie owieczek, Rzecz o aborcji. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo W.A.B.
- Kazimierz Śleczka 1997. "Feminizm czy feminizmy". In Zofia Gorczyńska, Sabina Kruszyńska, Irena Zakidalska (eds.). Płeć, kobieta, feminizm. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego: 15-34.