Foreign relations of Argentina
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This article deals with the diplomatic affairs, foreign policy and international relations of Argentina. At the political level, these matters are officially handled by the Ministry of Foreign Relations, also known as the Cancillería, which answers to the President. The Minister of Foreign Relations, since December 2015, is Chancellor (es: Canciller) Susana Malcorra.
- 1 History
- 2 Issues
- 3 Americas
- 4 Europe
- 5 Asia
- 6 Oceania
- 7 Africa
- 8 See also
- 9 References
- 10 Further reading
- 11 External links
From isolation to nationhood
Owing to its geographical remoteness, local authorities in what is today Argentina developed an early sense of autonomy. Based largely on economic needs, during colonial times their pragmatism led to a flourishing unofficial market in smuggled goods, out of the then-small port of Buenos Aires, in blatant contravention of the Spanish mercantilist laws. With the Enlightened despotism of the late-eighteenth-century Bourbon kings and the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776, trade increased as the political importance of the port-city of Buenos Aires soared. The urgency for a complete liberalization of commerce remained a powerful political cause for Criollos and Mestizos, further stimulated by the politically egalitarian and revolutionary ideals spread by the French and Anglo-American revolutions. Ultimately, the actual experience of successfully defending without Spanish aid the viceroyalty from a foreign invader during the 1806–1807 British invasions of the Río de la Plata, triggered a decisive quest for even greater autonomy from the colonial metropolis.
Between 1808 and 1810, the Napoleonic French Empire openly invaded Spain, after deposing King Ferdinand VII and taking him prisoner. A Spanish resistance formed an emergency government, the Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom in order to govern themselves and the Spanish Empire in the absence of Ferdinand VII. But, when the Supreme Central Junta dissolved itself on 29 January 1810, under extreme pressure from Napoleonic forces, most of the main cities of Spanish America refused to acknowledge its successor, a Regency Council, as the legitimate depositary of sovereignty. They proceed to name their own local juntas, as a means to exercise government in the absence of the prisoner king.
On 25 May 1810, a Criollo-led cabildo abierto formally assumed the authority from Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. However, the ensuing United Provinces of South America (formed on the basis of the former Viceroyalty) declared itself independent on 9 July 1816, after Ferdinand VII was restored in 1815. During the Independence Wars no sovereign state recognized the United Provinces.
Until the fall of the Royalist stronghold of Lima in 1821, and the Battle of Ayacucho of 1824, territorial integrity was solely sustained by the military brilliance of Generals José de San Martín and Manuel Belgrano, the continuous efforts of northern provinces defenders Martín Miguel de Güemes and Juana Azurduy, among many others. However, during this same period, internecine power conflicts among diverse leaders, and ideological and economical struggles developed between Buenos Aires Province and much of the rest of the United Provinces, with many of the Provinces bonding themselves into a Federal League, inspired by Federalist José Gervasio Artigas' leadership. In practice, each side treated the other's grievances as a "foreign policy" matter.
The Unitarian Constitution of 1819 was immediately rejected by the provinces, and a state of anarchy ensued following the Battle of Cepeda. The only cause that could regain unity among the hostile factions was the 1825 invasion of what today is Uruguay on the part of Brazilian Empire. Uruguay, then known as the Province of the Eastern Bank of the Uruguay River, was considered a somewhat breakaway Province, since Montevideo served as the seat of the Royalist Viceroy Francisco Javier de Elío during its war on the May Revolution; and that, after the independentists victory, the Province became the main stronghold of the Federal League leader José Gervasio Artigas, who waged a long and bitter dispute during the 1810s against the Unitarians about the shape the national organization would have.
The war crisis led to a new Constitution and a first semblance of a united national government, at the same time it represented the first foreign policy crisis of the young nation (known as República Argentina, per the 1926 Constitution), as it forced the nation into war with Brazil.
The common cause the crisis provided did lead to enough institutional stability to have the British Empire recognize Argentina (as President James Monroe had the U.S. State Department done in 1822) and led to the election of the first President of Argentina. The opportunity for unity, however, was wasted largely because the new President, Bernardino Rivadavia, pushed a new Constitution even more biased towards Buenos Aires' agenda than the failed 1819 document. The war with Brazil, moreover, went badly. Land battles were won, early on, and despite some heroic feats on the part on Irish-born Admiral Guillermo Brown, the war dragged on, resulting in bankruptcy. This and the hated new constitution led to the end of the first republic by 1828; it also led, however, to peace with Brazil and the formation of an independent Uruguay.
26 September 1828 treaty itself became another foreign policy crisis, as it triggered a violent coup d'état by generals opposed to what they saw as a unilateral surrender. The murder of the man responsible for the treaty, Buenos Aires Governor Manuel Dorrego, itself led to a countercoup that brought with it the promise of a lasting peace; but eventually led to destabilizing consequences.
The countercoup brought in a new governor for the Buenos Aires Province, who would in time become the leading figure of a loose confederation of Argentine Provinces (the so-called Argentine Confederation). Juan Manuel de Rosas made it his mission to stabilize Argentina in a confederacy under the tutelage of Buenos Aires Province. This led to repression, massacres of Native Americans in the Pampas and, in 1838, an international embargo over the case of a French journalist tortured to death at Rosas' orders. An unyielding Rosas might have let the impasse continue for a decade or more; but, Admiral Guillermo Brown made his talents amenable once again, forcing the French blockade to be lifted in 1841.
Having come to power avenging the murder of a man who had decided to cease interference in Uruguay, Rosas invaded Uruguay upon the 1842 election of a government there antagonistic to his personal commercial interests (mainly centered in the export of cow hides and beef jerky, valuable commodities in those days). Commercially close with the French and British Empires, Uruguay's crisis met with swift reprisals against Rosas and the Argentine Confederacy from the two mighty powers. Slapped with fresh embargoes and a joint blockade, Argentina by 1851 found itself bankrupt and with "rogue nation" standing; on 3 February 1852, a surprise military campaign led by the Governor of Entre Ríos Province, Justo José de Urquiza, put an end to the Rosas regime and, until 1878, at least, serious Argentine foreign policy misadventures.
Constitution and conflict resolution
The deposition of Rosas led to Argentina's present institutional framework, outlined in the 1853 constitution. The document, drafted by a legal scholar specializing in the interpretation of the United States Constitution put forth national social and economic development as its overriding principle. Where foreign policy was concerned, it specifically put emphasis on the need to encourage immigration and little else, save for the national defense against aggressions. This, of course, was forced into practice by Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano López's disastrous 1865 invasion of northern Argentine territory, leading to an alliance between 1820s-era adversaries Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives (particularly Paraguay's own).
Setbacks notwithstanding, the policy was successful. Domestically, Argentina was quickly transformed by immigration and foreign investment into, arguably, the most educationally and economically advanced nation in Latin America. Whatever else was happening domestically, internationally, Argentine policy earned a reputation for pragmatism and the reliance of conflict resolution as a vehicle to advance national interests. The era's new strongman, Gen. Julio Roca, was the first Argentine leader to treat foreign policy on equal footing with foreign investment and immigration incentives, universal education and repression as instruments of national development. His first administration occupied Patagonia and entered into an 1881 agreement with Chile to that effect and his second one commissioned archaeologist Francisco Moreno to survey an appropriate boundary between the two neighbors, which brought Chile into the historic 1902 pact, settling questions over Patagonian lands east of the Andes. Later that year, endorsed his Foreign Secretary's successful negotiation of a debt dispute between Venezuela, France and Germany. Foreign Secretary Luis Drago's proposal in this, a dispute among third parties, became the Drago Doctrine, part of international law to this day.
This success led to a joint effort between Argentina, Brazil and Chile to negotiate a peaceful resolution to the United States' occupation of Veracruz, Mexico in April 1914. That May, the three nations' foreign ministers hosted U.S. officials in Canada, a conference instrumental in the withdrawal of U.S. troops that November. This also resulted in the 1915 ABC pact signed between the three and, like Brazil and Chile, Argentina thereafter pursued a pragmatic foreign policy, focused on preserving favorable trade relationships. This policy was in evidence during the 1933 Roca-Runciman Treaty, which secured Argentine markets among British colonies, and in the Argentine position during the Chaco War. Resulting from the 1928 discovery of petroleum in the area, the dispute developed into war after Bolivia's appeal for Argentine intervention in what it saw as Paraguayan incursions into potentially oil-rich lands were rejected. Bolivia invaded in July 1932 and, despite its legitimate claim to what historically had been its territory, its government's ties to Standard Oil of New Jersey (with whom the Argentine government was in dispute over its alleged pirating of oil in Salta Province) led Buenos Aires to withhold diplomatic efforts until, in June 1935, a cease-fire was signed. The laborious negotiations called in Buenos Aires by Argentine Foreign Minister Carlos Saavedra Lamas yielded him Latin America's first Nobel Prize for Peace in 1936 and a formal peace treaty in July 1938.
As they had during World War I, Argentine governments of different ideological stripes remained consistent in one important foreign policy point: they maintained Argentina neutral, preferring to offer the nation's vast agricultural export capacity to British and U.S. wartime needs; indeed, Argentine trade surpluses totalled US$1 billion during World War I and US$1.7 billion during World War II.
The incipient Cold War in evidence following World War II led the new administration of Juan Perón to conclude that a third world war might follow. Perón restored diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and, in 1949, articulated a "third way" as his foreign policy doctrine, in hopes of avoiding friction with either superpower, while opening the door to grain sales to the perennially shortage-stricken Soviets. Though commercial concerns continued to dominate foreign policy, conflict resolution was again ventured into when President Arturo Frondizi initiated negotiations between U.S. President John F. Kennedy and Cuban representative Ernesto Che Guevara during a Western Hemisphere summit in Uruguay in August 1961. Frondizi followed these exchanges with private discussions with Che Guevara in Buenos Aires, a misstep resulting in the Argentine military's opposition to further talks. Ultimately, Cuba was expelled from the Organization of American States in January 1962 and Frondizi was forced by the military to resign that March. The effort, though fruitless, showed audacity on the part of Frondizi, whom President Kennedy called "a really tough man."
A stray from precedent
Argentina's relations with its neighbor Chile, though generally cordial, have been strained by territorial disputes – mostly along their mountainous shared border – since the nineteenth century.
In 1978 the bellicose Argentine dictatorship abrogated the binding Beagle Channel Arbitration and started the Operation Soberania in order to invade Chile but aborted it a few hours later due to military and political reasons. The conflict was resolved after the Argentine defeat in the Falklands by Papal mediation in the Beagle conflict of Pope John Paul II and in the form of a Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina ("Tratado de Paz y Amistad"), granting the islands to Chile and most of the Exclusive economic zone to Argentina; since then, other border disputes with Chile have been resolved via diplomatic negotiations.
After nearly twenty years of intermittent negotiations with the United Kingdom, the military dictatorship in Argentina invaded and occupied the British-controlled Falkland Islands and adjoining archipelagos on 2 April 1982, starting the Falklands War (Spanish: Guerra de las Malvinas). The war itself lasted just 74 days but cost the lives of nearly a thousand Argentine and British troops as well as three Falkland Islanders and resulted in the islands coming back under British administration on 14 June 1982, dealing the dictatorship a humiliating blow and, inadvertently, opening Argentina's door to democracy.
Since the return of civilian rule to Argentina in 1983, relations with Chile, the United Kingdom and the international community in general improved and Argentine officials have since publicly ruled out interpreting neighboring countries' policies as any potential threat; but Argentina still does not enjoy the full trust of the Chilean political class.
Michel Morris stated that Argentina has used threats and force to pursue its claims against Chile and Great Britain and that some of the hostile acts or armed incidents appear to have been caused by zealous local commanders.
Early on in the administration of President Carlos Menem (1989–1999), Argentina restored diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom and developed a strong partnership with the United States. It was at this time that Argentina left the Non-Aligned Movement and adopted a policy of "automatic alignment" with the United States. In 1990, Menem's Foreign Minister, Guido di Tella, memorably pronounced the U.S.–Argentine alliance to be a "carnal relationship."
Argentina was the only Latin American country to participate in the 1991 Gulf War and all phases of the Haiti operation. It has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations worldwide, with Argentine soldiers/engineers and police/Gendarmerie serving in El Salvador–Honduras–Nicaragua (where Navy patrol boats painted white were deployed), Guatemala, Ecuador–Peru, Western Sahara, Angola, Kuwait, Cyprus, Croatia, Kosovo, Bosnia and East Timor.
In recognition of its contributions to international security and peacekeeping, U.S. President Bill Clinton designated Argentina as a major non-NATO ally in January 1998. The country is currently the only nation in Latin America that holds this distinction.
At the United Nations, Argentina supported United States policies and proposals, among them the condemnations of Cuba on the issue of human rights, and the fight against international terrorism and narcotics trafficking. In November 1998, Argentina hosted the United Nations conference on climate change, and in October 1999 in Berlin, became one of the first nations worldwide to adopt a voluntary greenhouse gas emissions target.
Argentina also became a leading advocate of non-proliferation efforts worldwide. After trying to develop nuclear weapons during the 1976 military dictatorship, Argentina scrapped the project with the return of democratic rule in 1983, and became a strong advocate of non-proliferation efforts and the peaceful use of nuclear technologies.
Since the return of democracy, Argentina has also turned into strong proponent of enhanced regional stability in South America, the country revitalized its relationship with Brazil; and during the 1990s (after signing the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina) settled lingering border disputes with Chile; discouraged military takeovers in Ecuador and Paraguay; served with the United States, Brazil and Chile as one of the four guarantors of the Ecuador–Peru peace process. Argentina's reputation as a mediator was damaged, however, when President Menem and some members of his cabinet were accused of approving the illegal sale of weapons to Ecuador and to Croatia.
In 1998, President Menem made a state visit to the United Kingdom, and the Prince of Wales reciprocated with a visit to Argentina. In 1999, the two countries agreed to normalize travel to the Falkland Islands (Spanish: Islas Malvinas) from the mainland and resumed direct flights.
Within the term of President Néstor Kirchner, from 2003 onwards, Argentina suspended its policy of automatic alignment with the United States and moved closer to other Latin American countries. Argentina no longer supports the UN Commission on Human Rights resolution criticizing the "human rights situation in Cuba" and calling upon the Government of Cuba to "adhere to international human rights norms", but has chosen instead to abstain. In the 2006 United Nations Security Council election, Argentina supported, like all Mercosur countries, the candidacy of Venezuela (a Mercosur member) over Guatemala for a non-permanent seat in the Security Council.
The Mercosur has become a central part of the Argentine foreign policy, with the goal of forming a Latin American trade bloc. Argentina has chosen to form a bloc with Brazil when it comes to external negotiations, though the economic asymmetries between South America's two largest countries have produced tension at times.
Between 4 and 5 November 2005, the city of Mar del Plata hosted the Fourth Summit of the Americas. Although the themes were unemployment and poverty, most of the discussion was focused on the FTAA. The summit was a failure in this regard, but marked a clear split between the countries of the Mercosur, plus Venezuela, and the supporters of the FTAA, led by the United States, Mexico and Canada. FTAA negotiations have effectively stalled until at least the conclusion of the 2006 Doha round global trade talks.
As of 2007, during Kirchner's almost four years in power, Argentina entered into 294 bilateral agreements, including 39 with Venezuela, 37 with Chile, 30 with Bolivia, 21 with Brazil, 12 with China, 10 with Germany, 9 with the United States and Italy, and 7 with Cuba, Paraguay, Spain and Russia.
Mauricio Macri started his term with a series of foreign policy objectives: (i) re-invigorate bilateral relations with the US and Europe, (ii) revise the foundations of Mercosur, evaluating (together with Brazil) alternatives that imply more free trade and (iii) go back to a single exchange rate, allow for a revival of commodity exports and attract foreign direct investment. However, the realization of these objectives will depend on the evolution of domestic (the fate of Kirchnerism) and regional (the fate of the PT in Brazil) developments.
Argentina claims part of Antarctica as Argentine Antarctica, an area delimited by the 25° West and 74° West meridians and the 60° South parallel. This claim overlaps the British and Chilean claims, though all territorial claims in Antarctica are currently suspended (although not abandoned) under the Antarctic Treaty System. Argentina also claims the British overseas territories of the Falkland Islands (Spanish: Islas Malvinas) and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. In addition a 50 kilometres (31 mi) long border with Chile in the Southern Patagonian Ice Field is awaiting demarcation as required under a 1998 treaty.
On 22 April 2009, the Argentine government submitted a claim to the United Nations (UN) for 1,700,000 square kilometres (660,000 sq mi) of ocean territory to be recognised as Argentina's continental shelf as governed by the Convention on the Continental Shelf and Convention on the Law of the Sea. Argentina claims to have spent 11 years investigating the matter and submitted 800 kilograms (1,800 lb) of documents in support of the claim. If the claim is recognised by the UN then Argentina will gain the rights to the commercial exploitation of the sea bed (which includes mining and oil drilling). The new claim will add to the existing 4,800,000 square kilometres (1,900,000 sq mi) of commercial shelf already managed by Argentina and includes the disputed British overseas territories of the Falklands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands and parts of Antarctica disputed with Chile and the United Kingdom.
Argentina, through its Coast Guard and Navy, has been traditionally greatly involved in fishery protection in the Argentine Sea with the first major incidents tracing back to the 1960s when a destroyer fired and holed a Russian trawler and continued through recent years.
In November 2006, an Argentine judge issued an arrest warrant for former Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and eight other ex-officials in relation to the 1994 bombing of the Jewish-Argentine Mutual Association (AMIA) community center in Buenos Aires which killed 85 people. Iran refused to carry out the arrest demanded by the warrant claiming it to be a "Zionist plot". As a result, President Néstor Kirchner ordered the security forces to be on the alert for incidents similar to the 1994 bombing.
Argentina has a dispute with neighboring Uruguay about two pulp mills on the Uruguay side of the shared Uruguay River near the Argentine city of Gualeguaychú. Residents of Gualeguaychú, concerned about pollution from the mills, blockaded bridges across the river in 2006. The case was brought before the International Court of Justice. No final judgement has been passed yet by the ICJ but the denial of preliminary measures in July 2006 allowed the mills to begin functioning.
|Country||Formal relations began||Notes|
Main article: Argentina–Brazil relations
After democratization, a strong integration and partnership began between the two countries. In 1985 they signed the basis for the MERCOSUR, a Regional Trade Agreement. Also on the military side there has been greater rapprochement. In accordance with the friendship policy, both armies dissolved or moved major units previously located at their common border (e.g. Argentine's 7th Jungle and 3rd Motorized Infantry Brigades). Brazilian soldiers are embedded in the Argentine peacekeeping contingent at UNFICYP in Cyprus and they are working together at MINUSTAH in Haiti and, as another example of collaboration, Argentine Navy aircraft routinely operates from the Brazilian Navy carrier São Paulo.
On 7 September 2008, the President of Argentina, Cristina Kirchner, traveled to Brazil where she was the guest of honor at the Independence Day celebrations and witnessed the military parade in Brasília. The following day, she held discussions with the Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva on a variety of bilateral issues including energy, defense and nuclear cooperation. Brazil's decision to prevent a Royal Navy ship docking in Rio de Janeiro was seen as backing Argentina over the Falklands dispute.
Main article: Argentina–Canada relations
Main article: Argentina–Chile relations
Argentina and Chile share the world's third-longest international border, which is 5,300 km long and runs from north to the south along the Andes mountains. During much of the 19th and the 20th century, relations between the countries chilled due to disputes over Patagonia, though in recent years relations have improved dramatically.
Main article: Argentina–Mexico relations
Main article: Argentina–Paraguay relations
Main article: Argentina–United States relations
The United States has a positive bilateral relationship with Argentina based on many common strategic interests, including non-proliferation, counternarcotics, counter-terrorism, the fight against human trafficking, and issues of regional stability, as well as the strength of commercial ties. Argentina is a participant in the Three-Plus-One regional mechanism (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and the U.S.), which focuses on coordination of counter-terrorism policies in the tri-border region.
Main article: Argentina–Uruguay relations
US$1.4 billion was traded between Argentina and Venezuela during 2008. Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner met Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in Caracas on 11 August 2009. Kirchner called it a "bilateral meeting [...] aimed at deepening our vital integration". The two presidents signed deals intended to see Venezuela import leather, machinery and poultry from Argentina, whilst a rice importation agreement was described by the Argentine President as "the biggest ever in Argentina's history". The deals were said to be worth $1.1 billion. The meeting coincided with visits to Venezuela by dozens of Argentine businessmen. Chávez signed the deals at a time of increasing tensions with Colombia over the United States usage of its military bases.
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|Croatia||1992-04-13||See Argentina–Croatia relations|
|Finland||11 May 1918||
|Greece||See Argentina–Greece relations
Argentina has an embassy in Athens and Greece has an embassy in Buenos Aires. At least 30,000 persons of Greek descent live in Argentina with about 5,000 with Greek passports. The majority of Greeks live in Buenos Aires.
|Holy See||1940-04-17||See Argentina–Holy See relations
Main article: Argentina–Russia relations
|Serbia||See Argentina–Serbia relations
Diplomatic relations between Serbia and Argentina existed before the Second World War and were restored in 1946. Serbia has an embassy in Buenos Aires and Argentina has an embassy in Belgrade. The Ambassador (Chargé d'affaires a.i.) of Serbia to Argentina is Martin Simović. The Ambassador of Argentina to Serbia is Mario Eduardo Bossi de Ezcurra.
|Spain||See Argentina–Spain relations|
|Switzerland||1834||See Argentina–Switzerland relations
|United Kingdom||1823-12-15||See Argentina–United Kingdom relations
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|Indonesia||1956-07-30||See Argentina–Indonesia relations
|Israel||1949-05-31||See also Argentina–Israel relations, Argentine Jew, History of the Jews in Argentina|
|Japan||1898-02-03||See Argentina–Japan relations
Argentina maintains an embassy in Tokyo and Japan maintains an embassy in Buenos Aires. Diplomatic relations were restored by the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952. Argentine president Arturo Frondizi visited Japan in 1960, and subsequently bilateral trade and Japanese investment into Argentina have increased in importance. Japanese imports were primarily foodstuffs and raw materials, while exports were mostly machinery and finished products. Members of the Imperial Family of Japan have visited Argentina on a number of occasions, including Prince and Princess Takamado in 1991, Emperor and Empress Akihito in 1997 and Prince and Princess Akishino in 1998. Argentine President Raúl Alfonsín visited Japan in 1986, as did President Carlos Menem in 1990, 1993 and 1998.
Main article: Argentina–Malaysia relations
|Pakistan||See Argentina–Pakistan relations|
Argentina and the Philippines were former Spanish colonies. In 2012, both countries commemorated the 65th anniversary of the establishment of bilateral, diplomatic, and trade relations. Both countries also proposed separate bilateral agreements on culture, education, and sports in the future as well as cooperation on the promotion of the study of the Spanish language. Argentina has an embassy in Manila, and the Philippines has an embassy in Buenos Aires. Argentine Foreign Secretary Hector Timerman, the first foreign minister from Latin America to visit the Philippines under the administration of President Aquino. Del Rosario and Timerman are to discuss how to broaden the relations and people and cultural engagement between the two countries. Argentina is expected to export citrus to the Philippines.
|South Korea||1962-02-15||See Argentina–South Korea relations|
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|New Zealand||1984||See Argentina–New Zealand relations
|Country||Formal relations began||Notes|
|Egypt||See Argentina–Egypt relations|
|Morocco||1960||See Argentina–Morocco relations
- List of Canciller (Foreign Minister) of Argentina
- List of violent incidents at the Argentine border
- List of twin towns and sister cities in Argentina
- State-Church relations in Argentina (for relations with the Holy See)
- Argentine energy crisis (2004)
- List of diplomatic missions in Argentina
- List of diplomatic missions of Argentina
- Military of Argentina
- Visa requirements for Argentine citizens
- Wirth, John. The Oil Business in Latin America. Beard Books, 2001.
- Clarín. 19 April 1995.
- See Argentine Historian Luis Alberto Romero (Argentina in the Twentieth Century, Pennsylvania State University Press, translated by James P. Brennan, 1994, ISBN 0-271-02191-8) about the Argentine Government: "By that time, a bellicose current of opinion had arisen among the military and its friend, an attitude rooted in a strain of Argentine nationalism, which drew substance from strong chauvinistic sentiments. Diverse ancient fantasies in society's historical imaginary-the "patria grande", the "spoliation" that the country had suffered- where added to a new fantasy of "entering the first world" through a "strong" foreign policy. All this combined with the traditional messianic military mentality and the ingeniousness of its strategies which were ignorant of the most elemental facts of international politics. The aggression against Chile, stymied by papal mediation, was transferred to Great Britain ..."
- See Alejandro Luis Corbacho Predicting the Probability of War during Brinkmanship Crisis: The Beagle and the Malvinas conflicts  (p.45): "The newspaper Clarín explained some years later that such caution was based, in part, on military concerns. In order to achieve a victory, certain objectives had to be reached before the seventh day after the attack. Some military leaders considered this not enough time due to the difficulty involved in transportation through the passes over the Andean Mountains. and in cite 46: According to Clarín, two consequences were feared. First, those who were dubious feared a possible regionalization of the conflict. Second, as a consequence, the conflict could acquire great power proportions. In the first case decision makers speculated that Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and Brazil might intervene. Then the great powers could take sides. In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on the combatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.]"
- See notes of the Chilean Foreign Minister Jose Miguel Insulza, in La Tercera de Santiago de Chile, 13 July 1998: "Enfatizó que, si bien la situación es diferente, lo que hoy está ocurriendo con el Tratado de Campo de Hielo Sur hace recordar a la opinión pública lo sucedido en 1977, durante la disputa territorial por el Canal de Beagle."
- See notes of Senator (not elected but named by the Armed Forces) Jorge Martínez Bush in La Tercera de Santiago de Chile, 26 July 1998: "El legislador expuso que los chilenos mantienen "muy fresca" en la memoria la situación creada cuando Argentina declaró nulo el arbitraje sobre el canal del Beagle, en 1978."
- See notes of the Chilean Foreign Minister Ignacio Walker, Clarín de B.A., 22 July 2005: "Y está en la retina de los chilenos el laudo de Su Majestad Británica, en el Beagle, que fue declarado insanablemente nulo por la Argentina. Esa impresión todavía está instalada en la sociedad chilena."
- See also "Reciprocidad en las Relaciones Chile – Argentina" of Andrés Fabio Oelckers Sainz in PDF: "También en Chile, todavía genera un gran rechazo el hecho que Argentina declarase nulo el fallo arbitral británico y además en una primera instancia postergara la firma del laudo papal por el diferendo del Beagle"
- See notes of Director académico de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales Flacso, Francisco Rojas, in Santiago de Chile, in La Nación de Buenos Aires, 26 September 1997: "Desde la Argentina, cuesta entender el nivel de desconfianza que hoy existe en Chile a propósito de la decisión que tomó en 1978 de declarar nulo el laudo arbitral" Archived 3 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine.
- See notes of Chilean Defense Minister Edmundo Pérez Yoma in "Centro Superior de Estudios de la Defensa Nacional del Reino de España", appeared in Argentine newspaper El Cronista Comercial, 5 May 1997: ... Y que la Argentina estuvo a punto de llevar a cabo una invasión sobre territorio de Chile en 1978 ... Archived 3 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine.. These notes were later relativized by the Chilean Government (See "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 3 October 2008. Retrieved 2008-08-04. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 3 October 2008. Retrieved 2008-08-04.)
- Michael A. Morris (1989). The Strait of Magellan. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7923-0181-3. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
- Telegraph: Guido di Tella
- ... represents our recognition of the importance of Argentina's leadership and cooperation in the field of international peacekeeping, notably during Operation Desert Shield/Desert Storm, in Haiti, in its role in supervising the peace between Peru and Ecuador, and in nearly a dozen other international peacekeeping efforts ...
- Daily News – eluniversal.com
- Piette, Candace (22 April 2009). "Argentina claims vast ocean area". BBC News. Retrieved 2009-04-22.
- [Conway's All the World Fighting Ships 1947–1995]
- Persecución y captura de un pesquero
- Incendian y hunden un pesquero para evitar su captura
- Para evitar su captura, el capitán de un pesquero hundió el barco
- "Argentina seeks Rafsanjani arrest". BBC News. 9 November 2006. Retrieved 2009-04-22.
- Schweimler, Daniel (15 February 2006). "River row divides former friends". BBC News. Retrieved 2009-04-22.
- "Court allows Uruguay pulp mills". BBC News. 13 July 2006. Retrieved 2009-04-22.
- Argentina embassy in Port of Spain, also accredited to Barbados (Spanish)
- Argentina, Brazil consolidate relations G15. Retrieved on 17 January 2008.
- Brazil and Argentina's Nuclear Cooperation
- Britain's isolation on Falklands grows with 'anti-colonial' Brazil snub
- Argentina embassy in Ottawa
- Canadian embassy in Buenos Aires
- (Spanish)Colombian embassy in Buenos Aires
- Embassy of Argentina in Mexico City (in Spanish)
- Embassy of Mexico in Buenos Aires (in Spanish)
- "Venezuela shops in Argentina after Colombia spat". Reuters. 11 August 2009. Retrieved 2009-08-13.
- "Chavez and Cristina sign a billion USD trade agreement". MercoPress. 12 August 2009. Retrieved 2009-08-13.
- Austrian embassy in Buenos Aires (German) (Spanish)
- Austrian Trade Office in Buenos Aires (Spanish)
- Bulgarian embassy in Buenos Aires
- Argentine embassy in Helsinki
- Finnish embassy in Buenos Aires (in Finnish, Swedish and Spanish only)
- Argentine embassy in Paris (in French only)
- French embassy in Buenos Aires (French) (Spanish)
- "Framework of Treaties". Greece. Retrieved 2009-05-07.
- "Pope John Paul II". BBC. 2 April 2005. Retrieved 2009-02-28.
The Pope appealed for a peaceful end to the Falklands issue, a plea which was mirrored in a visit to Argentina days later.
- Suro, Roberto (13 April 1987). "Pope Ends his Argentine Visit". New York Times. Retrieved 2009-02-28.
Pope John Paul II today opened the holiest week on the Roman Catholic calendar with a spectacular outdoor mass set amid the high-rise buildings of the Argentine capital.
- Schanche, Don A. (7 April 1987). "Pope Opens Visit to Argentina With Lecture on Morality". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 2009-02-28.
Pope John Paul II ended an arduous six days in military-ruled Chile on Monday and opened a week's pilgrimage to civilian-governed Argentina by addressing a modest lecture on political morality to the country's leaders.
- BreakingNews.ie – New deal to allow Irish to work in Argentina
- – Agreement in law N. 22.861 (In Spanish Only)
- Polish embassy in Buenos Aires (Polish) (Spanish)
- Russian embassy in Buenos Aires
- Political relations with Argentina, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia
- Argentine Embassy in Madrid (in English and Spanish only)
- Spanish Embassy in Buenos Aires (in Spanish only)
- Argentine embassy in Bern
- Swiss embassy in Buenos Aires
- Embassy of Argentina in Turkey
- Embassy of Turkey in Argentina
- Argentine embassy in Kiev (Spanish) (Ukrainian)
- Ukrainian embassy in Buenos Aires (Spanish) (Ukrainian)
- Ukrainian tourists now able to visit Argentina without visas, Kyiv Post (3 October 2011)
- Argentine embassy in London
- British embassy in Buenos Aires
- Chinese embassy in Buenos Aires (Spanish)
- Indian embassy in Buenos Aires
- "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 1 September 2007. Retrieved 2006-10-25.
- "Brazil, Iran's Biggest Trade Partner in Latin America", FARS News Agency, 5 December 2009.
- Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires
- "Embajada de la Republica Argentina (Malasia)" (in Spanish). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto. Retrieved 12 May 2014.
- "Official Website of Embassy of Malaysia, Buenos Aires". Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Malaysia. Retrieved 12 May 2014.
- "ARGENTINA – MALASIA: REUNIÓN BILATERAL DE VICECANCILLERES" (in Spanish). Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto. 23 August 2011. Retrieved 12 May 2014.
- . 25 May 2006 http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=NewsLibrary&p_multi=BBAB&d_place=BBAB&p_theme=newslibrary2&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=111DB8FDDC16FE10&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM. Missing or empty
- "Phl, Argentina strengthen ties"
- embassy in Seoul
- South Korean embassy in Buenos Aires
- Argentine embassy in Hanoi
- Argentine embassy in Canberra
- Australian embassy in Buenos Aires
- Embassy of Argentina in Wellington (in Spanish)
- Embassy of New Zealand in Buenos Aires
- "Argentine president visits Egypt". Egypt News. 20 October 2008.
- "Argentina replaces navy chief over ship row."
- Argentine embassy in Pretoria
- South African embassy in Buenos Aires
- Escudé, Carlos. Foreign policy theory in Menem's Argentina (U Press of Florida, 1997)
- Francis, Michael J. The limits of hegemony: United States relations with Argentina and Chile during World War II. (University of Notre Dame Press, 1977)
- Leonard, Thomas M., and John F. Bratzel, eds. Latin America During World War II (Rowman & Littlefield, 2007)
- Sheinin, David MK. "Peripheral Anti-Imperialism: The New Revisionism and the History of Argentine Foreign Relations in the Era of the Kirchners." Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe (2014) 25#1 Online, with a guide to the Spanish language historiography.
- Sheinin, David M. K. Argentina And the United States: An Alliance Contained (2006)
- Schmidli, William Michael. The Fate of Freedom Elsewhere: Human Rights and U.S. Cold War Policy toward Argentina (2013) Excerpt
- Smith, Wayne S., ed. Toward resolution?: the Falklands/Malvinas dispute (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991)
- Tulchin, Joseph S. Argentina and the United States: A Conflicted Relationship (Macmillan Reference USA, 1990)
- This article incorporates public domain material from the CIA World Factbook website https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html.
- This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Department of State website http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/index.htm (Background Notes).
- Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas by Carlos Escudé and Andrés Cisneros
- Historical Dictionary of Argentina. London: Scarecrow Press, 1978.
- Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto – Official website of the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Relations, International Trade and Worship.
- The Special Relationship between Argentina and Brazil
- Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas. Obra dirigida por Carlos Escudé y Andrés Cisneros. Obra desarrollada y publicada bajo los auspicios del Consejo Argentino para las Relaciones Internacionales (CARI), en el contexto de las tareas de su Centro de Estudios de Política Exterior (CEPE).