Godred Olafsson

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Not to be confused with Gofraid mac Amlaíb meic Ragnaill.
Guðrøðr Óláfsson
King of Dublin and the Isles
Refer to caption
Guðrøðr's name and title as it appears on folio 46v of British Library MS Royal MS 13 B VIII (Expugnatio Hibernica): "Gottredum".[1]
Died 10 November 1187
St Patrick's Isle
Burial 1188
Spouse Findguala ingen Néill
Issue Affrica, Rǫgnvaldr, Ívarr, Óláfr
Dynasty Crovan dynasty
Father Óláfr Guðrøðarson
Mother Affraic ingen Fergusa

Guðrøðr Óláfsson (died 10 November 1187) was a twelfth-century ruler of the kingdoms of Dublin and the Isles.[note 1] Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. Throughout his career, Guðrøðr battled rival claimants to the throne, permanently losing about half of his realm to a rival dynasty in the process. Although dethroned for nearly a decade, Guðrøðr clawed his way back to regain control of a partitioned kingdom, and proceeded to project power into Ireland. Although originally opposed to the English invasion of Ireland, Guðrøðr adeptly recognised the English ascendancy in the Irish Sea region and aligned himself with the English. All later kings of the Crovan dynasty descended from Guðrøðr.

In the last year of his father's reign, Guðrøðr was absent at the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, forging closer ties with the Kingdom of Norway. When Óláfr was assassinated by rival members of the Crovan dynasty in 1153, Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, overthrew his usurping cousins, and seized the throne for himself. Guðrøðr evidently pursued a more aggressive policy than his father, and the following year appears to have lent military assistance to Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain in the latter's bid for the high-kingship of Ireland. Not long afterwards, Guðrøðr faced a dynastic challenge from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, whose son, as a grandson of Óláfr, possessed a claim to the throne. Late in 1156, Guðrøðr and Somaile fought an inconclusive sea-battle and partitioned the kingdom of the Isles between them. Two years later Somairle stuck again and forced Guðrøðr from the Isles altogether.

Guðrøðr appears to have spent his exile in the kingdoms of England and Scotland before journeying to Norway. In about 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing Norwegian civil wars at the final downfall of Ingi. Guðrøðr made his return to the Isles in 1164, in the aftermath of Somairle's defeat and death at the hands of the Scots. Although he regained the kingship itself, the territories ceded to Somairle in 1156 were retained by the latter's descendants. At some point in his career, Guðrøðr briefly held the kingship of Dublin. Although he was initially successful in fending off Muirchertach, the Dubliners eventually settled with the latter, and Guðrøðr returned to the Isles. This episode may have bearing on Guðrøðr's marriage to Findguala ingen Néill, Muirchertach's granddaughter. In 1170, Dublin fell to an Anglo-Irish alliance. The following year the ousted King of Dublin attempted to retake the town, and Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht attempted to dislodge the English from Dublin. In both cases, Guðrøðr appears to have provided military assistance against the English. In succeeding years, however, Guðrøðr aligned himself with one of the most powerful English conquerors, John de Courcy. Guðrøðr's assistance to John, who had married Guðrøðr's daughter, Affrica, may have played a critical role in John's successful conquest of the Kingdom of Ulaid. Guðrøðr died in 1187 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Rǫgnvaldr. Although Guðrøðr may have attempted to avert any succession disputes between his descendants, Rǫgnvaldr and his younger brother, Óláfr, eventually fought each over the throne, and the resulting conflict carried on into later generations.


Map of Britain and Ireland
Locations relating to Guðrøðr's life and times.

Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles (died 1153) and his wife Affraic ingen Fergusa. The men were members of the Crovan dynasty, a Norse-Gaelic kindred descended from Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1095).[21] Following Guðrøðr Crovan's death in 1095, there is a period of uncertainty in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Although the latter's eldest son, Lǫgmaðr, appears to have succeeded to the kingship, he was soon forced to content with factions supporting his younger brothers: Haraldr, and the aforesaid Óláfr. Although he successfully dealt with Haraldr, foreign powers from Ireland intruded into the Isles, and Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway (died 1103) seized control of the kingdom. At some point, Óláfr was entrusted to the protection of Henry I, King of England (died 1135), and spent his youth in England before his eventual restoration as King of the Isles in the second decade of the twelfth century.

The Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr's mother, Affraic, was a daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway (died 1160).[22] Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he was married to an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of his offspring, including Affraic herself.[23][note 2] Although the union between Guðrøðr's parents is not dated in contemporary sources,[26] it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English Crown, one of the most powerful monarchies in western Europe.[27] As for Fergus, the union bound Galloway more tightly to a neighbouring kingdom from which an invasion had been launched during the overlordsship of Magnús.[28] The alliance with Óláfr also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and further gave him a valuable ally outwith the orbit of the Scottish Crown.[29]

Refer to caption
Guðrøðr's name as it appears on folio 36r of British Library MS Cotton Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Godredus filius Olavi".[30]

Another alliance involving Óláfr was that with Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll (died 1164). Perhaps at about 1140, during a period when the latter was an apparent dependant of David I, King of Scotland (died 1153), Somairle married Ragnhildr, one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters. There is reason to suspect that the alliance was an after effect of the Scottish Crown's advancing overlordship.[31] The marriage itself had severe repercussions on the later history of the Isles, as it gave the Meic Somairle—the descendants of Somairle and Ragnhildr—a claim to the kingship through Ragnhildr's royal descent.[32] In the words of the chronicle, the union was "the cause of the collapse of the entire Kingdom of the Isles".[33]

Early career[edit]

Refer to caption
A king gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen. Comprising some four sets,[34] the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries.[35] They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century.[36] Some of the pieces may have arrived in the Isles as a result of Guðrøðr's return from Norway.[37]

Although the Chronicle of Mann portrays Óláfr's reign as one of tranquillity,[38] a more accurate evaluation of his reign may be that he adeptly managed to navigate an uncertain political climate.[39] By the mid part of the twelfth century, however, the ageing king's realm may well have begun to buckle under the strain,[40] as perhaps evidenced by the depredations wrought on the Scottish mainland by Óláfr's leading ecclesiast, Wimund, Bishop of the Isles.[41] Confirmation of Óláfr's concern over the royal succession may well be preserved by the Chronicle of Mann,[42] which states that Guðrøðr journeyed to the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway (died 1161) in 1152, where Guðrøðr rendered homage to the Norwegian king, and seemingly secured recognition of the royal inheritance of the Isles.[43]

The following year marked a watershed in the history for the Kingdom of the Isles. For not only did David die late in May,[44] but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later, on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway.[45] According to the chronicle, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his aforesaid exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men—that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them—a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar slew Óláfr himself. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves.[46][note 3] Once in control, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to the kingdom's legitimate heir by launching a pre-emptive strike against Fergus, Guðrøðr's aforesaid grandfather. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find. This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother.[49] Whatever the case, within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself.[50] Whether Guðrøðr succeeded to the throne in 1153[51] or 1154 is uncertain.[52] The chronicle itself states that he overcame the Haraldssonar in the autumn following their coup.[50]

Refer to caption
Fourteenth-century depiction of Fergus, Lord of Galloway as he is depicted in Leiden University Library MS Letterkunde 191 (Roman van Ferguut).

Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit.[53] Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, as recorded by the twelfth-century Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death.[54] Óláfr and Guðrøðr's turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness,[55] and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm IV, King of Scotland (died 1165). The dynastic-challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.[45]

Contested kingship[edit]

Illustration of the front and back of Maughold IV, a manx runestone
Image a
Detail of a sailing vessel inscribed on the runestone
Image b
Maughold IV (image a), a Manx runestone displaying a contemporary sailing vessel (detail, image b). The power of the kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley-fleets.[56][note 4]

Midway through the twelfth-century, Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1166) pressed forth to claim to the high-kingship of Ireland, an office then held by the elderly Toirrdelbach Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht (died 1156).[59] In 1154, the forces of Toirrdelbach and Muirchertach met in a major conflict fought off the Inishowen coast, in what was perhaps one of the greatest naval battles of the twelfth century.[60] According to the Annals of the Four Masters, Muirchertach's maritime forces were mercenaries drawn from Galloway, Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and "the territories of Scotland".[61] This record appears to be evidence that Guðrøðr, Fergus, and perhaps Somairle, provided ships to Muirchertach's cause.[62] Although Toirrdelbach's forces obtained a narrow victory, his northern maritime power seems to have been virtually nullified by the severity of the contest,[63] and Muirchertach soon after marched on Dublin,[64] gained overlordship over the Dubliners, and effectively secured himself the high-kingship of Ireland for himself.[65]

The defeat of forces drawn from the Isles, and Muirchertach's subsequent spread of power into Dublin, may have had severe repercussions concerning Guðrøðr's career.[66] In 1155 or 1156, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Somairle precipitated a coup against Guðrøðr, specifying that Þorfinnr Óttarsson, one of the leading men of the Isles, produced Somairle's son, Dubgall, as a replacement to Guðrøðr's rule.[67] Somairle's stratagem does not appear to have received unanimous support, however, as the chronicle specifies that the leading Islesmen were made to render pledges and surrender hostages unto him.[68]

Refer to caption
Dubgall's name as it appears on folio 16v of British Library MS Cotton Domitian A VII (the Durham Liber Vitae): "Dunegal filius Sumerledi".[69]

Late in 1156, on the night of 5/6 January, Somairle and Guðrøðr finally clashed in a bloody but inconclusive sea-battle. According to the chronicle, Somairle's fleet numbered eighty ships, and when the fighting concluded, the men divided the Kingdom of the Isles between themselves.[70][note 5] Although the precise partitioning is unrecorded and uncertain, the allotment of lands seemingly held by Somairle's descendants in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries could be evidence that he and his son gained the southern-most islands of the Hebrides, whilst Guðrøðr retained the northern-most.[73] Two years later the chronicle reveals that Somairle, with a fleet of fifty-three ships, attacked Mann and drove Guðrøðr from the kingship and into exile.[74] According to Orkneyinga saga, the contemporary Orcadian warlord Sveinn Ásleifarson (died 1171?) had connections in the Isles, and overcame Somairle in battle at some point in the twelfth century. Although this source's account of Sveinn and Somairle is clearly somewhat garbled, it could be evidence that Sveinn aided Guðrøðr in his struggle against Somairle.[75] Although the young Dubgall may well have been the nominal King of the Isles following Guðrøðr's final defeat, the chronicle makes it clear that it was Somairle who possessed the real power,[66] and certain Irish source regarded Somairle as king by the end of his career.[76] Why Somairle's son was selected in his place is uncertain; it may have been because Somairle himself was somehow an unacceptable candidate to the Islesmen, and that Ragnhildr's ancestry lent credibility to Dubgall that Somairle lacked himself.[77]

Exile from the Isles[edit]

Refer to caption
Nineteenth-century facsimile of the charter of Kelso Abbey, witnessed by Guðrøðr whilst in exile in 1159. His name and title reads: "Godredo Rege Insularum".[78]

Contemporaneous sources reveal that, upon his expulsion, Guðrøðr attempted to garner royal support in England and Scotland. For example, the English Pipe rolls record that, in 1158, the sheriffs of Worcester and Gloucester received allowances for payments made to Guðrøðr for arms and equipment.[79] Guðrøðr may have arrived in England by way of Wales. The English Crown's recent use of naval forces off the Gwynedd coast, as well as Guðrøðr's own familial links with the king himself, may account for the Guðrøðr's attempts to secure English assistance.[80] Whatever the case, Guðrøðr was unable to gain Henry II's help, and the latter proceeded to busy himself in Normandy.[81] Guðrøðr next appears on record in Scotland, the following year, when he witnessed a charter of Malcolm to Kelso Abbey.[82] The fact that the Scottish Crown had faced opposition from Somairle in 1153 could suggest that Malcolm was sympathetic to Guðrøðr's plight.[83] Although the latter was certainly honourably treated by the Scots, as revealed by his prominent place amongst the charter's other witnesses, he was evidently unable to secure military support against Somairle. It is uncertain why Guðrøðr did not turn to his grandfather, Fergus, for aid. One possibility is that the aforesaid defeat of the Gallovidian fleet in 1154 severely weakened the latter's position in Galloway. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that Galloway endured a bitter power struggle later that decade.[84][note 6] According to the Chronicle of Holyrood, Malcolm overcame certain "confederate enemies" in Galloway in 1160.[86] Although the exact identities of these opponents are unknown, it is possible that this source documents a Scottish victory over an alliance between Somairle and Fergus.[87] Before the end of the year, Fergus retired to Holyrood Abbey,[88] and Somairle came into the king's peace.[89] Although the concordat between the Scottish Crown and Somairle may have taken place after the Malcolm's subjugation of Somairle and Fergus, an alternate possibility is that the agreement was concluded in the context of Somairle having aided the Scots in their overthrow of Fergus. Somairle's deal with Scottish Crown may also have been undertaken not only in an effort to ensure that his own authority in the Isles was recognised by Malcolm, but to limit any chance of Guðrøðr receiving future royal support from the Scots.[90]

Refer to caption
Nineteenth-century depiction of the forces of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, at the Battle of Oslo in 1161.

Having failed to secure substantial support in England and Scotland, Guðrøðr appears to have turned to Ingi, his aforesaid nominal Norwegian overlord.[91] In late 1160 or early 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing civil war in the Norwegian realm, as evidenced by Hákonar saga herðibreiðs within the saga-compilation Heimskringla.[92] The fact that the Icelandic Annals allege that Guðrøðr assumed the kingship of the Isles in 1160 could be evidence that, whilst in Norway, Ingi formally recognised Guðrøðr as king in a public ceremony.[93] There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's support of Ingi may have been undertaken in the context of fulfilling military obligations as a vassal.[94] Be that as it may, Hákonar saga herðibreiðs reveals that Guðrøðr played an important part in Ingi's final downfall in battle at Oslo in 1161.[92] Up until 1155, Ingi had shared the kingship with his brothers Sigurðr (died 1155) and Eysteinn (died 1157). With both of these brothers dead by 1157, Ingi was forced to contend with Hákon Sigurðarson (died 1162), who had been elected to the kingship within the year.[95] In regards to Guðrøðr himself, the saga relates that during this final battle against Hákon, Guðrøðr, at the head of fifteen-hundred men, went over to Hákon's side. Guðrøðr's decision to abandon his embattled overlord tipped the scales in favour of Hákon, and directly contributed to Ingi's defeat and death.[92] The young Magnús Erlingsson (died 1184) was elected king after Ingi's death, and following the fall of Hákon,[96] was crowned king in 1163/1164.[97] It is likely that Guðrøðr was present at Magnús Erlingsson's coronation,[94] and possible that Guðrøðr rendered homage to him as well.[98]

Return to the Isles[edit]

Refer to caption
St Oran's Chapel, the oldest intact building on Iona, dates to the mid twelfth century, and may have been built by either the Meic Somairle[99] or the Crovan dynasty. Guðrøðr himself was laid to rest on the island.[100]

Somairle was slain in an unsuccessful invasion of mainland Scotland in 1164.[101] The declaration in the Annals of Ulster, of Somairle's forces being drawn from Argyll, Kintyre, Dublin, and the Isles, reveals the climax of Somairle's authority and further confirms his usurpation of power from Guðrøðr.[102] Despite the aforesaid record of Guðrøðr regaining the kingship of the Isles in 1160, it appears that he made his actual return to the region after Somairle's fall.[103] Although it is possible that Dubgall was able to secure power following his father's demise, it is evident from the Chronicle of Mann that the kingship was seized by Guðrøðr's brother, Rǫgnvaldr (fl. 1164), before the end of the year.[104] Almost immediately afterwards, Guðrøðr is said by the same source to have arrived on Mann, ruthlessly overpowered his brother, and regained the kingship once and for all.[105] Upon Guðrøðr's reestablishment in the Isles, the realm was partitioned between two closely related rival kindreds: the Meic Somairle and Crovan dynasty.[106]

Refer to caption
The remains of a cross-shaft uncovered on Iona, perhaps dating to the twelfth century, once thought to be associated with Guðrøðr.[107] The inscription is similar to examples found on Mann.[108]

In an entry dated 1172, the chronicle states that Mann was invaded by a certain Ragnall mac Echmarcacha, a man who slaughtered a force of Manx coast-watchers before being slain himself in a later engagement on the island. Although the chronicle claims that Ragnall was of "royal stock", his identity is otherwise uncertain.[109][note 7] One possibility is that this man's final adventure was somehow related to the dramatic fall of Norse-Gaelic Dublin in the preceding years.[111] He could have possessed a connection with the former rulers of the town, as a distant relative of Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles (died 1064/1065).[112] Another possibility is that the attack was somehow related to events in northern Ireland, where the kingship of Cenél nEógan was wrenched from the Meic Lochlainn by Aed Méith Ua Néill (died 1230) in 1177. In fact, it is possible that the invader himself was a member of the Uí Catháin, a branch of the Uí Néill who were opponents of John de Courcy (died c. 1219), Guðrøðr's English ally and son-in-law.[113]

King of Dublin[edit]

Refer to caption
A knight gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

For a brief duration of his career, Guðrøðr appears to have possessed the kingship of Dublin. The chronology of his rule is unclear, however, as surviving sources concerning this episode are somewhat contradictory.[114] According to the Chronicle of Mann, the Dubliners invited Guðrøðr to rule over them as king in the third year of his reign in the Isles.[115] If correct, such an arrangement would have almost certainly provoked the Dubliners' Irish overlord, the aforesaid Muirchertach.[116] In fact, the chronicle reveals that Muirchertach indeed took exception to such overtures, and marched on Dublin with a massive host before forming up at "Cortcelis". Whilst in control of Dublin, Guðrøðr and the defending Dubliners are stated to have repulsed a force of three thousand horsemen under the command of a certain Osiblen. After the latter's fall, Muirchertach and his remaining host retired from the region.[115]

The chronicle's version of events appears to be corroborated by the Annals of Ulster. Unlike the previous source, however, this one dates the episode to 1162. Specifically, Muirchertach's forces are recorded to have devastated the Ostman lands of "Magh Fitharta" before his host of horsemen were repulsed.[117] Despite the difference in their chronologies, both accounts refer to similar military campaigns, and the uncertain place names of "Cortcelis" and "Magh Fitharta" may well refer to nearby locations roughly in the Boyne Valley.[118] Another source documenting the conflict is the Annals of the Four Masters. According this account, after Muirchertach's aforesaid setback at Dublin and subsequent withdrawal in 1162, he left the forces of Leinster and Mide to campaign against the Dubliners. In time, the source states that a peace was concluded between the Irish and the Dubliners in which the latter rendered a tribute of one hundred forty ounces of gold to Muirchertach.[119] The payment reveals that the Dubliners recognised Muirchertach as their overlord, which in turn suggests that the price for peace was Guðrøðr's removal from the kingship.[120]

Refer to caption
A queen gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

In the winter of 1176/1177, the chronicle reveals that Guðrøðr was formally married to Muirchertach's granddaughter, Findguala ingen Néill, in a ceremony under the ultimate auspices of the visiting papal legate, Vivian, Cardinal priest of St Stephen in Celio Monte.[121][note 8] The precise date when Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced their liaison is unknown,[124] and it is possible that the union itself was originally brokered as a compromise on Muirchertach's part, as a means to placate Guðrøðr for withdrawing from Dublin.[125] The demonstrable unreliability of the chronicle's chronology, and the apparent corroboration of events in the aforesaid Irish sources, suggests that the Guðrøðr's adventure in Dublin date to about 1162.[114] Such a date, however, appears to contradict the fact that Guðrøðr was enduring Norwegian exile in 1160/1161, and apparently only returned to the Isles in 1164.[126] If the chronicle's date is indeed correct, Guðrøðr's inability to incorporate Dublin into the Kingdom of the Isles could well have contributed to his loss of status to Somairle.[127]

There may be reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's aforesaid defeat to Somairle was partly enabled by an alliance between Muirchertach and Somairle.[128] For example, Argyllmen were present in the aforesaid mercenary fleet utilised by Muirchertach in 1154,[129] and it is possible that the commander of the fleet, a certain Mac Scelling (fl. 1154–1173/1174), was a relation of Somairle himself. If Muirchertach and Somairle were indeed allied at this point in time it may have meant that Guðrøðr faced a united front of opposition.[130] If correct, it could also be possible that Þorfinnr participated in Somairle's insurrection as an agent of Muirchertach.[131] On the other hand, the fact that Somairle and Muirchertach jostled over ecclesiastical affairs in the 1160s suggests that these two were in fact rivals.[132] Furthermore, the fact that Þorfinnr may have been related to a previous King of Dublin could reveal that Þorfinnr himself was opposed to Muirchertach's foreign overlordship. If Guðrøðr's difficulties in Dublin indeed date to a period just before Somairle's coup, the cooperation of men like Þorfinnr could be evidence that Dubgall, on account of his maternal ancestry and powerful father, was advanced as a potential candidate to the united kingship of Dublin and the Isles.[133][note 9]

Opposition to the English in Ireland[edit]

Refer to caption
Nineteenth-century depiction of the seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke. The device depicts a contemporary mounted knight and footsoldier.[138]

Later in his reign, Guðrøðr again involved himself in the affairs of Dublin.[139] In 1166, the slaying of Muirchertach meant that two men made bids for the high-kingship of Ireland: Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht (died 1198) and Diarmait Mac Murchada, King of Leinster (died 1171).[140] The latter had possessed the overlordship of Dublin since Muirchertach's aforesaid actions there in 1162.[141] Within the same year as Muirchertach's fall, however, Diarmait was overcome by Ruaidrí and his allies, and forced him from Ireland altogether. Although Ruaidrí thereupon gained the high-kingship for himself, Diarmait made his return the following year enstrengthened with English mercenaries, and reclaimed the core of his lands.[142] In 1170 even more English troops flocked to Diarmait's cause, including Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke (died 1176), who successfully stormed the Norse-Gaelic enclave of Waterford.[143] Richard soon after married Diarmait's daughter, Aífe, and effectively became heir to kingship of Leinster and the overlordship of Dublin.[144] Later that year, the combined forces of Diarmait and Richard marched on Dublin, and drove out the reigning Ascall mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin (died 1171).[145]

Refer to caption
A rook gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

According to Expugnatio Hibernica, Ascall and many of the Dubliners managed to escape by fleeing to the "northern islands".[146] On one hand, this term could well refer to Orkney.[147][note 10] On the other hand, it is also possible that the term refers to the Hebrides or Mann.[149] If so, this source would appear to be evidence that the Dubliners had retained close links with the Isles.[150] Whatever the case, within weeks of Diarmait's death early in May 1171, Ascall made his return to Dublin.[151] The account of events recorded by Expugnatio Hibernica and the Song of Dermot and the Earl indicate that Ascall's forces consisted of heavily armoured Islesmen and Norwegians.[152] The invasion itself was an utter failure, however, and Ascall himself was captured and executed.[153] Amongst the slain appears to have been Sveinn himself, Guðrøðr's apparent ally in arms.[154]

The successive deaths of Diarmait and Ascall left a power vacuum in Dublin that others sought to fill. Almost immediately after Ascall's fall, for example, Ruaidrí had the English-controlled town besieged.[155] Expugnatio Hibernica records that he and Lorcán Ua Tuathail, Archbishop of Dublin (died 1180) sent for Guðrøðr, and others in the Isles, asking them to blockade Dublin by sea. According to the aforesaid source, "the threat of English domination, inspired by the successes of the English, made the men of the Isles act all the more quickly, and with the wind in the north-west they immediately sailed about thirty ships full of warriors into the harbour of the Liffey".[156] Unfortunately for the Irish, Islesmen, and Dubliners, the blockade was ultimately a failure, and Dublin remained firmly in the hands of the English.[157] Ascall was the last Norse-Gaelic King of Dublin;[158] and before the end of the year, Clare relinquished possession of Dublin to his own liege lord, Henry II, who converted it into an English royal town.[159]

Aligned with the English in Ireland[edit]

Refer to caption
Mannequin of Guðrøðr's daughter, Affrica, at Carrickfergus Castle. The mannequin is looking though the window of the castle's great hall.

With Dublin's defeat at the hands of English adventurers, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by a threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone.[160] Despite his original opposition to the English in Dublin, Guðrøðr did not take long to realign himself with this new power,[161] as exemplified though the marital alliance between his daughter, Affrica (died 1219×), and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, the aforesaid John de Courcy.[162]

In 1177, John led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid (died 1201), consolidated his conquest, and ruled with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century.[163] Although the precise date of the marriage between John and Affrica is unknown,[164] the union itself may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland.[165][note 11] Certainly, decades later in the reign of Guðrøðr's son and successor, Rǫgnvaldr (died 1229), John received significant military support from the Crovan dynasty,[168] and it is not improbable that Guðrøðr himself supplied similar assistance.[169]

Refer to caption
Guðrøðr's name as it appears on page 198 of National Library of Wales MS Peniarth 20 (Brut y Tywysogion): "Gothrych".[170]

Although the promise of maritime support may well have motivated John to align himself with Guðrøðr, there may have been a more significant aspect to their alliance.[171] The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that the binding of John to the Crovan dynasty was actually the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr formalised his marriage to Findguala in 1176/1177, and it was this union that Guðrøðr bound his own dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn, another traditional foe of the Ulaid.[172] As a result, John was protected on his right flank by Guðrøðr, through whom he shared a common interest with the Meic Lochlainn on his left flank.[173] John would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage,[172] whilst Guðrøðr may have used John's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.[174]

Ecclesiastical activities[edit]

Refer to caption
A bishop gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen. The mitre depicted upon this piece resmbles that of a mid twelfth-century bishop.[175]

There is reason to regard Óláfr, like his Scottish counterpart David, as a reforming monarch.[176] Guðrøðr continued Óláfr's modernising policies, as evidenced by surviving sources documenting the ecclesiastical history of the Isles.[177] For example, Guðrøðr confirmed his father's charter to the abbey of St Mary at Furness, in which the monks of this Cistercian house were granted the right to select the Bishop of the Isles.[178] Guðrøðr granted the English priory of St Bees the lands of "Escheddala" (Dhoon Glen) and "Asmundertoftes" (Ballellin) in exchange for the church of St Óláfr and the lands of "Euastad" (perhaps near Ballure).[179][note 12] In the reigns of Guðrøðr's succeeding sons, the aforesaid Benedictine priory continued to receive royal grants of Manx lands.[181] The Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr gave lands at Myroscough to the Cistercian abbey of Rievaulx in England. The chronicle also notes that a monastery was constructed on these lands, and that the lands eventually passed into the possession of the abbey of Rushen.[182] Guðrøðr also granted certain commercial rights and protections to the monks of the monastery of Holm Cultram, another Cistercian house in England.[183] Either Guðrøðr or his father may have erected the St Oran's Chapel, a mortuary chapel on Iona.[184]

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Guðrøðr's realm was the far-flung Diocese of the Isles. Like the Kingdom of the Isles itself, the origins of the diocese may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium.[185] Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed at the time of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr's grandfather's reign in the Isles.[186] In 1134, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom, and took steps to transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of his diocesan bishops from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such a change may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury.[187]

In 1152, the Diocese of Dublin was elevated to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine his ecclesiastical and secular authority in his own kingdom.[188] Furthermore, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at just this point in time, with Óláfr refusing to accept a certain John who had been favoured by the monks of Furness and the Dean of York. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of his own, Óláfr's diocese was in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's authority.[189]

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles.[190] Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano (died 1159),[191] and the diocese itself was officially incorporated into the newly established Norwegian Archdiocese of Niðaróss in November 1154.[192] Although Óláfr was assassinated before Guðrøðr's return, their apparent counter-move to preserve the kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin was a smashing success.[193][note 13]

Refer to caption
The name of Gamaliel as it appears on folio 50v of British Library MS Cotton Julius A VII ("Gamaliel").[199]

In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.[200] Despite this ecclesiastical reorganisation, the next Bishop of the Isles known from Manx sources was consecrated by Roger de Pont l'Evêque, Archbishop of York (died 1181). This bishop, an Englishman named Gamaliel, may have been consecrated between October 1154 and early 1155, possibly before news of the diocesesan realignment reached the Isles.[201] Although it is possible that Gamaliel was consecrated without Guðrøðr's approval, the bishop appears to have witnessed at least one of the latter's charters.[202] The fact that Gamaliel was buried in Peterborough could suggest that he was removed from his see at some point.[203]

Refer to caption
The name of Reginald as it appears on folio 50v of British Library MS Cotton Julius A VII: ("Ragnaldus").[199]

The next known bishop was Reginald, a Norwegian who witnessed the bitter struggles between Guðrøðr and Somairle, and who seems to have died in about 1170.[204] It is possible that Reginald was consecrated in Norway in 1153/1154, and that the York-backed Gamaliel was compelled to resign the see to him.[205] Either Gamaliel or Reginald could have been the unnamed Bishop of the Isles, noted by Robert, who met with William I, King of Scotland and Henry II at Mont St Michel.[206] Robert's account of the meeting indicates that the kings of the Isles were obligated to render tribute to newly crowned kings of Norway.[207] It is possible that Reginald followed Guðrøðr into exile after the latter's defeat to Somairle.[208] Reginald's successor was Cristinus, an Argyllman who appears to have been appointed by either Somairle or his descendants.[209] The fact that Cristinus did not receive acknowledgement from the Archbishop of Niðaróss could be evidence that Reginald remained in Norway.[210] The apparent antipathy between Guðrøðr and Cristinus may be evidenced by the fact that it was Silvanus, Abbot of Rievaulx—and not Cristinus—who conducted the aforesaid marriage ceremony of Guðrøðr and Findguala during Vivian's visit in 1176.[211]

Death and descendants[edit]

Refer to caption
Ruinous Peel Castle and Peel Cathedral on St Patrick's Isle. Guðrøðr died on the island late in 1187.

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr had four children: Affrica, Rǫgnvaldr, Ívarr, and Óláfr (died 1237).[212] Although the chronicle specifically states that Findguala was Óláfr's mother, and that he had been born before his parent's formalised marriage,[213] the mothers of the other three children are unknown or uncertain.[21] According to the anonymous praise-poem Baile suthach síth Emhna, Rǫgnvaldr's mother was Sadb, an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been an unrecorded wife or concubine of Guðrøðr.[214][note 14] As for Ívarr, nothing further is recorded of him, although it is possible that his mother was also the product of an uncanonical liaison.[216] There may be evidence to suggest that Guðrøðr had another son, Ruaidrí (fl. 1188×1190), who appears in a royal charter recorded as Rǫgnvaldr's brother ("Rotherico, fratre meo").[217]

Many anecdotes about him worthy of being remembered could be told, which for brevity's sake we have omitted.

— a less-than-illuminative excerpt from the Chronicle of Mann concerning Guðrøðr.[218]

Guðrøðr died on 10 November 1187 on St Patrick's Isle, and was buried on Iona the following year.[219] On his death, the chronicle claims that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since this son had been born "in lawful wedlock".[220] On one hand, this record could be evidence that Guðrøðr continued to advance the institution of kingship in the Isles. For example, this episode appears to be the earliest record of a ruling member of the Crovan dynasty designating a royal successor. If so, such an arrangement may have been borne out of Guðrøðr's own bitter difficulties with rival claimants to the throne.[221] On the other hand, it is uncertain if the chronicle has preserved an accurate account of events,[222] as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.[220] One possibility is that Guðrøðr may have intended for Rǫgnvaldr to temporarily rule as a lieutenant of sorts until Óláfr was able to hold sway himself.[223] Although Rǫgnvaldr appears to have later forged an alliance with the Meic Somairle, and may have temporarily reunited the entire Kingdom of the Isles under his own leadership,[224] he was later opposed by Óláfr, and the ensuing violent conflict between Guðrøðr's descendants carried on to further generations.[225]



  1. ^ Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Guðrøðr various personal names in English secondary sources: Godfrey,[2] Godred,[3] Gofhraidh,[4] Gofraid,[5] Gofraidh,[6] Gothred,[7] Guðrøð,[8] Guðröðr,[9] Gudrødr,[10] Guðrøðr,[11] and Guthfrith.[12] Likewise, academics have accorded Guðrøðr various patronymic names in English secondary sources: Godfrey mac Aulay,[13] Godred Olafsson,[14] Gofhraidh mac Amhlaíbh,[4] Gofraid mac Amlaíb,[15] Gofraid Mac Amlaíb,[16] Gofraidh mac Amhlaoibh,[17] Guðröðr Óláfsson,[18] Guðrøð Óláfsson,[8] Guðrøðr Óláfsson,[19] and Guðrøðr Ólafsson.[20]
  2. ^ In specific regards to Guðrøðr, for example, the kinship between Guðrøðr and Henry I's maternal grandson, and eventual royal successor, Henry II, King of England (died 1189), was commented on by Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel (died 1186).[24] Henry II's mother was Matilda (died 1167), daughter of Henry I.[25] Robert noted that Guðrøðr and Henry II were related by blood through Matilda, stating in Latin "... consanguineus regis Anglorum ex parte Matildis imperatricis matris suæ".[24]
  3. ^ According to the chronicle, Haraldr had been castrated by at some point in the late 1090s. If correct, it would seem that the Haraldssonar were at least in their fifties when they confronted their uncle,[47] a man who must have been at least in his late fifties.[48]
  4. ^ The inscription of the vessel may date to about the time of the Crovan dynasty, possibly from about the eleventh- to the thirteenth century.[57] The vessel itself appears to be similar to those that appear on seals borne by members of the dynasty.[58]
  5. ^ The chronicle dates the battle to the year 1156. Since the start of a new year in the Julian calendar is 25 March, the year of the battle in the Gregorian calendar is be 1157.[71] Whatever the year, the weather conditions must have been particularly good to permit a naval battle at this time of season.[72]
  6. ^ The next secular witness listed after Guðrøðr is Fergus' son, Uhtred. Whether the latter was there in defiance of his father—or as a representative of him—is unknown. It is possible that discussion regarding Guðrøðr's plight was one of the factors in Uhtred's attestation.[85]
  7. ^ Although the chronicle specifically dates this event to 1172, the chronological placement of the passage places it between events dating to 1176 and 1183. This could be evidence that the passage concerning Ragnall refers to events dating to 1182.[110]
  8. ^ Findguala appears to have been a daughter of Niall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain (died 1176).[122] The fact that the chronicle describes her as Muirchertach's granddaughter without mentioning her father could indicate that the union was invisioned as a bond with her grandfather and not her father.[123]
  9. ^ There may be reason to suggest that Þorfinnr was distantly related to the Meic Somairle through Ragnhildr's ancestry. Specifically, it is possible that Ragnhildr's mother was Ingibjǫrg, daughter of Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney (died 1137). Ingibjǫrg was in turn a maternal granddaughter of a certain Moddan, an eminent Caithnessman who had a son named Óttar. The fact that Moddan had a son so-named could be evidence that Moddan's wife was related to Þorfinnr's family. If all these possibilities are correct, it is conceivable that such a relationship could have played a part in Þorfinnr's allegiance to Somairle.[134] There may have been another factor contributing to animosity between Þorfinnr and Guðrøðr.[135] For example, it is possible that Þorfinnr was related to Ottar mac meic Ottair, King of Dublin (died 1148), an Islesmen who had attained the kingship of Dublin in 1142.[136] This act may well have represented a threat to the authority of Guðrøðr's father, and the prospects of Guðrøðr himself.[137] Certainly, the aforesaid kin-slaying Haraldssonar who slew Óláfr a decade after Ottar's accession were raised in Dublin. The enmity between Þorfinnr and Guðrøðr, therefore, could have been a continuation of hostilities between their respective families.[135]
  10. ^ Orkney is located in a chain of islands known as the Northern Isles. In Old Norse, these islands were known as Norðreyjar, as opposed to the Isles (the Hebrides and Mann) which were known as Suðreyjar ("Southern Islands").[148]
  11. ^ The marriage between John and Affrica is dated to 1180 by the unreliable eighteenth-century Dublin Annals of Inisfallen.[166] Much of the information presented by this source appears to be derived from Expugnatio Hibernica, and it is possible that this is the origin of the marriage-date as well.[167]
  12. ^ One of the witnesses recorded by this charter is a certain Gilla Críst described as Guðrøðr's "brother and foster-brother". This record appears to indicate that, although the two men were not related by blood, they had been nursed by the same mother.[180]
  13. ^ Nicholas, an Englishman who became Pope Adrian IV in 1154,[194] was instrumental in the foundation of the new archdiocese.[195] He apparently favoured Ingi as king over the latter's aforesaid sibling co-rulers, Sigurðr and Eysteinn.[196] Guðrøðr's 1152/1153 stay in Scandinavia appears to have coincided with Eysteinn's absence from the region, when the latter was occupied in predatory campaigns in Orkney, Scotland, and England.[197] Eysteinn may have had Hebridean connections since saga evidence reveals that he first appeared in Norway claiming to be a son of Haraldr gilli, King of Norway (died 1136) with his mother, Bjaðǫk, a woman who in turn seems to have borne a Gaelic name. Eysteinn was eventually recognised as Haraldr gilli's son, and it is conceivable that Eysteinn and Bjaðǫk had powerful relatives who backed their claims. In regards to Guðrøðr, it is possible that his cooperation with Ingi was undertaken in the context of avoiding having to deal with Eysteinn and his seemingly Irish or Hebridean kin.[198]
  14. ^ The fact the poem also describes Rǫgnvaldr as a descendant of "Lochlann of the ships", Conn, and Cormac,—all apparent members of the Uí Néill—could indicate that Guðrøðr's apparent marriage to Sadb represents an earlier alliance with Muirchertach.[215]


  1. ^ Dimock (1867) p. 265; Royal MS 13 B VIII (n.d.).
  2. ^ Boardman (2006); Brown (2004); McDonald (1997).
  3. ^ Crawford (2014); Downham (2013); MacDonald (2013); Martin (2008); McDonald (2007a); Davey (2006a); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); McNamee (2005); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (2004b); Duffy (2004d); Woolf (2003); Beuermann (2002); Oram (2000); Thornton (1996); Watt (1994).
  4. ^ a b McLeod (2002).
  5. ^ Veach (2014); McDonald (2007a); Woolf (2005); Woolf (2004); Duffy (2004b); Woolf (2001); Duffy (1999); Thornton (1996); Duffy (1995); Duffy (1992); Duffy (1991)
  6. ^ Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a).
  7. ^ McDonald (2007a); Purcell (2003–2004).
  8. ^ a b Williams, DGE (1997).
  9. ^ Beuermann (2014); Williams, G (2007).
  10. ^ Duffy (2005a).
  11. ^ Downham (2013); MacDonald (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Oram (2011); Beuermann (2010); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Power (2005); Salvucci (2005); Duffy (2004b); Thornton (1996).
  12. ^ Duffy (2004b).
  13. ^ Boardman (2006).
  14. ^ Crawford (2014); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); McNamee (2005); Woolf (2003); Beuermann (2002); Oram (2000).
  15. ^ Veach (2014); Woolf (2005); Duffy (1992).
  16. ^ Duffy (1995).
  17. ^ Duffy (2007).
  18. ^ Beuermann (2014).
  19. ^ Veach (2014); Downham (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Beuermann (2010); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Duffy (2004b).
  20. ^ Oram (2011)
  21. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  22. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 66, 72, 75, 154; Oram (1988) p. 79; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  23. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 71–72, 79.
  24. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 60; Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) pp. 72, 79; Anderson, AO (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) pp. 114–115; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  25. ^ Oram (2011) p. xiii tab. 2.
  26. ^ Oram (1988) p. 79.
  27. ^ Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) p. 79.
  28. ^ Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) pp. 10, 78, 80.
  29. ^ Oram (1988) p. 80.
  30. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) p. 62; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  31. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 86–89.
  32. ^ Woolf (2005) p. 13.
  33. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 67, 116; McDonald (1997) p. 60; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  34. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 198.
  35. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 168–169, 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197.
  36. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 155.
  37. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 178.
  38. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Oram (2011) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 73; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  39. ^ Oram (2000) p. 73.
  40. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 73.
  41. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 43; Oram (2011) p. 113.
  42. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2002) pp. 421–422; Oram (2000) p. 73.
  43. ^ Downham (2013) p. 172; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107; Power (2005) p. 22; Beuermann (2002) p. 419, 419 n. 2; Oram (2000) p. 73; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 62–63.
  44. ^ Oram (2011) p. 108.
  45. ^ a b Oram (2011) p. 113.
  46. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Downham (2013) p. 171; Oram (2011) p. 113; Duffy (1991) p. 60; Oram (1988) pp. 80–81; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 62–65.
  47. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423.
  48. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423 n. 26.
  49. ^ Oram (1988) p. 81; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 225–226; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 64–65.
  50. ^ a b Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Crawford (2014) p. 67; Downham (2013) p. 171; McDonald (2012) p. 162; McDonald (2007a) p. 66; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67, 85; Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2002) p. 420; Oram (2000) pp. 69–70; Oram (1988) p. 81; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 226; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 64–67.
  51. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 58, 67, 85.
  52. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 51; Duffy (2007) p. 3; Thornton (1996) p. 95; Duffy (1992) p. 126.
  53. ^ Oram (1988) p. 81.
  54. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 81, 85–86; Powicke (1978) pp. 45–46.
  55. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 81–82, 113.
  56. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007b) pl. 1.
  57. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007b) p. 55, pl. 1; Wilson (1973) p. 15.
  58. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–60; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55; Wilson (1973) p. 15, 15 n. 43.
  59. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 2; O'Byrne (2005a); O'Byrne (2005c); Duffy (2004c).
  60. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 29–31; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; O'Byrne (2005a); O'Byrne (2005b); O'Byrne (2005c); Duffy (2004c); Griffin (2002) pp. 41–42; Oram (2000) p. 73; Duffy (1992) pp. 124–125.
  61. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 29–30; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1154.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1154.11; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; Oram (2000) p. 73; Simms (2000) p. 12; Duffy (1992) pp. 124–125.
  62. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71.
  63. ^ Griffin (2002) p. 42.
  64. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 34; O'Byrne (2005a); Duffy (2004c); Griffin (2002) p. 42.
  65. ^ Duffy (2004c).
  66. ^ a b Oram (2011) p. 120.
  67. ^ Downham (2013) p. 172; Woolf (2013) pp. 3–4; Oram (2011) pp. 113–114, 120; Williams, G (2007) pp. 143, 145–146; Woolf (2007) p. 80; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 243–244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Oram (2000) p. 76; Sellar (2000) p. 191; McDonald (1997) pp. 54–58; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 259–260, 260 n. 114; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  68. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 58; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  69. ^ Stevenson (1841) p. 4; Cotton MS Domitian A VII (n.d.).
  70. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 161; Oram (2011) p. 120; McDonald (2007a) pp. 57, 64; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Oram (2000) p. 76; Sellar (2000) p. 191; McDonald (1997) p. 56; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 231–232; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  71. ^ Oram (2000) p. 85 n. 127.
  72. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 56 n. 48.
  73. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 56.
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  75. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 159–161.
  76. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 57.
  77. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 57; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196.
  78. ^ Liber S. Marie de Calchou (1846) pp. III–VII; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 38; PoMS, H1/5/24 (n.d.).
  79. ^ Oram (2011) p. 12; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 76; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 246 n. 4; Bain (1881) p. 9 §§ 56, 60; Hunter (1844) pp. 155, 168; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 36.
  80. ^ Oram (2000) p. 76.
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  83. ^ Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b) p. 113.
  84. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 121–122.
  85. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 79–80.
  86. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–122; Oram (2000) p. 80; Anderson, MO (1938) p. 189; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 245; Bouterwek (1853) p. 39; Stevenson (1856) p. 74.
  87. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–122.
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  89. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 30 n. 51; Woolf (2013) p. 5; Oram (2011) pp. 118–119; Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245; Oram (2000) p. 81; Barrow (1994).
  90. ^ Woolf (2013) p. 5.
  91. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 244–245; Oram (2000) p. 77; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 111.
  92. ^ a b c McDonald (2012) p. 162; Beuermann (2010) p. 112, 112 n. 43; Hollander (2009) ch. 16; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245; Power (2005) p. 24; Salvucci (2005) p. 182; Beuermann (2002) pp. 420–421 n. 8; Oram (2000) p. 77; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 248–249; Storm (1899) pp. 629–630 § 17; Unger (1868) pp. 772–773 § 17.
  93. ^ Storm (1977) pp. 116, 322, 475; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 246; Vigfusson (1878) p. 360.
  94. ^ a b Beuermann (2010) p. 112.
  95. ^ Antonsson; Crumplin; Conti (2007) p. 202.
  96. ^ Ghosh (2011) p. 206.
  97. ^ Ghosh (2011) p. 206; Beuermann (2010) p. 112.
  98. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 421 n. 10.
  99. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 155–156.
  100. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 155–156; Power (2005) p. 28.
  101. ^ Oram (2011) p. 128; McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54, 67–68, 85, 112, 113; Duffy (1999) p. 356; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  102. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1164.4; Oram (2011) p. 128; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1164.4; Oram (2000) p. 76; Duffy (1999) p. 356; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 253–254.
  103. ^ Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5.
  104. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 128–129; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 258–259; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 74–75.
  105. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 67; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 258–259; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 74–75.
  106. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 70–71.
  107. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 70.
  108. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 70.
  109. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 85–86, 85 n. 88; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 305; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–79.
  110. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 85 n. 88.
  111. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 85–86.
  112. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 150, 260–261, 260 n. 121.
  113. ^ Oram (2000) p. 105.
  114. ^ a b Duffy (2007) pp. 3–4; Oram (2000) pp. 74–75; Duffy (1992) pp. 126–128.
  115. ^ a b Downham (2013) pp. 166, 171–172; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 3; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; Oram (2000) pp. 74–75; Duffy (1992) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1991) p. 67; Anderson, AO (1922) p. 230–231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 66–69.
  116. ^ Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1992) p. 126.
  117. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1162.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1162.4; Duffy (2007) pp. 3–4; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  118. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  119. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1162.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1162.11; Duffy (2007) p. 4; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  120. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 4; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  121. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93, 93 n. 45; Wadden (2014) pp. 32–33; Downham (2013) p. 172, 172 n. 166; Duffy (2007) p. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 71, 146, 171, 185; Oram (2000) p. 109 n. 24; Duffy (1992) p. 128 n. 166; Flanagan (1989) p. 103; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 296–297; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77.
  122. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) p. 71; Martin (2008) p. 135; Flanagan (1989) p. 103.
  123. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 33.
  124. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 128 n. 166.
  125. ^ Downham (2013) p. 172; Duffy (2007) p. 4.
  126. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 74–75.
  127. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 113–114, 120; Oram (2000) pp. 74–76.
  128. ^ Oram (2000) p. 75; McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  129. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 2–3; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1999) p. 356.
  130. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 3; McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  131. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  132. ^ Oram (2011) p. 128; Oram (2000) p. 76.
  133. ^ Oram (2000) p. 76.
  134. ^ Williams, G (2007).
  135. ^ a b Downham (2013) pp. 171–172.
  136. ^ Downham (2013) pp. 171–172; Oram (2000) pp. 67, 76; Duffy (1992) pp. 121–122.
  137. ^ Downham (2013) pp. 171–172; Oram (2000) p. 67.
  138. ^ Simms (1996) p. 56.
  139. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 6; Duffy (2004b).
  140. ^ Flanagan (2004b); Flanagan (2004c).
  141. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 4–5.
  142. ^ Crooks (2005a); Flanagan (2004b).
  143. ^ Flanagan (2004a); Flanagan (2004b); Duffy (1998) pp. 78–79; Duffy (1992) p. 131.
  144. ^ Flanagan (2004a); Duffy (1998) pp. 78–79.
  145. ^ Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1992) pp. 131–132.
  146. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157 n. 1; McDonald (2008) p. 135; Duffy (2007) p. 5; Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 285; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 213–215 (§ 17); Dimock (1867) pp. 256–258 (§ 17).
  147. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157 n. 1.
  148. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 152.
  149. ^ Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1992) p. 132, 132 n. 184.
  150. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 132, 132 n. 184.
  151. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 5; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  152. ^ Song of Dermot and the Earl (2011) pp. 165, 167 (§§ 2257–2272); McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136, 135–136 n. 24; Duffy (2007) p. 5; Song of Dermot and the Earl (2010) pp. 164, 166 (§§ 2257–2272); Duffy (1992) p. 132; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 219–221 (§ 21); Dimock (1867) pp. 263–265 (§ 21).
  153. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 5–6; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 287; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  154. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 160; Barrett (2004).
  155. ^ O'Byrne (2005) p. 469; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  156. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 134, 136; Duffy (2007) p. 6; McDonald (2007a) pp. 52, 63, 70; Power (2005) p. 37; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 288, 288 n. 59; Duffy (1992) pp. 132–133; Duffy (1991) p. 60; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 221–222 (§ 22); Dimock (1867) pp. 265–266 (§ 22).
  157. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 7; O'Byrne (2005) p. 469; Duffy (1992) p. 133.
  158. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157.
  159. ^ Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Flanagan (2004a); Simms (1996) p. 57.
  160. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) pp. 124–125; Duffy (1992) p. 133; Duffy (1991) p. 60.
  161. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125.
  162. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125; Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a).
  163. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 136–137; Crooks (2005b); Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a).
  164. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (1995) p. 25, n. 167.
  165. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127.
  166. ^ Veach (2014) pp. 56–57; McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (1995) p. 25 n. 167.
  167. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (1995) p. 25 n. 167.
  168. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1995) p. 25.
  169. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127.
  170. ^ Brut y Tywysogion (n.d.); NLW MS. Peniarth 20 (n.d.) p. 198.
  171. ^ Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26.
  172. ^ a b McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  173. ^ Martin (2008) p. 135.
  174. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  175. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 192–193, 192 tab. 5.
  176. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 66, 192; Davey (2006a); Woolf (2001).
  177. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68.
  178. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68; Oliver (1861) pp. 13–14; PoMS, H1/14/1 (n.d.); PoMS, Transaction Factoid No. 7596 (n.d.).
  179. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 91; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 196; Wilson (1915) pp. 72–73 § 43; PoMS, H1/14/2 (n.d.); PoMS, Transaction Factoid No. 8143 (n.d.).
  180. ^ Barrow (1980) p. 158 n. 70; Wilson (1915) pp. 72–73 § 43, 73 n. 7; PoMS, H1/14/2 (n.d.); Gilchrist, Foster-Brother of King Godred (n.d.); PoMS, Transaction Factoid No. 8143 (n.d.).
  181. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 196.
  182. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 45; McDonald (2007b) p. 68; McDonald (1997) p. 210; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77.
  183. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 196, 219; Grainger; Collingwood (1929) p. 94 § 265a; PoMS, H1/14/3 (n.d.); PoMS, Transaction Factoid No. 7640 (n.d.).
  184. ^ Power (2005) p. 28.
  185. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 171, 180.
  186. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171–172.
  187. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–428.
  188. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 428.
  189. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 428–429.
  190. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Power (2005) p. 23; Beuermann (2002).
  191. ^ Power (2005) p. 23.
  192. ^ Power (2005) p. 25; Woolf (2003) p. 174.
  193. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 432.
  194. ^ Sayers (2004).
  195. ^ Power (2005) p. 25; Sayers (2004).
  196. ^ Antonsson; Crumplin; Conti (2007) p. 203; Power (2005) p. 23.
  197. ^ Power (2005) pp. 22–23, 22 n. 21.
  198. ^ Power (2005) pp. 21–22.
  199. ^ a b Munch; Goss (1874) p. 114; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  200. ^ Davey (2006a); Davey (2006b).
  201. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 174.
  202. ^ Watt (1994) p. 117.
  203. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 174–175; Watt (1994) p. 117.
  204. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 175; Watt (1994) pp. 117–118.
  205. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 431.
  206. ^ Crawford (2014) pp. 70–71; Watt (1994) pp. 117–118.
  207. ^ Crawford (2014) pp. 70–72; Beuermann (2010) pp. 102–103, 103 n. 10, 106, 106 n. 32; McDonald (2007b) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22, 22 n. 22; Anderson, AO (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) pp. 114–115; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  208. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 32.
  209. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93; MacDonald (2013) pp. 31–32; Beuermann (2012) p. 5; Woolf (2003) p. 175; Watt (1994) p. 118.
  210. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 32, 32 n. 56.
  211. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93.
  212. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 70, 123; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 313, 363–364; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–81.
  213. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1; 71; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 296–297, 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–79.
  214. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 134; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Duffy (2004d); Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 237, 239; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427.
  215. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 33.
  216. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 88.
  217. ^ Valente (2010); McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1; 75; Oliver (1861) pp. 17–18; PoMS, H1/15/1 (n.d.); PoMS, Transaction Factoid No. 7611 (n.d.).
  218. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 66–67.
  219. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Duffy (2004b).
  220. ^ a b Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2013); Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71; McNamee (2005); Duffy (2004d); McLeod (2002) p. 28 n. 12; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  221. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 68–69.
  222. ^ Oram (2011) p. 156.
  223. ^ Oram (2013).
  224. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  225. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) pp. 80–81; McNamee (2005); Brown (2004) pp. 76–78; Duffy (2004d).
  226. ^ a b Hollister (2004).


Primary sources[edit]

Secondary sources[edit]

External links[edit]

Media related to Guðrøðr Óláfsson at Wikimedia Commons

Guðrøðr Óláfsson
Died: 10 November 1187
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Óláfr Guðrøðarson
King of the Isles
Succeeded by
Somairle mac Gilla Brigte
Preceded by
Rǫgnvaldr Óláfsson
King of the Isles
Succeeded by
Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson