|Part of the Cold War and aftermath of the Rhodesian Bush War|
|Date||3 February 1984 - 22 December 1987|
|Target||Ndebele population of Zimbabwe|
|Pogrom, torture, indefinite detention|
Central Intelligence Organisation
The Gukurahundi (Shona: "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains") was the suppression of Zimbabwean civilians, mostly supporters of Joshua Nkomo, by Zimbabwe's 5th Brigade in the predominantly Ndebele regions of Zimbabwe during the 1980s. A few hundred disgruntled former Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) combatants waged armed banditry against the civilians in Matabeleland, and destroyed government installations. Similar attacks were carried out by militia from neighbouring South Africa, which was then under apartheid and hoped to destabilise Zimbabwe. In the ensuing conflict thousands were killed—estimates range as high as 30,000. An in-depth report by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, published in 1997, reported 3,750 confirmed dead, and speculated that the actual figure could be double this, or higher. The violence ended after the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) reached a unity agreement on 22 December 1987 that merged the two parties to form one party known as ZANU PF, with Mugabe as leader of the party as well as of state and government as the new President of Zimbabwe since 31 December 1987.
Before the Rhodesian Bush War, the main opposition party, ZAPU, split into two groups in 1963, the split-away group being ZANU. Though these groups had a common origin they gradually grew apart, with the split away group, ZANU, recruiting mainly from the Shona regions, while ZAPU recruited mainly from Ndebele-speaking regions in the west.
There is a much earlier source for Shona hostility to the Ndebele, going back to the arrival in 1837 of Mzilikazi and his Matabele followers. Mzilikazi carved out a territory for himself by fighting and dispossessing the local Shona, and this humiliation has not been forgotten by the Shona.
The armies of these two groups, ZAPU's Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), and ZANU's Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), developed rivalries for the support of the people and would fight each other. When Zimbabwe won independence, the two armies so distrusted each other that it was difficult to integrate them both into the National Army. These problems were only in Matabeleland. For example: former ZIPRA elements attacked civilian areas in Zvishavane, Kadoma and Bulawayo. It seemed ZIPRA had a hidden arms cache. There were major outbreaks of violence carried out by ZIPRA against the civilian population . The first of these was in November 1980, followed by a more serious incident in early 1981. This led to the defection of many ZIPRA members. ZAPU was supporting a new dissident war to improve its position in Zimbabwe. In the elections held in April 1980, ZANU received 57 out of 100 seats and Robert Mugabe became prime minister.
A historian Dr Stuart Doran of events in Zimbabwe, using historical documents, has written a short article 'New documents claim to prove Mugabe ordered Gukurahundi killings' wayback in 1983. Quoted in part: The documents point to internal killings neither provoked nor sustained by outsiders, suggesting that the atrocities were driven from the top by Zanu-PF in pursuit of specific political objectives. Viewed across a period of several years, the documents appear to provide evidence that the massacres were but one component of a sustained and strategic effort to remove all political opposition within five years of independence. Zanu-PF leaders were determined to secure a “victory” against a non-existent opposition in elections scheduled for 1985, after which there would be a “mandate” from the people to impose a one-party state. 
In November 1980 Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU would deliver a few blows against them. This preceded the first outbreak of fighting in Entumbane, during which ZIPRA and the Zimbabwe National Army fought a pitched battle for two days.
In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and the Zimbabwean National army units had to come in to stop the fighting.
Many ZIPRA cadres defected after Entumbane, fearing retribution.
This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were re-detained without trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert," said one dissident.
South African interference
South African intervention included the systematic supply of disinformation to the Zimbabwe Government. In addition, there were military attacks on the government and on the country's infrastructure. Many ex-members of the Rhodesian armed forces and police became integrated into South Africa's military. Actions by South Africans in Zimbabwe included the destruction of a large arsenal at Inkomo Barracks near Harare in August 1981, an attempt to assassinate Prime Minister Mugabe in December 1981, and sabotage of the Thornhill Air Base in Gweru in July 1982. South Africa's policy of destabilising Zimbabwe by military means, while blaming ZAPU for the actions of South African agents, helped to escalate the breakdown between ZAPU and ZANU in the early 1980s.
Robert Mugabe, then Prime Minister, had signed an agreement with North Korean President Kim Il Sung in October 1980 to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents." Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should "watch out," announcing the brigade would be called "Gukurahundi." This brigade was named the Fifth Brigade. The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the ZANLA general. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister Sekeramayi announced training was complete.
The first Commander of the Fifth Brigade was Colonel Perence Shiri. The Fifth Brigade was different from all other Zimbabwean army units in that it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister office, and not integrated to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets.
Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing was on 5 March 1983, when 62 young men and women were shot on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane. Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade used to kill large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random. The Zimbabwe government repudiated these allegations and accused the hostile foreign press of fabricating stories. The government characterised such allegations as irresponsible, contrived propaganda because it failed to give proper weight to the violence by dissidents.
The dissidents targeted ZANU officials. It is estimated that 700–800 people were murdered by dissident gangs in rural regions. In August 1985, dissidents massacred 22 Shona civilians in Mwenezi. On a mission farm in Matobo, dissidents massacred 16 people.
Unity Accord of 1987
Robert Mugabe and ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo signed the Unity Accord on 22 December 1987. This effectively dissolved ZAPU into ZANU, renamed Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). On 18 April 1988, Mugabe announced an amnesty for all dissidents, and Nkomo called on them to lay down their arms. A general ordinance was issued saying all those who surrendered before 31 May would get a full pardon. This was extended not just to dissidents but to criminals of various types serving jail terms. Over the next few weeks, 122 dissidents surrendered.
In June the amnesty was extended to include all members of the security forces who had committed human rights violations.
In the 1990s the disturbances were finally at an end. This brought relief nationwide, but in parts of the country it has left behind many problems that remain unsolved to this day. These include poor health, poverty, practical and legal problems and a deep-rooted suspicion of Government officials.
Some of the material here is drawn from a report compiled by the Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJP) entitled Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1989.
- Stiff, Peter (June 2000). Cry Zimbabwe: Independence – Twenty Years On. Johannesburg: Galago Publishing. ISBN 978-1919854021.
- Turmoil and tenacity: the road to the unity accord
- The 1987 Zimbabwe Unity Accord and its aftermath
- Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, ed. (1997). Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace: Report on the 1980s Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands (PDF). Harare, Zimbabwe: Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe and the Legal Resources Foundation (Zimbabwe). OCLC 40480429.
- Hill, Geoff (2005) . The Battle for Zimbabwe: The Final Countdown. Johannesburg: Struik Publishers. p. 77. ISBN 978-1-86872-652-3.
- Nyarota, Geoffrey. Against the Grain. Page 134.
-  "Zimbabwe African National Union," Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2008, accessed 30 June 2008. Archived 31 October 2009.
- http://www.sokwanele.com/pdfs/BTS.pdf "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1989"
- Tribes & Kingdoms, JS Bergh & AP Bergh, 1984
- NYAROTA SPEAKS : The Zimbabwe Times
- AfricaFiles | The Matabeleland Report: A lot to hide
- Collier's Yearbook, 1982, 1983, New York: MacMillan
- E.P Makambe, Marginalising the Human Rights Campaign: The Dissident Factor and the Politics of Violence in Zimbabwe, 1980–1987, Institute of Southern African Studies, National University of Lesotho
- "Landmarks in Robert Mugabe's life" The Independent
- Mukiwa: A White Boy in Africa, Part Three, Peter Godwin, Picador, ISBN 0-330-45010-7
- Documentary Film: Finding Mercy (director: Robyn Paterson, 2012) includes interviews with Zimbabwean civilians and refugees about Gukurahundi and the policy of Mugabe
Zimbabwean author Christopher Mlalazi has written a novel on the Gukurahundi killings from a child's perspective, "Running with Mother" (2012).
- "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1989"[dead link]
- Independence: Twenty years on Cry Zimbabwe tells how Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF came to political power after British and Commonwealth supervised elections in 1980.
- Fifth Brigade Gukurahundi atrocities Youtube
- Ian Smith's Comments during Gukurahundi Youtube
- Matabeleland Testimonies – 1983 Youtube