History of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom
The history of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom covers British foreign policy from about 1500 to 2000. For the current situation since 2000 see Foreign relations of the United Kingdom.
Britain from 1750 to the 1910s took pride in an unmatched economic base; comprising industry, finance, shipping and trade that largely dominated the globe. Foreign policy based on free trade (after 1840) kept the economy flourishing. The overseas British Empire recovered after the loss of the Thirteen Colonies in 1776, and reached its zenith about 1920. Foreign policy made sure it was never seriously threatened.
After expending enormous energy on the defeat of the First French Empire and Napoleon (1793–1815), British policy focused on achieving a conservative balance of power within Europe, with no one country achieving dominance over the affairs of the continent. This had been the basic reason behind the British wars against Napoleon, and the British commitment in World War I and World War II. The chief enemy down to 1815 was France, with its much larger population base and its powerful army. The British were generally successful in their many wars, with the notable exception of the American War of Independence (1775–1783). In that war Britain, without any major allies, was defeated by the colonials who had the support of the Kingdom of France and the Dutch Republic, while France had support from Spain.
A favoured diplomatic strategy was subsidising the armies of continental allies, such as the Kingdom of Prussia, thereby turning London's enormous financial power to military advantage. Britain relied heavily on its Royal Navy for security, seeking to keep it the most powerful fleet afloat with a full complement of bases across the globe. British dominance of the seas was vital to the formation of the British Empire, which was achieved through the maintenance of a Navy larger than the next two largest Navies combined for the majority of the 19th and early 20th centuries, prior to the entry of the United States into World War II. The British controlled the oceans. So powerful was the Royal Navy, it needed to do little actual fighting from 1812 to 1914. Although all of the other great powers fought with their neighbours, the British Army had only one relatively limited war (the Crimean War against the Russian Empire in 1854–56). The Army mostly handled garrison duty, and did have to deal with localized insurrections and colonial conflicts in Asia and Africa.
For a capsule guide to the wars, see List of conflicts involving the United Kingdom.
- 1 English foreign policy before 1700
- 2 The long 18th century: wars with France, 1702–1815
- 2.1 Diplomatic service
- 2.2 Britain as a naval and maritime power
- 2.3 1701–1712 – War of the Spanish Succession
- 2.4 1742–48, – War of the Austrian Succession
- 2.5 1754–63 – Seven Years' War
- 2.6 1775–83 – American War of Independence
- 2.7 William Pitt the Younger
- 2.8 Nootka crisis with Spain, 1789–1795
- 2.9 Crisis with Russia 1791
- 2.10 French Revolutionary Wars 1792-1803
- 3 War between Britain and France, 1803–1814
- 4 1814–1914
- 5 1900–1914
- 6 First World War
- 7 Interwar years 1919–1939
- 8 Second World War
- 9 Since 1945
- 10 See also
- 11 Timeline
- 12 Notes
- 13 Bibliography
- 14 Further reading
English foreign policy before 1700
In 1500 England had only a modest population (3.8 million) compared to its much larger rivals of France (15 million), Spain (6.5 million), and the Holy Roman Empire (17 million). It was three times larger than its naval rival, the Netherlands, and eight times larger than Scotland. The limited budget, limited ambitions on the continent, avoidance of alliances, and the protection afforded by the English Channel from foreign invasion combined to make foreign affairs less pressing for the British government before 1688. Elite elements paid little attention to Continental affairs before the 1660s, and there was little clamour to enter the Thirty Years War of 1618–48. Historian Lawrence Stone says England "was no more than a marginal player in the European power game." The increasingly powerful Royal Navy attracted admiration, but London used it to support its growing overseas empire.
Tudor foreign policy
King Henry VII (reigned 1485–1509) founded the Tudor dynasty that lasted to 1603, and concentrated on establishing peace in England, especially against the threatened rebellions by the newly defeated House of York. Foreign affairs apart from Scotland were not a high priority. Scotland was an independent country, and peace was agreed to in 1497. Much of his diplomacy involved treaties for marriages with ruling houses in Europe. He married his eldest daughter Margaret Tudor to King James IV of Scotland in 1503. The match did not guarantee peace in the short run but did so in the long run: in 1603 James VI and I, the grandson of the marriage, united the two kingdoms under his rule. Henry tried to marry his daughter Mary to the man who later became Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, but that fell through. Henry VIII finally married her to King Louis XII of France as part of a peace treaty in 1514; Louis died after three months and Henry demanded and got most of her dowry back. The other main diplomatic success of Henry VII was an alliance with Spain, sealed by the marriage in 1501 of his heir Arthur, Prince of Wales, to Catherine of Aragon, Spain's infanta (eldest daughter of the Spanish king). When his Queen died in 1503, Henry VII searched the European marriage market for a diplomatic marriage with a large dowry for himself, but was unable to find a match.
Arthur died in 1502 and the second son married the widow in 1509, just after he became king as Henry VIII,
King Henry VIII (reigned 1509–1547) was one of the most flamboyant and famous of all English monarchs. In military terms, he paid special attention to expanding the English Navy, to protect the rapidly expanding merchant fleet. He also commissioned privateers from the merchant fleets to act as auxiliary warships that captured and resold enemy merchant ships. Some of his foreign and religious policy revolved around annulling his marriage to Catherine in 1533 despite the opposition of the pope—his solution was to remove the Church of England from the pope's authority, thereby launching the English Reformation.
In 1510, France, with a fragile alliance with the Holy Roman Empire in the League of Cambrai, was winning a war against Venice. Henry renewed his father's friendship with Louis XII of France, and signed a pact with King Ferdinand of Spain. After Pope Julius II created the anti-French Holy League in October 1511, Henry followed Spain's lead and brought England into the new League. An initial joint Anglo-Spanish attack was planned for the spring to recover Aquitaine for England, the start of making Henry's dreams of ruling France a reality. The attack failed and it strained the Anglo-Spanish alliance. Nevertheless, the French were pushed out of Italy soon after, and the alliance survived, with both parties keen to win further victories over the French.
On 30 June 1513, Henry invaded France, and his troops defeated a French army at the Battle of the Spurs – a relatively minor result, but one which was seized on by the English for propaganda purposes. Soon after, the English took Thérouanne and handed it over to Maximillian; Tournai, a more significant settlement, followed. Henry had led the army personally, complete with large entourage. His absence from the country, however, had prompted James IV of Scotland, to invade England at the behest of Louis. The English army, overseen by Queen Catherine, decisively defeated the Scots at the Battle of Flodden on 9 September 1513, in which James IV and many senior Scottish nobles died.
Charles V ascended the thrones of both Spain and the Holy Roman Empire following the deaths of his grandfathers, Ferdinand in 1516 and Maximilian in 1519. Francis I likewise became king of France upon the death of Louis in 1515, leaving three relatively young rulers and an opportunity for a clean slate. The careful diplomacy of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey had resulted in the Treaty of London in 1518, an early non-aggression pact among the major kingdoms of western Europe. In a significant follow-up, Henry met Francis I on 7 June 1520 at the Field of the Cloth of Gold near Calais for a fortnight of lavish and extremely expensive entertainment. The hope that warfare was past proved futile. Charles brought his Holy Roman Empire into war with France in 1521; Henry offered to mediate, but little was achieved and by the end of the year Henry had aligned England with Charles. He still clung to his previous aim of restoring English lands in France, but also sought to secure an alliance with Burgundy, then part of Charles' realm, and the continued support of Charles. Charles defeated and captured Francis at Pavia and could dictate peace; but he believed he owed Henry nothing. Henry had repeatedly raised taxes to pay for his foreign operations until upscale passive resistance in 1525 forced the ending of the newest tax known as the "Amicable Grant." Lack of money ended Henry's plans for an invasion of France and he took England out of the war with the Treaty of the More on 30 August 1525.
Just five years after Columbus, in 1497 Henry VII commissioned the Italian mariner John Cabot who had settled in England, to explore the New World. Cabot was the first European since the Norsemen to reach parts of what is now Canada, exploring from Newfoundland to as far south as Delaware. He found no gold or spices and the king lost interest. Colonization was not a high priority for the Tudors, who were much more interested in raiding the Spanish treasure ships than in acquiring their own colonies.<
Conflict with Spain, 1568-1604
Treasure crisis of 1568
The "Treasure crisis" of 1568 was Queen Elizabeth's seizure of gold from Spanish ships in English ports in November 1568. Chased by privateers in the English channel, five small Spanish ships carrying gold and silver worth 400,000 florins (£85,000) sought shelter in English harbors at Plymouth and Southampton. The English government headed by William Cecil gave permission. The money was bound for the Netherlands as payment for Spanish soldiers who were fighting rebels there. Queen Elizabeth discovered that the gold was not owned by Spain, but was still owned by Italian bankers. She decided to seize it, and treated as a loan from the Italian bankers to England. The bankers agree to her terms, so Elizabeth had the money and she eventually repaid the bankers. Spain reacted furiously, and seized English property in the Netherlands and Spain. England reacted by seizing Spanish ships and properties in England. Spain reacted by imposing an embargo preventing all English imports into the Netherlands. The bitter diplomatic standoff lasted for four years. However neither side wanted war. In 1573, the Convention of Nymegen was a treaty where England promised to end support for raids on Spanish shipping by English privateers such as Francis Drake and John Hawkins. It was finalized in the Convention of Bristol in August, 1574 in which both sides paid for what they had seized. Trade resumed between England and Spain and relations improved.
The Anglo-Spanish War (1585–1604) arose largely from religious differences; the execution of Catholic Mary, Queen of Scots in 1587 outraged Spain. War was never formally declared. Spain was militarily and financially much more powerful, and promoted a Catholic interest in opposition to England's Protestantism. The conflict saw widely separated battles, and began with England's military expedition in 1585 to the Spanish Netherlands (modern-day Belgium) in support of the resistance of the States General to Spanish Habsburg rule. The English enjoyed a modest victory by "Singeing the King of Spain's Beard" in 1587 at Cádiz, the main port in Spain. The raid led by Francis Drake destroyed numerous merchant ships and captured some treasure. The great English triumph was the decisive defeat of the Spanish invasion attempt by the ill-fated Spanish Armada in 1588. After Elizabeth died in 1603, the new king made peace a high priority and ended the long-simmering conflict in 1604.
Stuart foreign policy
By 1600 the conflict with Spain became deadlocked during campaigns in Brittany and Ireland. James I, the new king of England made peace with the new King of Spain, Philip III with the Treaty of London in 1604. They agreed to cease their military interventions in the Spanish Netherlands and Ireland, respectively, and the English ended high seas privateering against Spanish merchant ships. King James I (reigned 1603–25) was sincerely devoted to peace, not just for his three kingdoms, but for Europe as a whole. He disliked Puritans and Jesuits alike, because of their eagerness for warfare. He called himself "Rex Pacificus" ("King of peace.") Europe was deeply polarized, and on the verge of the massive Thirty Years' War (1618–1648), with the smaller established Protestant states facing the aggression of the larger Catholic empires. On assuming the throne, James made peace with Catholic Spain, and made it his policy to marry his son to the Spanish Infanta (princess) in the "Spanish Match". The marriage of James' daughter Princess Elizabeth to Frederick V, Elector Palatine on 14 February 1613 was more than the social event of the era; the couple's union had important political and military implications. Across Europe, the German princes were banding together in the Union of German Protestant Princes, headquartered in Heidelberg, the capital of the Palatine. King James calculated that his daughter's marriage would give him diplomatic leverage among the Protestants. He thus planned to have a foot in both camps and be able to broker peaceful settlements. In his naïveté, he did not realize that both sides were playing him as a tool for their own goal of achieving destroying the other side. Spain's ambassador Count Gondomar knew how to manipulate the king. The Catholics in Spain, as well as the Emperor Ferdinand II, the Vienna-based leader of the Habsburgs and head of the Holy Roman Empire, were both heavily influenced by the Catholic counter-Reformation. They had the goal of expelling Protestantism from their domains.
Lord Buckingham (1592–1628), who increasingly was the actual ruler of Britain, wanted an alliance with Spain. Buckingham took Charles with him to Spain to woo the Infanta in 1623. However, Spain's terms were that James must drop Britain's anti-Catholic intolerance or no marriage. Buckingham and Charles were humiliated and Buckingham became the leader of the widespread British demand for a war against Spain. Meanwhile, the Protestant princes looked to Britain, since it was the strongest of all the Protestant countries, to give military support for their cause. His son-in-law and daughter became king and queen of Bohemia, which outraged Vienna. The Thirty Years’ War began, as the Habsburg Emperor ousted the new king and queen of Bohemia, and massacred their followers. Catholic Bavaria then invaded the Palatine, and James's son-in-law begged for James's military intervention. James finally realized his policies had backfired and refused these pleas. He successfully kept Britain out of the European-wide war that proved so heavily devastating for three decades. James's backup plan was to marry his son Charles to a French Catholic princess, who would bring a handsome dowry. Parliament and the British people were strongly opposed to any Catholic marriage, were demanding immediate war with Spain, and strongly favored with the Protestant cause in Europe. James had alienated both elite and popular opinion in Britain, and Parliament was cutting back its financing. Historians credit James for pulling back from a major war at the last minute, and keeping Britain in peace.
Frederick and Elizabeth's election as King and Queen of Bohemia in 1619, and the conflagration that resulted, marked the beginning of the disastrous Thirty Years' War. King James' determination to avoid involvement in the continental conflict, even during the "war fever" of 1623, appears in retrospect as one of the most significant, and most positive, aspects of his reign. There was a small naval Anglo-French War (1627–1629) , in which the England supported the French Huguenots against King Louis XIII of France.
Anglo Dutch Wars
The Anglo-Dutch Wars were a series of three wars which took place between the English and the Dutch from 1652 to 1674. The causes included political disputes and increasing competition from merchant shipping. Religion was not a factor, since both sides were Protestant. The British in the first war (1652–54) had the naval advantage with larger numbers of more powerful "ships of the line" which were well suited to the naval tactics of the era. The British also captured numerous Dutch merchant ships. In the second war (1665–67) Dutch naval victories followed. This second war cost London ten times more than it had planned on, and the king sued for peace in 1667 with the Treaty of Breda. It ended the fights over "mercantilism" (that is, the use of force to protect and expand national trade, industry, and shipping.) Meanwhile, the French were building up fleets that threatened both the Netherlands and Great Britain. In third war (1672–74), The British counted on a new alliance with France but the outnumbered Dutch outsailed both of them, and King Charles II ran short of money and political support. The Dutch gained domination of sea trading routes until 1713. The British gained the thriving colony of New Netherland, and renamed it New York.
William III: 1689–1702
The primary reason the English Parliament called on William to invade England in 1688 was to overthrow King James II, and stop his efforts to reestablish Catholicism and tolerate Puritanism. However the primary reason William accepted the challenge was to gain a powerful ally in his war to contain the threatened expansion of King Louis XIV of France. William's goal was to build coalitions against the powerful French monarchy, protect the autonomy of the Netherlands (where William continued in power) and to keep the Spanish Netherlands (present-date Belgium) out of French hands. The English aristocracy was intensely anti—French, and customarily supported William's broad goals. For his entire career in Netherlands and Britain, William was the arch-enemy of Louis XIV. The Catholic King of France, in turn, denounced the Protestant William as a usurper who had illegally taken the throne from the legitimate Catholic King James II, and that he ought to be overthrown. In May 1689, William, now king of England, with the support of Parliament, declared war on France. Historian J.R. Jones states that King William was given:
- supreme command within the alliance throughout the Nine Years war. His experience and knowledge of European affairs made him the indispensable director of Allied diplomatic and military strategy, and he derived additional authority from his enhanced status as king of England – even the Emperor Leopold...recognized his leadership. William's English subjects played subordinate or even minor roles in diplomatic and military affairs, having a major share only in the direction of the war at sea. Parliament and the nation had to provide money, men and ships, and William had found it expedient to explain his intentions...but this did not mean that Parliament or even ministers assisted in the formulation of policy.
England and France were at war almost continuously until 1713, with a short interlude 1697–1701 made possible by the Treaty of Ryswick. The combined English and Dutch fleets could overpower France in a far-flung naval war, but France still had superiority on land. William wanted to neutralize that advantage by allying with Leopold I, the Habsburg Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (1658–1705), who was based in Vienna, Austria. Leopold, however, Was tied down in war with the Ottoman Empire on his eastern frontiers; William worked to achieve a negotiated settlement between the Ottomans and the Empire. William displayed in imaginative Europe-wide strategy, but Louis always managed to come up with a counter play.
William was usually supported by the English leadership, which saw France as its greatest enemy. But eventually the expenses, and war weariness, caused second thoughts. At first, Parliament voted him the funds for his expensive wars, and for his subsidies to smaller allies. Private investors created the Bank of England in 1694; it provided a sound system that made financing wars much easier by encouraging bankers to loan money.
In the long-running Nine Years' War (1688–97) his main strategy was to form a military alliance of England, the Netherlands, the Holy Roman Empire, Spain, and some smaller states, to attack France at sea, and from land in different directions, while defending the Netherlands. Louis XIV tried to undermine this strategy by refusing to recognize William as king of England, and by giving diplomatic, military and financial support to a series of pretenders to the English throne, all based in France. William focused most of his attention on foreign policy and foreign wars, spending a great deal of time in the Netherlands (where he continued to hold the dominant political office). His closest foreign-policy advisers were Dutch, most notably William Bentinck, 1st Earl of Portland; they shared little information with their English counterparts. The net result was that the Netherlands remained independent, and France never took control of the Spanish Netherlands. The wars were very expensive to both sides but inconclusive. William died just as the continuation war, the War of the Spanish Succession, (1702–1714), was beginning. It was fought out during the reign of Queen Anne, and ended in a draw.
The long 18th century: wars with France, 1702–1815
Unlike such major rivals as France, the Netherlands, Sweden or Austria, British control over their own diplomacy was erratic. Diplomats were poorly selected, poorly funded, and non-professional. The main posts were Paris and The Hague, but the diplomats sent there were more clever in dealing with London politics than they were with diplomatic affairs. King William III handle foreign policy himself, using Dutch diplomats whenever possible. After 1700, Britain built up the quantity of its diplomatic service in the major capitals, without much attention to quality. Vienna and Berlin were upgraded, but even they were ignored for years at a time. By the 1790s, British diplomats had learned a great deal by closely watching their French rivals; aristocratic exiles from Paris began helping out as well. For the first time in the French wars, Britain set up an underground intelligence service that was in contact with local dissidents, and helped shape their protests. William Pitt the Younger, the Prime Minister during much of the French Revolutionary period, was saddled with the largely incompetent Foreign Secretary, Francis Osborne, 5th Duke of Leeds, from 1783 to 1791. However Pitt managed to bring in numerous strong diplomats, such as James Harris at The Hague, where he forged an alliance that with the addition of Prussia became a triple alliance in 1788. Pitt often used him as a troubleshooter in complex negotiations. Pitt brought in William Eden (1744–1814), who negotiated a difficult commercial treaty with France in 1786.
Pitt brought on board three foreign ministers with strong reputations. William Grenville (1791–1801) saw France as a profound threat to every nation in Europe, and he focused his attention on its defeat, working closely with his cousin PM Pitt. George Canning (1807–9), and Viscount Casterleagh (1812–15) were highly successful in organizing complex coalitions that in the end defeated Napoleon. Castlereagh to Canning displayed imagination and energy, although their personalities clashed to the point of fighting a duel.
Britain's leaders realized the value of the increasingly powerful Royal Navy, and made sure that in various treaties it added naval bases and obtained access to key ports. In the Mediterranean region, it controlled Gibraltar and Minorca, and had advantageous positions in Naples and Palermo. The alliance with Portugal concluded in 1703 protected its approaches to the Mediterranean. In the North, Hanover played a role (it was ruled by the English king), while the alliance with Denmark provided naval access to the North Sea and the Baltic. Meanwhile, French maritime power was weakened by the Treaty of Utrecht which forced it to destroy its naval base in Dunkirk. English maritime power was boosted by a series of commercial treaties, including those of 1703 with Portugal, with the Netherlands, Savoy, Spain and France in 1713. Although the merchants of London had little direct say at the royal court, the king appreciated their contribution to the wealth of his kingdom, and to his tax base.
1701–1712 – War of the Spanish Succession
Britain was a player in the first world war of modern times with theatres of fighting in Spain, Italy, Germany, Holland, and at sea. At issue was the threat of a French-sponsored Bourbon heir as king of Spain, that would allow the Bourbon kings of France to take control of Spain and its American empire.
Queen Anne was in charge, but she relied on an experienced team of experts, generals, diplomats, cabinet members, and War Office officials—most notably her most successful general John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough. He is best known for his great victory at the Battle of Blenheim in 1704. In 1706 he defeated the French at the Battle of Ramillies, captured their garrisons, and drove the French out of most of the Spanish Netherlands. The Royal Navy with an assist from the Dutch in 1704-5 captured Gibraltar, which ever since has been for the key to British power in the Mediterranean. The war dragged on and on, and neither France nor England could afford the mounting expenses, so a compromise solution was finally reached in the Treaty of Utrecht that protected most of England's interests; the French abandoned their long-term claim that the Old Pretender (the Catholic son of James II by his second marriage) was the true King of England. Utrecht marked the end of French ambitions of hegemony in Europe expressed in the wars of Louis XIV, and preserved the European system based on the balance of power. British historian G. M. Trevelyan argues:
That Treaty, which ushered in the stable and characteristic period of Eighteenth-Century civilization, marked the end of danger to Europe from the old French monarchy, and it marked a change of no less significance to the world at large, — the maritime, commercial and financial supremacy of Great Britain.
England resolved its long-standing problem with Scotland in the Acts of Union 1707, which integrated Scotland into the British political and economic system. The much smaller Scotland kept its traditional political elite, its established Presbyterian church, its superior universities, and its distinctive legal system. The War of the Spanish Succession had again emphasized the danger of an independent Scotland in alliance with France as the dagger aimed at England. Awareness of the danger had helped to determine the timing, manner and consequences of union, and Scots began to play major roles in British intellectual life, and in providing diplomats, merchants, and soldiers for the emerging British Empire.
1742–48, – War of the Austrian Succession
Britain played a small role in the inconclusive but hard fought war that convulsed central Europe, while funding its ally Austria. The goal, as defined by foreign minister John Carteret was to limit the growth of French power, and protect Hanover, which was also ruled by King George II. In 1743 King George II led a 40,000-man British-Dutch-German army into the Rhine Valley. He was outmaneuvred by the French but he scored a narrow victory at the Battle of Dettingen. In the winter of 1743–44 the French planned to invade Britain in alliance with the Stuart pretender to George's throne; they were foiled by the Royal Navy. King George gave command to his son the Duke of Cumberland. He fared poorly and Britain pulled out of the war to deal with rebellion at home, where Cumberland gained fame by decisively suppressing the Jacobite Rising at the Battle of Culloden in 1746. Meanwhile, Britain did much better in North America, capturing the powerful Fortress of Louisbourg in Nova Scotia. The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) favoured France, which won the most victories. Britain returned the Fortress of Louisbourg to France and the French left the Austrian Netherlands (modern Belgium). Prussia and Savoy were the main winners, and Britain's ally Austria was a loser. The treaty left the main issues of control over territories in America and India unresolved, and was little more than an armed truce, and a prelude to the more important Seven Years' War.
1754–63 – Seven Years' War
The Seven Years' War (1756–63 in Europe, 1754–63 in North America) was a major international conflict centered in Europe but reaching across the globe. Great Britain and Prussia were the winners. They fought France, Austria, Spain and Russia—nearly all of the other important powers except the Ottoman Empire). The Royal Navy played a major role, and the army and the Treasury played important roles. The war appeared to be a disaster for Prussia, until its fortunes reversed at the last second. Britain swept up much of the overseas French Empire in North America and India. The financing of war was a critical issue, which Britain handled well, and France handled poorly, leaving itself so deep in debt. That it never fully recovered. William Pitt (1708–78) energized the British leadership, and used effective diplomacy and military strategy to achieve his victory. Britain used the manpower from its American colonies effectively in cooperation with its regulars and its Navy to overwhelm the much less populous French colonial empire in what is now Canada. From a small spark in 1754 in the distant wilderness (near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania), the fighting spread to Europe. 1759, was the "annus mirabilis" ("miraculous year"), with victory after victory. British and Prussian troops defeated the French army at the Battle of Minden, the British captured Guadeloupe Island and Quebec, smashed the French fleet at Quiberon Bay, and (in January 1760) defeated the French in southern India. Peace terms were hard to reach and the war dragged on until everyone was exhausted. The British national debt soared to £134 million from £72 million, but London had a financial system capable of handling the burden.
A debate erupted at the peace conference over whether Britain should keep the French colony of "New France" (now Canada) or Guadeloupe, both of which it had seized in the war. France wanted the rich sugar island as its world vision turned to maritime and tropical interests. Meanwhile, Britain was moving from commercial and maritime regulation to the assertion of territorial control over its colonies. So Britain kept the vast stretches of uneconomical Canada and France kept the rich little island.
1775–83 – American War of Independence
Britain's diplomacy failed in the war—it had support of only a few small German states that hired out mercenaries. Most of Europe was officially neutral, but the elites and public opinion typically favoured the underdog American Patriots as in Sweden, and Denmark.
The League of Armed Neutrality was an alliance of minor European naval powers between 1780 and 1783 which was intended to protect neutral shipping against the Royal Navy's wartime policy of unlimited search of neutral shipping for French contraband. Empress Catherine II of Russia began the League in 1780. She endorsed the right of neutral countries to trade by sea with nationals of belligerent countries without hindrance, except in weapons and military supplies. The League would not recognize supposed blockades of whole coasts, but only of individual ports, and then only if a British warship was actually present. Denmark and Sweden agreed with Russia and the three countries signed the agreement forming the League. They remained otherwise out of the war, but threatened joint retaliation for every ship of theirs searched by a belligerent. By the end of the war in 1783 Prussia, the Holy Roman Empire, the Netherlands, Portugal, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Ottoman Empire had all become members.
The League never fought a battle. Diplomatically, it carried greater weight; France and the United States of America were quick to proclaim their adherence to the new principle of free neutral commerce. Britain—which did not—still had no wish to antagonize Russia, and avoided interfering with the allies' shipping. While both sides of the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War tacitly understood it as an attempt to keep the Netherlands out of the League, Britain did not officially regard the alliance as hostile.
William Pitt the Younger
As Prime Minister (1783-1801, 1804-1806) William Pitt the Younger, despite his youth, reinvigorated the administrative system of Great Britain, modernized its finances, and led the way in breaking out of the diplomatic isolation, it found itself during the American war. Beginning in 1793, he led the British nation in its mortal combat with the French Revolution and Napoleon.
Warfare and finance
From 1700 to 1850, Britain was involved in 137 wars or rebellions. It maintained a relatively large and expensive Royal Navy, along with a small standing army. When the need arose for soldiers it hired mercenaries or financed allies who fielded armies. The rising costs of warfare forced a shift in government financing from the income from royal agricultural estates and special imposts and taxes to reliance on customs and excise taxes and, after 1790, an income tax. Working with bankers in the City, the government raised large loans during wartime and paid them off in peacetime. The rise in taxes amounted to 20% of national income, but the private sector benefited from the increase in economic growth. The demand for war supplies stimulated the industrial sector, particularly naval supplies, munitions and textiles, which gave Britain an advantage in international trade during the postwar years. Pitt in the 1780s reformed the fiscal system by raising taxes, monitoring expenses closely, and establishing a sinking fund to pay off the long-term debt, which amounted to £243 million, with annual interest accounting for most of the budget. Meanwhile, the banking system used its ownership of the debt to provide capital assets for economic growth. When the wars with France began, the debt reached £359 million in 1797 and Pitt kept the sinking fund in operation and raised taxes, especially on luxury items. Britain was far ahead of France and all other powers in its use of finance to strengthen the economy, the military and foreign policy.
Nootka crisis with Spain, 1789–1795
The Nootka Crisis was a crisis with Spain starting in 1789 at Nootka Sound, an unsettled area at the time that is now part of British Columbia, Canada. Spain seized small British commercial ships engaged in the fur trade in an area on the Pacific on an area on the Pacific Coast. Spain claimed ownership based on a papal decree of 1493 that Spain said gave it control of the entire Pacific Ocean. Britain rejected the Spanish claims and used its greatly superior naval power to threaten a war and win the dispute. Spain, a rapidly fading military power, was unable to depend upon its longtime ally France, which was torn by internal revolution. The dispute was settled by negotiations in 1792–94, which became friendly when Spain switched sides in 1792 and became an ally of Britain against France. Spain surrendered to Britain many of its trade and territorial claims in the Pacific, ending a two-hundred-year monopoly on Asian-Pacific trade. The outcome was a victory for mercantile interests of Britain and opened the way to British expansion in the Pacific.
Crisis with Russia 1791
Pitt was alarmed at Russian expansion in Crimea in the 1780s at the expense of his Ottoman ally, and tried to get Parliamentary support for reversing it. In peace talks with the Ottomans, Russia refused to return the key Ochakov fortress. Pitt wanted to threaten military retaliation. However Russia's ambassador Semyon Vorontsov swayed Pitt's enemies and launched a successful public opinion campaign. Pitt won the vote so narrowly that he gave up and Vorontsov secured a renewal of the commercial treaty between Britain and Russia.
French Revolutionary Wars 1792-1803
- 1793 – 1802- French Revolutionary Wars
No conclusive winner.
- 1802 – Treaty of Amiens
War resumed in 1803 after a one-year truce.
The French Revolution, broke out in 1789 and polarized British political opinion, with the dominant conservatives outraged at killing of the king, the expulsion of the nobles, and the Reign of Terror. Britain was at war against France almost continuously from 1793 until the final defeat of Napoleon in 1815. The goal was to stop the spread of revolutionary and democratic ideas, and to prevent France from controlling Western Europe. William Pitt the Younger was the dominant leader until his death in 1806. Pitt's strategy was to mobilize and fund the coalition against France. It seemed too hard to attack France on the continent so Pitt decided to seize France's valuable colonies in the West Indies and India. At home, a minority pro-French element carried little weight with the British government. Conservatives castigated every radical opinion as "Jacobin" (in reference to the leaders of the Terror), warning that radicalism threatened an upheaval of British society.
- 1791–92: London rejects intervention in French Revolution. Its policy is based on realism not ideology and seek to avoid French attacks on the Austrian Netherlands; to not worsen the fragile status of King Louis XVI; and to prevent formation of a strong Continental league.
- 1792–97: War of the First Coalition: Prussia and Austria joined after 1793 by Britain, Spain, the Netherlands, Sardinia, Naples, and Tuscany against French Republic.
- 1792: Austria and Prussia invade France. The French defeat the invaders and then go on the offensive by invading the Austria Netherlands (modern Belgium) in late 1792. This causes grave tension with Britain as it was British policy to ensure that France could not control the "narrow seas" by keeping the French out of the Low Countries.
- 1792: In India, victory over Tipu Sultan in Third Anglo-Mysore War; cession of one half of Mysore to the British and their allies.
- 1793: France declares war on Britain.
- 1794: Jay Treaty with the United States normalizes trade and secures a decade of peace. The British withdraws from forts in Northwest Territory but maintain support of tribes hostile to the U.S. France is angered at the close relationship, and denounces the Jay Treaty as a violation of its 1777 treaty with the U.S.
- 1802–03: Peace of Amiens allows 13 months of peace with France.
War between Britain and France, 1803–1814
Britain ended the uneasy truce created by the Treaty of Amiens when it declared war on France in May 1803. The British were increasingly angered by Napoleon's reordering of the international system in Western Europe, especially in Switzerland, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands. Frederick Kagan argues that Britain was especially alarmed by Napoleon's assertion of control over Switzerland. Britons felt insulted when Napoleon said it deserved no voice in European affairs (even though King George was an elector of the Holy Roman Empire), and ought to restrict the London newspapers that were vilifying him.
Britain had a sense of loss of control, as well as loss of markets, and was worried by Napoleon's possible threat to its overseas colonies. Frank McLynn argues that Britain went to war in 1803 out of a "mixture of economic motives and national neuroses – an irrational anxiety about Napoleon's motives and intentions." McLynn concludes that in the long run it proved to be the right choice for Britain, because in the long run Napoleon's intentions were hostile to the British national interest. Napoleon was not ready for war and so this was the best time for Britain to stop them. Britain seized upon the Malta issue, refusing to follow the terms of the Treaty of Amiens and evacuate the island.
Historian G. M. Trevelyan argues that British diplomacy under Lord Castlereagh played a decisive role:
- In 1813 and 1814 Castlereagh played the part that William III and Marlborough had played more than a hundred years before, in holding together an alliance of jealous, selfish, weak-kneed states and princes, by a vigour or character and singleness of purpose that held Metternich, the Czar and the King of Prussia on the common track until the goal was reached. It is quite possible that, but for the lead taken by Castlereagh in the allied counsels, France would never have been reduced to her ancient limits, nor Napoleon dethroned.
- 1803: Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815) against France
- 1803–06: War of the Third Coalition: Napoleon terminates the Holy Roman Empire.
- 1803: By the Anglo-Russian agreement, Britain pays a subsidy of ₤1.5 million pounds for every 100,000 Russian soldiers in the field. Subsidies also went to Austria and other allies.
- 1804: Pitt organized the Third Coalition against Napoleon; it last until 1806 and was marked by mostly French victories
- 1805: Decisive defeat of the French navy at the Battle of Trafalgar by Nelson; end of invasion threats
- 1806–07: Britain leads the Fourth Coalition in alliance with Prussia, Russia, Saxony, and Sweden. Napoleon leads France to victory at numerous major battles, notably Battle of Jena–Auerstedt)
- 1807: Britain makes the international slave trade criminal; Slave Trade Act 1807; US prohibits the importation of new slaves (Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves)
- 1808–14: Peninsular War against Napoleonic forces in Spain; result is victory under the Duke of Wellington
- 1812–15: US declares War of 1812 over national honour, neutral rights at sea, British support for western Indians.
- 1813: Napoleon defeated at Battle of the Nations; he retreats.
- 1814: France invaded; Paris falls; Napoleon abdicates and Congress of Vienna convenes
- 1814: Anglo-Nepalese War (1814–1816)
- 1815: With the War of 1812 against the U.S. a military draw, the British abandon their First Nation allies and agree at the Treaty of Ghent to restore the prewar status quo; thus begins a permanent peace along the US-Canada border, marred only by occasional small, unauthorised raids
- 1815: Napoleon returns and for 100 days is again a threat; he is defeated at the Battle of Waterloo and exiled to a distant island.
- 1815: The Napoleonic Wars end, marking the start of the Britain's Imperial Century, 1815–1914.
- 1815: Second Kandyan War (1815) – in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka)
The main function of the British defence system, especially the Royal Navy, was defence of its overseas empire, in addition to defence of the homeland. The army, usually in cooperation with local forces, suppressed internal revolts, losing only the American War of Independence (1775–83). David Armitage says it became an element of the British creed that:
- Protestantism, oceanic commerce and mastery of the seas provided bastions to protect the freedom of inhabitants of the British Empire. That freedom found its institutional expression in Parliament, the law, property, and rights, all of which were exported throughout the British Atlantic world. Such freedom also allowed the British, uniquely, to combine the classically incompatible ideals of liberty and empire.
Britain, with its global empire, powerful Navy, leading industrial base, and unmatched financial and trade networks, dominated diplomacy in Europe and the world in the largely peaceful century 1814-1914. Five men stand out for their leadership in foreign policy: Lord Palmerston, Lord Aberdeen, Benjamin Disraeli, William Gladstone and Lord Salisbury. Military action was much less important than diplomacy. British military interventions in 1815–50 included opening up markets in Latin America (as in Argentina), opening the China market, responding to humanitarians by sending the Royal Navy to shut down the slave trade, and building a balance of power in Europe, as in Spain and Belgium.
Lord Palmerston, as a Whig and then a Liberal, was the dominant leader in foreign policy for most of the period from 1830 until his death in 1865. As foreign secretary (1830-4, 1835–41 and 1846–51) and subsequently as prime minister, Palmerston sought to maintain the balance of power in Europe, sometimes opposing France and at other times aligning with France to do so. Thus he was aligned with France in the Crimean War against Russia, fought and won with the limited goal of protecting the Ottoman Empire. Some of his aggressive actions, now sometimes termed liberal interventionist, were highly controversial at the time, and remain so today. For example, he used military force to achieve his main goal of opening China to trade, although his critics focused on his support for the opium trade. In all his actions Palmerston brought to bear a great deal of patriotic vigour and energy. This made him very popular among the ordinary people of Britain, but his passion, propensity to act through personal animosity, and imperious language made him seem dangerous and destabilising in the eyes of the Queen and his more conservative colleagues in government. He was an innovative administrator who devised ways to enhance his control of his department and build up his reputation. He controlled all communication within the Foreign Office and to other officials. He leaked secrets to the press, published selected documents, and released letters to give himself more control.
Lord Aberdeen (1784-1860) was a highly successful diplomat in many controversies from 1812 to 1856, but failed badly in handling the Crimean War and retired in 1856. In 1813-1814 as ambassador to the Austrian Empire he negotiated the alliances and financing that led to the defeat of Napoleon. In Paris he normalized relations with the newly restored Bourbon government and convinced London they could be trusted. He worked well with top European diplomats such as his friends Klemens von Metternich in Vienna and François Guizot in Paris. He brought Britain into the center of Continental diplomacy on critical issues, such as the local wars in Greece, Portugal and Belgium. Simmering troubles with the United states were ended by compromising the border dispute in Maine that gave most of the land to the Americans but gave Canada critically important links to a warm water port. He played a central role in winning the Opium Wars against China, gaining control of Hong Kong in the process.
Benjamin Disraeli, the Conservative leader for much of the late 19th century, built up the British Empire and played a major role in European diplomacy. Disraeli's second term (1874–1880) was dominated by the Eastern Question—the slow decay of the Ottoman Empire and the desire of other European powers, such as Russia, to gain at its expense. Disraeli arranged for the British to purchase a major interest in the Suez Canal Company (in Ottoman-controlled Egypt). In 1878, faced with Russian victories against the Ottomans, he worked at the Congress of Berlin to obtain peace in the Balkans at terms favourable to Britain and unfavourable to Russia, its longstanding enemy. This diplomatic victory over Russia established Disraeli as one of Europe's leading statesmen. World events thereafter moved against the Conservatives. Controversial wars in Afghanistan and South Africa undermined Disraeli's public support.
William Ewart Gladstone (Prime Minister 1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94), the Liberal leader, was much less inclined to imperialism and sought peace as the highest foreign policy goal. However, historians have been sharply critical of Gladstone's foreign-policy during his second ministry. Paul Hayes says it "provides one of the most intriguing and perplexing tales of muddle and incompetence in foreign affairs, unsurpassed in modern political history until the days of Grey and, later, Neville Chamberlain." Gladstone opposed himself to the "colonial lobby" which pushed the scramble for Africa. His term saw the end of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, First Boer War and the war against the Mahdi in Sudan.
Historians largely agree that Lord Salisbury as foreign minister (1878–80, 1885–86, 1887–92, and 1895–1900) and prime minister (1885-6, 1886–92, 1895–1902) was a strong and effective leader in foreign affairs. Historians in the late 20th century rejected the older view that Salisbury pursued a policy of 'splendid isolation'. He had a superb grasp of the issues, and proved:
- a patient, pragmatic practitioner, with a keen understanding of Britain's historic interests....He oversaw the partition of Africa, the emergence of Germany and the United States as imperial powers, and the transfer of British attention from the Dardanelles to Suez without provoking a serious confrontation of the great powers.
Free trade imperialism
The Great Exhibition of 1851 clearly demonstrated Britain's dominance in engineering and industry, which was to last until the rise of Germany and the United States in the 1890s. Using the imperial tools of free trade and financial investment, it exerted major influence on many countries outside Europe, especially in Latin America and Asia. Thus Britain had both a formal Empire based on British rule and an informal one based on the British pound.
The independence of Latin American countries after 1826, opened lucrative prospects for London financiers. The region was gravely devastated by the wars of independence, and with weak financial systems, weak governments and repeated coups and internal rebellions. However, the region had a well-developed export sector focused on the foods that were in demand in Europe, especially sugar, coffee, wheat and (after the arrival of refrigeration in the 1860s), beef. There also was a well-developed mining sector. With the Spanish out of the picture, the region in the early 1820s was a devastated region suffering in a deep depression. It urgently needed capital, entrepreneurs, financiers, and shippers. Britain rushed in to fill the void by the middle 1820s, as the London government use its diplomatic power to encourage large-scale investment. the Royal Navy provided protection against piracy. The British established communities of merchants in major cities—including 3000 Britons in Buenos Aires. London financiers purchased £17 million in Latin American government bonds, especially those of Argentina, Chile, Peru and Mexico. They invested another £35 million in 46 stock companies set up to operate primarily in Latin America. The bubble soon burst, but the survivors operated quietly and profitably for many decades. In the 1820s–1850s, over 260 British merchant houses operated in the River Plate or Chile, and hundreds more in the rest of Latin America. The Latin American market was important for the cotton manufacturers of Lancashire. They supported the independence movement, and persuaded the British government to station commercial consuls in all the major trading centers in Latin America. the British were permanently committed, and it took decades – until the 1860s – before the commercial and involvement paid serious dividends. By 1875, Latin America was firmly integrated into transatlantic economy under British leadership. After 1898, the British had to compete commercially with the Americans.
In long-term perspective, Britain's influence in Latin America was enormous after independence came in the 1820s. Britain deliberately sought to replace the Spanish in economic and cultural affairs. Military issues and colonization were minor factors. The influence was exerted through diplomacy, trade, banking, and investment in railways and mines. The English language and British cultural norms were transmitted by energetic young British business agents on temporary assignment in the major commercial centers, where they inviting locals into the British leisure activities, such as organized sports, and into their transplanted cultural institutions such as clubs and schools. The impact on sports was overwhelming, as Latin America enthusiastically took up football (soccer). In Argentina, rugby, polo, tennis and golf became important in middle-class leisure. Cricket was ignored. The British role never disappeared, but it faded rapidly after 1914 as the British cashed in their investments to pay for their Great War, and the United States moved into the region with overwhelming force and similar cultural norms.
There were no actual wars directly involving Britain, however there were several confrontations. The most serious came in 1845–1850 when British and French navies blockaded Buenos Aires in order to protect the independence of Uruguay from Juan Manuel de Rosas, the dictator of Argentina. Other lesser controversies with Argentina broke out in 1833, with Guatemala in 1859, Mexico in 1861, Nicaragua in 1894, and Venezuela in 1895 and 1902. There also was tension along the Mosquito Coast in Central America in the 1830s and 1840s.
Relations with the United States
Relations with the United States were often strained, and even verged on war when Britain almost supported the Confederacy in the early part of the American Civil War. British leaders were constantly annoyed from the 1840s to the 1860s by what they saw as Washington's pandering to the democratic mob, as in Oregon boundary dispute in 1844–46. However British middle class public opinion sensed a common "Special Relationship" between the two peoples based on language, migration, evangelical Protestantism, liberal traditions, and extensive trade. This constituency rejected war, forcing London to appease the Americans. During the Trent affair of late 1861, London drew the line and Washington retreated.
British public opinion was divided on the American Civil War. The Confederacy tended to have support from the elites—from the aristocracy and gentry, which identified with the landed plantation owners, and from Anglican clergy and some professionals who admired tradition, hierarchy and paternalism. The Union was favored by the middle classes, the Nonconformists in religion, intellectuals, reformers and most factory workers, who saw slavery and forced labor as a threat to the status of the workingman. The cabinet made the decisions. Chancellor of the Exchequer William E Gladstone, whose family fortune was based on slavery in the West Indies before 1833, supported the Confederacy. Foreign Minister Lord Russell wanted neutrality. Prime Minister Lord Palmerston wavered between support for national independence, his opposition to slavery, and the strong economic advantages of Britain remaining neutral.
Britain supplied warships and blockade runners to the Confederacy, but had a large scale trade with the United States and many British men volunteered to fight for the North. Northern food supplies were much more essential to Britain than Southern cotton. After the war, the US demanded reparations (called the Alabama Claims) for the damages caused by the warships. After arbitration the British paid the U.S. $15.5 million in 1872 and peaceful relations resumed.
Relations with the Ottoman Empire
As the 19th century progressed the Ottoman Empire grew weaker and Britain increasingly became its protector, even fighting the Crimean War in the 1850s to help it out against Russia. Three British leaders played major roles. Lord Palmerston in the 1830–65 era considered the Ottoman Empire an essential component in the balance of power, was the most favourable toward Constantinople. William Gladstone in the 1870s sought to build a Concert of Europe that would support the survival of the empire. In the 1880s and 1890s Lord Salisbury contemplated an orderly dismemberment of it, in such a way as to reduce rivalry between the greater powers.
Crimean War 1854–56
The Crimean War (1854–56) was fought between Russia on the one hand and an alliance of Britain, France, Sardinia, and the Ottoman Empire on the other. Russia was defeated But the casualties were very heavy on all sides, and historians look at the entire episode as a series of blunders.
The war began with Russian demands to protect Christian sites in the Holy Land. The churches quickly settled that problem, but it escalated out of hand has Russia put continuous pressure on the Ottomans. Diplomatic efforts failed. The Sultan declared war against Russia in October 1851. Following an Ottoman naval disaster in November, Britain and France declared war against Russia. It proved quite difficult to reach Russian territory, and the Royal Navy could not defeat the Russian defences in the Baltic. Most of the battles took place in the Crimean peninsula, which the Allies finally seized. London, shocked to discover that France was secretly negotiating with Russia to form a postwar alliance to dominate Europe, dropped its plans to attack St. Petersburg and instead signed a one-sided armistice with Russia that achieved almost none of its war aims.
The Treaty of Paris signed March 30, 1856, ended the war. Russia gave up a little land and relinquished its claim to a protectorate over the Christians in the Ottoman domains. The Black Sea was demilitarized, and an international commission was set up to guarantee freedom of commerce and navigation on the Danube River. Moldavia and Wallachia remained under nominal Ottoman rule, but would be granted independent constitutions and national assemblies. However, by 1870, the Russians had regained most of their concessions.
The war helped modernize warfare by introducing major new technologies such as railways, the telegraph, and modern nursing methods. In the long run the war marked a turning point in Russian domestic and foreign policy. Russian intellectuals used the defeat to demand fundamental reform of the government and social system. The war weakened both Russia and Austria, so they could no longer promote stability. This opened the way for Napoleon III, Cavour (in Italy) and Otto von Bismarck (in Germany) to launch a series of wars in the 1860s that reshaped Europe.
Of the 91,000 British soldiers and sailors sent to Crimea, 21,000 died, 80 percent of them from disease. The losses were reported in detail in the media and caused revulsion against warfare in Britain, combined with a celebration of the heroic common soldier who demonstrated Christian virtue. The great heroine was Florence Nightingale, whose was hailed for her devotion to caring for the wounded and her emphasis on middle-class efficiency. She typified a moral status as a nurse that was superior to aristocratic militarism in terms of both morality and efficiency.
Historian R. B. McCallum points out the war was enthusiastically supported by the British populace as it was happening, but the mood changed very dramatically afterwards. Pacifists and critics were unpopular but:
- in the end they won. Cobden and Bright were true to their principles of foreign policy, which laid down the absolute minimum of intervention in European affairs and a deep moral reprobation of war....When the first enthusiasm was passed, when the dead were mourned, the sufferings revealed, and the cost counted, when in 1870 Russia was able calmly to secure the revocation of the Treaty, which disarmed her in the Black Sea, the view became general of the war was stupid and unnecessary, and effected nothing....The Crimean war remained as a classic example...of how governments may plunge into war, how strong ambassadors may mislead weak prime ministers, how the public may be worked up into a facile fury, and how the achievements of the war may crumble to nothing. The Bright-Cobden criticism of the war was remembered and to a large extent accepted [especially by the Liberal Party]. Isolation from European entanglements seemed more than ever desirable.
Takeover of Egypt, 1882
The most decisive event emerged from the Anglo-Egyptian War, which resulted in the occupation of Egypt. although the Ottoman Empire was the nominal owner, in practice Britain made all the decisions. In 1914, Britain went to war with the Ottomans and ended their nominal role. Historian A. J. P. Taylor says that the seizure, which lasted seven decades, "was a great event; indeed, the only real event in international relations between the Battle of Sedan and the defeat of Russia and the Russo-Japanese war." Taylor emphasizes long-term impact:
- The British occupation of Egypt altered the balance of power. It not only gave the British security for their route to India; it made them masters of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East; it made it unnecessary for them to stand in the front line against Russia at the Straits....And thus prepared the way for the Franco-Russian Alliance ten years later.
After 1900 Britain ended its policy of "splendid isolation" by developing friendly relations with the United States and European powers – most notably France and Russia, in an alliance which fought the First World War. The "Special Relationship" with the United States starting about 1898 allowed Britain to largely relocate its naval forces out of the Western Hemisphere.
Germany's Chancellor Otto von Bismarck dominated European diplomacy from 1872 1890, with the determination to use the balance of power to keep the peace. There were no wars. However he was removed by an aggressive young Kaiser in 1890, allowing French efforts to isolate Germany to become successful. With the formation of the Triple Entente, Germany began to feel encircled. Joseph Chamberlain, who played a major role in foreign policy in the late 1890s under the Salisbury government, repeatedly tried to open talks with Germany about some sort of an alliance. Germany was not interested. Instead, Berlin felt itself increasingly surrounded by France, Russia, and perhaps. Meanwhile, Paris went to great pains to woo Russia and Great Britain. Key markers were the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1894, the 1904 Entente Cordiale linking France and Great Britain, and finally the Anglo-Russian Entente in 1907 which became the Triple Entente. France thus had a formal alliance with Russia, and an informal alignment with Britain, against Germany and Austria. By 1903 Britain had established good relations with the United States and Japan.
Britain abandoned the policy of holding aloof from the continental powers, so called "Splendid Isolation", in the 1900s after being isolated during the Second Boer War (1899–1903). Britain concluded agreements, limited to colonial affairs, with her two major colonial rivals: the Entente Cordiale with France in 1904 and the Anglo-Russian Entente of 1907. Britain's alignment a reaction to an assertive German foreign policy and the buildup of its navy from 1898 which led to the Anglo-German naval arms race. British diplomat Arthur Nicolson argued it was "far more disadvantageous to us to have an unfriendly France and Russia than an unfriendly Germany". The impact of the Triple Entente was to improve British relations with France and its ally Russia and to demote the importance to Britain of good relations with Germany. After 1905, foreign policy was tightly controlled by the Liberal foreign minister Edward Grey (1862–1933), who seldom consulted the Cabinet. Grey shared the strong Liberal policy against all wars and against military alliances that would force Britain to take a side in war. However, in the case of the Boer War, Grey held that the Boers had committed an aggression that it was necessary to repulse. The Liberal party split on the issue, with a large faction strongly opposed to the war in Africa
The Triple Entente between Britain, France and Russia is often compared to the Triple Alliance between Germany, Austria–Hungary and Italy, but historians caution against the comparison. The Entente, in contrast to the Triple Alliance or the Franco-Russian Alliance, was not an alliance of mutual defence and Britain therefore felt free to make her own foreign policy decisions in 1914. The Liberals were highly moralistic, and by 1914 they have been increasingly convinced that German aggression violated international norms, and specifically that its invasion of neutral Belgium was completely unacceptable in terms of morality, and in terms of British policy against any one power control and the continent of Europe.
After 1805 the dominance of Britain's Royal Navy was unchallenged; in the 1890s Germany decided to match it. Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz (1849–1930) dominated German naval policy from 1897 until 1916. Before the German Empire formed in 1871, Prussia never had a real navy, nor did the other German states. Tirpitz turned the modest little fleet into a world-class force that could threaten the British Royal Navy. The British responded with new technology typified by the Dreadnought revolution. It made every battleship obsolete and, supplemented by the global network of coaling stations and telegraph cables, enabled Britain to stay well in the lead in naval affairs.
At about the same time Britain developed the use of fuel oil in warships instead of coal. The naval benefits of oil were significant, making ships cheaper to build and run, giving them greater range, and removing strategic limitations imposed by the need for frequent stops at coaling stations. Britain had plenty of coal but no oil, and it had relied on American and Dutch oil suppliers, so its foreign policy made it a high priority. At the prompting of Admiral John Fisher, this was addressed by Winston Churchill, beginning with the Royal Commission on Fuel and Engines of 1912. Urgency was applied when it was learned that Germany was organising a supply of oil in the Middle East. Britain secured its own supplies through foreign policy and its 1914 purchase of a controlling, 51% stake in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, of which BP is successor.
First World War
Besides providing soldiers and fleets, one of Britain's most important roles was financing the war, with large-scale loans and grants to France, Russia, Italy and others. It tried to stay on friendly relations with the United States, which sold large quantities of raw materials and food, and provided large-scale loans. Germany was so convinced that the United States as a neutral was playing a decisive role, that it began unrestricted submarine warfare against the United States, which it new it would lead to war in April 1917. The United States then took over Britain's financial role, loaning large sums to Britain, France, Russia, Italy and the others. The US demanded repayment after the war, but did negotiate better terms for Britain. Finally in 1931, all debt payments were suspended.
Breakup of Ottoman Empire
The Sykes–Picot Agreement was a secret 1916 agreement between Great Britain and France, deciding how the possessions of the Ottoman Empire would be split up after its defeat. The agreement defined their mutually agreed spheres of influence and control in the Middle East. The agreement allocated to Britain control of areas roughly comprising the coastal strip between the Mediterranean Sea and the River Jordan, Jordan, southern Iraq, and an additional small area that included the ports of Haifa and Acre, to allow access to the Mediterranean. France got control of southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria and Lebanon Russia was to get Constantinople, the Turkish Straits and Armenia. The controlling powers were left free to determine state boundaries within their areas. Further negotiation was expected to determine international administration pending consultations with Russia and other powers, including Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca.
The promises to Russia expired when it left the war. After the Ottoman defeat in 1918 the subsequent partitioning of the Ottoman Empire divided the Arab provinces outside the Arabian peninsula into areas of British and French control and influence. Britain ruled Mandatory Iraq from 1920 until 1932, while the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon lasted from 1923 to 1946.
The British took control of Palestine in 1920 and ruled it as Mandatory Palestine from 1923 until 1948. However, the British in the Balfour Declaration of 1917 promised a Jewish zone of ambiguous status, which was unacceptable to the Arab leadership.
Interwar years 1919–1939
Britain had suffered little devastation during the war and Prime Minister David Lloyd George supported reparations to a lesser extent than the French did at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. Britain reluctantly supported the hard Treaty of Versailles, while the U.S, rejected it. France was the main sponsor in its quest for revenge.
Vivid memories of the horrors and deaths of the World War made Britain and its leaders strongly inclined to pacifism in the interwar era.
Britain was a "troubled giant" wielding much less influence than before. It often had to give way to the United States, which frequently exercised its financial superiority. The main themes of British foreign policy include a conciliatory role at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, where Lloyd George worked hard to moderate French demands for revenge. He was partly successful, but Britain soon had to moderate French policy toward Germany, as in the Locarno Treaties. Britain was an active member of the new League of Nations, but the League had few major achievements, none of which greatly affected Britain or its Empire.
Fall of Lloyd George
A series of foreign policy crises gave Prime Minister David Lloyd George his last opportunity to hold national and international leadership. Everything went wrong. The League of Nations, off to a slow start, was a huge let down from utopian dreams. The Treaty of Versailles had set up a series of temporary organizations, composed of delegations from key powers, to ensure the successful application of the Treaty. The system worked very poorly. The assembly of ambassadors was repeatedly overruled and became a nonentity. Most of the commissions were deeply divided and unable to either make decisions or convince the interested parties to carry them out. The most important commission was on Reparations, and France took full control of it. The new French prime minister Raymond Poincaré was intensely anti-German, was unrelenting in his demands for huge reparations, and was repeatedly challenged by Germany. France finally invaded parts of Germany, and Berlin responded by imposing a runaway inflation that seriously damage the German economy and also damaged the French economy. The United States, after refusing to ratify the League in 1920, almost completely disassociated itself from the League.
In 1921, the Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement successfully opened trade relations with Communist Russia. Lloyd George was unable to negotiate full diplomatic relations, as the Russians rejected all repayment of Tsarist era debts, and conservatives in Britain grew exceedingly wary of the communist threat to European stability. Lloyd George in 1922 set about to make himself master of peace in the world, especially through a world conference in Genoa that he expected would rival Paris of 1919 in visibility, and restore his reputation. Everything went wrong. Poincaré and the French demanded a military alliance that was far beyond what the British would accept. Germany and Russia made their own sweeping agreement at Rapallo, which wrecked the Genoa conference. Finally, Lloyd George decided to support Greece in a war against Turkey in the Chanak Crisis. It was yet another fiasco as the Dominions refused support and the British military was hesitant. The Conservatives rejected a war, with Bonar Law telling the nation, "We cannot act alone as the policeman of the world." Greece lost its war and Lloyd George lost control of his coalition. He never again held major office. Internationally and especially at home, Lloyd George the hero of the world war had suddenly become a failed model.
Disarmament was high on the popular agenda, and Britain supported the leadership of United States in the Washington Naval Conference of 1921 in working toward naval disarmament of the major powers. Britain played a leading role in the 1927 Geneva Naval Conference and the 1930 London Conference that led to the London Naval Treaty. However the refusal of Japan, Germany, Italy and Russia to go along led to the meaningless Second London Naval Treaty of 1936. Disarmament had collapsed and the issue became rearming for a war against Germany.
Britain was less successful in negotiating with United States regarding the large wartime loans. The U.S. insisted on repayment of the full £978 million. It was agreed to in 1923 at the interest rate of 3% to 3.5% over 62 years. Under Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald Britain took the lead in getting France to accept the American solution to reparations through the Dawes Plan and the Young Plan, whereby Germany paid its reparations using money borrowed from New York banks. The Great Depression starting in 1929 put enormous pressure on the British economy. Britain move toward imperial preference, which meant low tariffs among the Commonwealth of Nations, and higher barriers toward trade with outside countries. The flow of money from New York dried up, and the system of reparations and payment of debt collapsed in 1931. The debts were renegotiated in the 1950s.
Seeking stability in Europe
Britain sought peace with Germany through the Locarno treaties of 1925. A main goal was to restore Germany to a peaceful, prosperous state.
The success at Locarno in handling the German question impelled Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain, working with France and Italy, to find a master solution to the diplomatic problems of Eastern Europe and the Balkans. It proved impossible to overcome mutual antagonisms, because Chamberlain's programme was flawed by his misperceptions and fallacious judgments.
Britain thought disarmament was the key to peace. France, with its profound fear of German militarism, strenuously opposed the idea. In the early 1930s, most Britons saw France, not Germany, as the chief threat to peace and harmony in Europe. France did not suffer as severe an economic recession, and was the strongest military power, but still it refused British overtures for disarmament.
The Dominions (Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand) achieved virtual independence in foreign policy in 1931, though each depended heavily upon British naval protection. After 1931 trade policy favoured the Commonwealth with tariffs against the U.S. and others.
Foreign policy in domestic politics
The Labour Party came to power in 1924 under Ramsay MacDonald, who served as party leader, prime minister and foreign secretary. The party had a distinctive and foreign policy based on pacifism. It held that peace was impossible because of capitalism, secret diplomacy, and the trade in armaments. That is it stressed material factors that ignored the psychological memories of the Great War, and the highly emotional tensions regarding nationalism and the boundaries of the countries. Nevertheless, MacDonald overcame the ideological straitjacket and proved highly successful in managing foreign affairs. In 1929 the Americans gave him a ticker-tape parade in New York City.
The Zinoviev letter appeared during the 1924 general election and purported to be a directive from the Communist International in Moscow to the Communist Party of Great Britain. It said the resumption of diplomatic relations (by a Labour government) would hasten the radicalisation of the British working class. It was a forgery but it helped defeat Labour as the Conservatives scored a landslide. A.J.P. Taylor argues that the most important impact was on the psychology of Labourites, who for years blamed their defeat on foul play, thereby misunderstanding the political forces at work and postponing needed reforms in the Labour Party. MacDonald returned to power in 1929. There was little pacifism left. He strongly supported the League of Nations but he also felt that cohesion within the British Empire and a strong, independent British defence programme would be the best policy.
The challenge came from dictators, first Benito Mussolini of Italy from 1923, then from 1933 Adolf Hitler of a much more powerful Nazi Germany. Britain and France led the policy of non-interference in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). The League of Nations proved disappointing to its supporters; it was unable to resolve any of the threats posed by the dictators. British policy was to "appease" them in the hopes they would be satiated. League-authorized sanctions against Italy for its invasion of Ethiopia had support in Britain but proved a failure and were dropped in 1936.
Germany was the difficult case. By 1930 British leaders and intellectuals largely agreed that all major powers shared the blame for war in 1914, and not Germany alone as the Treaty of Versailles specified. Therefore, they believed the punitive harshness of the Treaty of Versailles was unwarranted, and this view, adopted by politicians and the public, was largely responsible for supporting appeasement policies down to 1938. That is, German rejections of treaty provisions seemed justified.
Coming of Second World War
By late 1938 it was clear that war was looming, and that Germany had the world's most powerful military. The British military leaders warned that Germany would win a war, and Britain needed another year or two to catch up in terms of aviation and air defence. The final act of appeasement came when Britain and France sacrificed the border regions of Czechoslovakia to Hitler's demands at the Munich Agreement of 1938. Hitler was not satiated and, in March 1939, seized all of Czechoslovakia and menaced Poland. At last Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain dropped appeasement and stood firm in promising to defend Poland. Hitler however cut a deal with Joseph Stalin to divide Eastern Europe; when Germany did invade Poland in September 1939, Britain and France declared war; the British Commonwealth followed London's lead.
Second World War
Despite the heavy American grants of Lend Lease food oil and munitions (which did not have to be repaid) plus American loans, and a grant of money and loans from Canada at the end of the war Britain was on the verge of bankruptcy. John Maynard Keynes argued the only solution was to drastically cut back the spending on the British Empire, which amounted to £2,000 million. The postwar overseas deficit was £1,400 million, warned Keynes, and, "it is this expenditure which is wholly responsible for either financial difficulties." Both Churchill and Attlee ignored his advice and kept spending heavily, in part by borrowing from India. The United States provided a £3,500 million 50-year loan in 1946 and sudden grant of independence to India and Pakistan in 1947 did solve much of the problem. Marshall Plan money began flowing in 1948, And by the time it ended in 1951 the financial crisis was over. The new Labour government knew the expenses of British involvement across the globe were financially crippling. The postwar military cost £200 million a year, To put 1.3 million men in uniform, combat fleets in the Atlantic, the Mediterranean, and the Indian Ocean as well as a Hong Kong station in China, bases Across the globe, as well as 120 full RAF squadrons. Britain now shed traditional overseas military roles as fast as possible. American financial aid was available on Washington's terms, as seen in the 1945 loan, the convertibility of sterling crisis of 1947, the devaluation of sterling in 1949, and the rearmament programme in support of the U.S. in the Korean war, 1950–53. On the other hand he had some success in convincing Washington to take over roles that were too expensive for Britain, including the rebuilding of the European economy, and supporting anti-communist governments in Greece and elsewhere. Bevin had the firm support of his party, especially Prime Minister Clement Attlee, despite a left-wing opposition. Top American diplomats such as Dean Acheson trusted Bevin and worked through him.
With the election of a Labour government in 1945, union leader Ernest Bevin became foreign secretary despite his lack of foreign policy experience. He is best known for taking a strong anti-Communist position regarding the emerging Cold War, and encouraging the U.S. to take a more active role as budgetary constraints forced Britain to reduce its role in Greece. However that was not his original plan. At first he envisioned a European "third force", led by Britain and France, to mediate between the two superpowers, the U.S. and the Soviet Union. In 1945–46 he hoped that European integration would also allow establish Britain to be free from US economic domination. In January 1946, however, Charles De Gaulle retired and Bevin expected some sort of "imminent Sovietization" would move France to the left. Furthermore it became clear that American loans and grants were essential to British solvency. He now decided on a friendly collaboration with the U.S. hoping to guide its role in the Cold War. and strongly encouraged Washington to assume Britain's old role of helping the Greek government suppress a Communist rebellion through the Truman Doctrine.
The American Marshall Plan (officially the "European Recovery Program", ERP) gave $12 billion in financial grants (not loans) to war-torn nations. ERP required the recipients to organize as the "Committee on European Economic Co-operation". Under Bevin the UK took the lead in coordinating support from the Western European nations that accepted the aid. (Soviet satellites turned the money down.) The British economy has started to recover by 1948—the main goal was not so much rescue or recovery as modernization of the economy. The Marshall Plan wanted to stimulate long-term economic growth. It required the removal all sorts of economic bottlenecks and restrictions, and called for free trade and low tariffs (a long-time American goal). Britain received $3.2 billion; separately Canada gave an unrestricted $1 billion grant. Repayment was not required. The grants were used to purchase oil, wheat, meat and other foods exported from the two donor nations. These products were in turn purchased by British consumers for pounds, and the revenue became matching funds used by UK government to modernize its economy. Britain also received large loans from the U.S. that were repaid over six decades at low interest, used to balance the budget.
British diplomacy set the stage for NATO. Britain and France in 1947 signed the Treaty of Dunkirk, a defensive pact. This expanded in 1948 with the Treaty of Brussels to add the three Benelux countries. It committed them to collective defence against any armed attack for fifty years. Bevin worked with Washington to expand the alliance into NATO in 1949, adding the U.S. and Canada as well as Italy, Portugal, Norway, Denmark and Iceland. West Germany and Spain joined later. Historians give credence to the old wisecrack that the organization's goal was "to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down".
The formation of NATO in 1949 solidified UK-US relations. Britain allowed—indeed encouraged—building American air bases in Britain to threaten the USSR with nuclear attack. Stationing American bombers in Britain gave London a voice in how they could be used and avoided American unilateralism. However the U.S. went its own way after 1945 in building nuclear weapons; Britain and later France developed their own.
Breakup of British Empire
The British built up a very large worldwide British Empire, which peaked in size in 1922. The cumulative costs of fighting two world wars, however, placed a heavy burden upon the UK economy, and after 1945 the British Empire gradually began to disintegrate, with many territories demanding independence. The India region split into India, Pakistan, Ceylon and Burma. By the late 1950s, almost all the colonies were independent. Most colonial territories joined the Commonwealth of Nations, an organisation of fully independent nations now with equal status to the UK.
Britain reduced its involvements in the Middle East, with the humiliating Suez Crisis of 1956 marking the end of its status as a superpower. However Britain did forge close military ties with the United States, France, and traditional foes such as Germany, in the NATO military alliance. After years of debate (and rebuffs), Britain joined the Common Market in 1973; it is now the European Union. However it did not merge financially, and kept the pound separate from the Euro, which kept it partly isolated from the EU financial crisis of 2011. After years of debate, Britain voted on 23 June 2016 for "Brexit", to leave the EU.
Palestine and Israel
The League of Nations assigned Palestine as a mandate to the UK in 1920. The British tried, but failed to stop large-scale Jewish immigration into the mandate. Britain returned it to UN control in 1947 and the UN divided Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state. Israel came into existence on May 14, 1948, fought off the Arab neighbors, and became a power in the region.
Prime Minister Thatcher, 1979–1990
Thatcher appointed Lord Carrington, a former Defence Secretary, as Foreign Secretary, 1979–82. Although unlike Thatcher he was a centrist Conservative (a "wet"), he avoided domestic affairs and got along well with the Prime Minister. The first issue was what to do with Rhodesia, where the five percent white population was determined to rule the prosperous largely-black ex-colony in the face of overwhelming international disapproval. After the collapse of the Portuguese empire in Africa in 1975, South Africa – which had been Rhodesia's chief supporter – realized that country was a liability. Black rule was inevitable, and Carrington brokered a peaceful solution at the Lancaster House conference in 1979, attended by Rhodesia's leader Ian Smith, as well as the key black leaders Abel Muzorewa, Robert Mugabe, Joshua Nkomo, and Josiah Tongogara. The conference ended Rhodesia's Bush War. The end result was the new nation of Zimbabwe under black rule in 1980.
Thatcher's first foreign policy crisis came with the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. She condemned the invasion, said it showed the bankruptcy of a détente policy, and helped convince some British athletes to boycott the 1980 Moscow Olympics. She gave weak support to US President Jimmy Carter who tried to punish the USSR with economic sanctions. Britain's economic situation was precarious, and most of NATO was reluctant to cut trade ties. It was reported that her government secretly supplied Saddam Hussein with military equipment as early as 1981.
Thatcher became closely aligned with the Cold War policies of United States President Ronald Reagan, based on their shared distrust of Communism. A more serious disagreement came in 1983 when Reagan did not consult with her on the invasion of Grenada. During her first year as Prime Minister she supported NATO's decision to deploy US nuclear cruise and Pershing II missiles in Western Europe and permitted the US to station more than 160 cruise missiles at RAF Greenham Common, starting on 14 November 1983. That decision triggered mass protests by the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. She bought the Trident nuclear missile submarine system from the US to replace Polaris, tripling the UK's nuclear forces at an eventual cost of more than £12 billion (at 1996–97 prices). Thatcher's preference for defence ties with the US was demonstrated in the Westland affair of January 1986, when she acted with colleagues to allow the struggling helicopter manufacturer Westland to refuse a takeover offer from a consortium which included the Italian firm Agusta in favour of the management's preferred option, a link with Sikorsky Aircraft Corporation. Defence Secretary Michael Heseltine, who had helped to assemble the consortium, resigned in protest.
On 2 April 1982 the ruling military junta in Argentina ordered the invasion of the British-controlled Falkland Islands and South Georgia, triggering the Falklands War. The subsequent crisis was "a defining moment of her [Thatcher's] premiership". At the suggestion of Harold Macmillan and Robert Armstrong, she set up and chaired a small War Cabinet (formally called ODSA, Overseas and Defence committee, South Atlantic) to take charge of the conduct of the war,  which by 5–6 April had authorised and dispatched a naval task force to retake the islands. Argentina surrendered on 14 June and the operation was hailed a success, notwithstanding the deaths of 255 British servicemen and 3 Falkland Islanders. Argentinian deaths totalled 649, half of them after the nuclear-powered submarine HMS Conqueror torpedoed and sank the cruiser ARA General Belgrano on 2 May. Thatcher was criticised for the neglect of the Falklands' defence that led to the war, and especially by Tam Dalyell in parliament for the decision to sink the General Belgrano, but overall she was considered a highly capable and committed war leader. The "Falklands factor", an economic recovery beginning early in 1982, and a bitterly divided opposition all contributed to Thatcher's second election victory in 1983.
In September 1982 she visited China to discuss with Deng Xiaoping the sovereignty of Hong Kong after 1997. China was the first communist state Thatcher had visited and she was the first British prime minister to visit China. Throughout their meeting, she sought the PRC's agreement to a continued British presence in the territory. Deng stated that the PRC's sovereignty on Hong Kong was non-negotiable, but he was willing to settle the sovereignty issue with Britain through formal negotiations, and both governments promised to maintain Hong Kong's stability and prosperity. After the two-year negotiations, Thatcher conceded to the PRC government and signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration in Beijing in 1984, agreeing to hand over Hong Kong's sovereignty in 1997.
Although saying that she was in favour of "peaceful negotiations" to end apartheid, Thatcher stood against the sanctions imposed on South Africa by the Commonwealth and the EC. She attempted to preserve trade with South Africa while persuading the government there to abandon apartheid. This included "[c]asting herself as President Botha's candid friend", and inviting him to visit the UK in June 1984, in spite of the "inevitable demonstrations" against his government. Thatcher dismissed the African National Congress (ANC) in October 1987 as "a typical terrorist organisation".
Thatcher's antipathy towards European integration became more pronounced during her premiership, particularly after her third election victory in 1987. During a 1988 speech in Bruges she outlined her opposition to proposals from the European Community (EC), forerunner of the European Union, for a federal structure and increased centralisation of decision making. Thatcher and her party had supported British membership of the EC in the 1975 national referendum, but she believed that the role of the organisation should be limited to ensuring free trade and effective competition, and feared that the EC's approach was at odds with her views on smaller government and deregulation; in 1988, she remarked, "We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level, with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels".
Thatcher was firmly opposed to the UK's membership of the Exchange Rate Mechanism, a precursor to European monetary union, believing that it would constrain the British economy, despite the urging of her Chancellor of the Exchequer Nigel Lawson and Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe, but she was persuaded by John Major to join in October 1990, at what proved to be too high a rate.
In April 1986, Thatcher permitted US F-111s to use Royal Air Force bases for the bombing of Libya in retaliation for the Libyan attack on Americans in Berlin, citing the right of self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter. Thatcher stated: "The United States has more than 330,000 members of her forces in Europe to defend our liberty. Because they are here, they are subject to terrorist attack. It is inconceivable that they should be refused the right to use American aircraft and American pilots in the inherent right of self-defence, to defend their own people." Polls suggested that fewer than one in three British citizens approved of Thatcher's decision. She was in the US on a state visit when Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein invaded neighbouring Kuwait in August 1990. During her talks with President George H. W. Bush, who had succeeded Reagan in 1989, she recommended intervention, and put pressure on Bush to deploy troops in the Middle East to drive the Iraqi Army out of Kuwait. Bush was apprehensive about the plan, prompting Thatcher to remark to him during a telephone conversation that "This was no time to go wobbly!" Thatcher's government provided military forces to the international coalition in the build-up to the Gulf War, but she had resigned by the time hostilities began on 17 January 1991.
Thatcher was one of the first Western leaders to respond warmly to reformist Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Following Reagan–Gorbachev summit meetings and reforms enacted by Gorbachev in the USSR, she declared in November 1988 that "We're not in a Cold War now", but rather in a "new relationship much wider than the Cold War ever was". She went on a state visit to the Soviet Union in 1984 and met with Gorbachev and Nikolai Ryzhkov, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Thatcher was initially opposed to German reunification, telling Gorbachev that it "would lead to a change to postwar borders, and we cannot allow that because such a development would undermine the stability of the whole international situation and could endanger our security". She expressed concern that a united Germany would align itself more closely with the Soviet Union and move away from NATO.
- British Empire
- Historiography of the British Empire
- Commonwealth of Nations
- Edwardian era
- European Union
- Foreign and Commonwealth Office
- History of England
- History of the United Kingdom
- International relations, 1648–1814
- Kingdom of England
- Kingdom of Great Britain
- List of Ambassadors and High Commissioners to the United Kingdom
- Military history of the United Kingdom
- Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
- United Kingdom and the United Nations
- United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
- United Kingdom–United States relations
- Argentina–United Kingdom relations
- Belgium–United Kingdom relations
- Canada–United Kingdom relations
- China–United Kingdom relations
- Denmark–United Kingdom relations
- Egypt–United Kingdom relations
- France–United Kingdom relations
- Germany–United Kingdom relations
- Greece–United Kingdom relations
- Indonesia–United Kingdom relations
- Iran–United Kingdom relations
- Israel–United Kingdom relations
- Italy–United Kingdom relations
- Japan–United Kingdom relations
- Mexico–United Kingdom relations
- Netherlands–United Kingdom relations
- Poland–United Kingdom relations
- Portugal–United Kingdom relations
- Serbia–United Kingdom relations
- Turkey–United Kingdom relations
- United Kingdom and the United Nations
- See Jeremy Black, "Could the British Have Won the American War of Independence?." Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research. (Fall 1996), Vol. 74 Issue 299, pp 145–154. online 90-minute video lecture given at Ohio State in 2006; requires Real Player
- Colin McEvedy and Richard Jones, Atlas of world population history (Penguin, 1978) pp. 43, 47, 57, 65,71, 101
- Steven C. A. Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism: Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650–1668 (1996) pp 1–7, quote p 1.
- P.S. Crowson Tudor Foreign Policy (1973) ch 1–2.
- R.B. Wernham, Before the Armada: the growth of English foreign policy, 1485–1588 (1966) pp. 111–35.
- J.J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII (1958) pp 27–34.
- Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp 35–56.
- R.L. Mackie, King James IV of Scotland: A brief survey of his life and times (1976). online
- Garrett Mattingly , "An Early Nonaggression Pact," Journal of Modern History 10#1 (1938): 1–30. online
- G.W. Bernard, War, Taxation, and Rebellion in Early Tudor England: Henry VIII, Wolsey, and the Amicable Grant of 1525 (1986).
- Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp 135–42.
- J. A. Williamson, The voyages of the Cabots and the English discovery of North America under Henry VII and Henry VIII (1929).
- Wallace T. MacCaffrey, The Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime (1968) pp 271–90.
- John Wagner, ed. Historical Dictionary of the Elizabethan World: Britain, Ireland, Europe and America (1999) pp 39, 216, 307–8.
- Charles Beem, The Foreign Relations of Elizabeth I (2011)
- Garrett Mattingly, The Armada (1959) is a famous narrative; recent scholarship is reviewed in Colin Martin and Geoffrey Parker, eds., The Spanish Armada (2nd ed. 1999).
- Susan Doran, Elizabeth I and Foreign policy, 1558–1603 (Routledge, 2002).
- Roger Lockyer, James VI and I (1998) pp 138–58.
- Malcolm Smuts, "The making of Rex Pacificus: James VI and I and the Problem of Peace in an Age of Religious War," in Daniel Fischlin and Mark Fortier, eds., Royal Subjects: Essays on the Writings of James VI and I (2002) pp 371–87
- W. B. Patterson, "King James I and the Protestant cause in the crisis of 1618–22." Studies in Church History 18 (1982): 319–334.
- Jonathan Scott, England's Troubles: 17th-century English Political Instability in European Context (Cambridge UP, 2000), pp 98–101
- Godfrey Davies, The Early Stuarts: 1603–1660 (1959), pp 47–67
- G.M.D. Howat, Stuart and Cromwellian Foreign Policy (1974) pp 17–42.
- Joyce Lorimer, "The failure of the English Guiana ventures 1595–1667 and James I's foreign policy." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 21#.1 (1993): 1–30.
- Albert J. Loomie, Spain & the Early Stuarts, 1585–1655 (1996).
- C.R. Boxer, The Anglo-Dutch Wars of the 17th Century (1974).
- Steven C. A. Pincus, Protestantism and Patriotism: Ideologies and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650–1668 (1996)
- James Rees Jones, The Anglo-Dutch wars of the seventeenth century (1996) online
- Gijs Rommelse, "The role of mercantilism in Anglo‐Dutch political relations, 1650–74." Economic History Review 63#3 (2010): 591–611.
- George Clark, The Later Stuarts, 1660–1714 (2nd ed. 1956) pp 148–53.
- Clayton Roberts et al., A History of England: volume I Prehistory to 1714 (5th ed. 2013) pp 245–48.
- Mark A. Thomson, "Louis XIV and William III, 1689–1697." English Historical Review 76.298 (1961): 37–58. online
- J.R. Jones, Britain and the World, 1649–1815 (1980) p. 157.
- Clark, The Later Stuarts, 1660–1714 (1956) pp 160–79.
- For the European context, see J.S. Bromley, ed. The New Cambridge Modern History, VI: The Rise of Great Britain and Russia, 1688–1725 (1970) pp 154–192, 223–67, 284–90, 381–415, 741–54.
- John Brewer, The sinews of power: War, money, and the English state, 1688–1783 (1989) p 133.
- Clark, The Later Stuarts, 1660–1714 (1956) pp 174–79.
- David Onnekink, "‘Mynheer Benting now rules over us’: the 1st Earl of Portland and the Re-emergence of the English Favourite, 1689–99." English Historical Review 121.492 (2006): 693–713. online
- For summaries of foreign policy see J.R. Jones, Country and Court: England, 1658–1714 (1979), pp 279–90; Geoffrey Holmes, The Making of a Great Power: Late Stuart and Early Georgian Britain, 1660–1722 (1993), pp 243–50, 434–39; Julian Hoppit, A Land of Liberty?: England 1689–1727 (2002), pp 89–166; and for greater detail, Stephen B. Baxter. William III and the Defense of European Liberty, 1650–1702 (1966), pp 288–401.
- Elizabeth Sparrow, "Secret Service under Pitt's Administrations, 1792–1806." History 83.270 (1998): 280–294.
- H. M. Scott, "Harris, James, first earl of Malmesbury (1746–1820)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009 accessed 19 Aug 2016
- Stephen M. Lee, ‘Eden, William, first Baron Auckland (1744–1814)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2009 accessed 19 Aug 2016
- Graham Goodlad, "From Castlereagh to Canning: Continuity and Change in British Foreign Policy," History Today (2008) 10–15
- J.R. Jones, Britain and the World, 1649–1815 (Fontana, 1980) pp 38–48.
- Martin Robson, A History of the Royal Navy: The Seven Years War (2015).
- J.O. Lindsay, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History vol. 7, The Old Regime: 1713–63 (1957) p 192.
- Walter E. Minchinton, The growth of English overseas trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (1969).
- Nuala Zahedieh, The Capital and the Colonies: London and the Atlantic Economy 1660–1700 (2010).
- Clark, The Later Stuarts, 1660–1714 (1956) pp 200–238.
- John B. Hattendorf, "English Governmental Machinery and the Conduct of War, 1702–1713." War & Society 3.2 (1985): 1–22.
- Arnold Blumberg, "Grabbing and Holding 'the Rock'." Naval History 26#6 (2012): 54+
- J. R. Jones, Britain and the World, 1649–1815 (1980) pp 149–78.
- R.R. Palmer, A History of the Modern World 2nd ed. 1961, p. 234.
- John B. Hattendorf, England in the War of the Spanish Succession: A Study of the English View & Conduct of Grand Strategy, 1702–1712 (1987)
- G.M. Trevelyan, A shortened history of England (1942) p 363.
- Christopher Storrs, "Chapter 2 The Union of 1707 and the War of the Spanish Succession." Scottish Historical Review 87.2 (suppl (2008): 31–44 online
- Basil Williams and C.H. Stuart, The Whig Supremacy, 1714–1760 (1962) ch 9
- Basil Williams, Carteret and Newcastle. A Contrast in Contemporaries (1943).
- M.S. Anderson, The War of Austrian Succession 1740–1748 (1995) excerpt
- Williams, The Whig Supremacy 1714–1760 (1965) pp 264–70.
- D.B. Horn, "The Diplomatic Revolution" in J.O. Lindsay, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History vol. 7, The Old Regime: 1713–63 (1763): pp 449–64.
- Frank McLynn, 1759: The Year Britain Became Master of the World (2006)
- Daniel A. Baugh (2014). The Global Seven Years War 1754–1763: Britain and France in a Great Power Contest. p. 507. ISBN 9781317895459.
- Helen Dewar, "Canada or Guadeloupe?: French and British Perceptions of Empire, 1760–1763." Canadian Historical Review 91#4 (2010): 637–660.
- H. A. Barton, "Sweden and the War of American Independence," William and Mary Quarterly (1966) 23#2 pp. 408–430 in JSTOR
- Robert Rinehart, "Denmark Gets the News of '76," Scandinavian Review (1976) 63#2 pp 5–14
- Paul W. Mapp, "The Revolutionary War and Europe’s Great Powers." in Edward G. Gray and Jane Kamensky, eds., The Oxford Handbook of the American Revolution (2013): pp 311–26.
- Herbert H. Kaplan (1995). Russian Overseas Commerce with Great Britain During the Reign of Catherine II. American Philosophical Society. pp. 127–31. ISBN 9780871692184.
- John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1688–1783 (1990)
- Robert M. Kozub, "Evolution of Taxation in England, 1700–1850: A Period of War and Industrialization," Journal of European Economic History, (2003), Vol. 32 Issue 2, pp 363–88
- Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (1989) pp 80–84
- Eric J. Evans (2002). William Pitt the Younger. p. 21. ISBN 9781134786770.
- John Ehrmanm, The Younger Pitt: The Years of Acclaim (1969) [vol 1] pp 239-81.
- Richard Cooper, "William Pitt, Taxation, and the Needs of War." Journal of British Studies 22#1 (1982): 94–103. in JSTOR
- John Ehrman, The Younger Pitt: The Years of Acclaim (1969) [vol 1] pp 554–71.
- John Holland Rose, William Pitt and national revival (1911) pp 562–88.
- Nootka Sound Controversy, The Canadian Encyclopedia
- Pethick, Derek (1980). The Nootka Connection: Europe and the Northwest Coast 1790–1795. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-88894-279-1.
- John Holland Rose, William Pitt and national revival (1911) pp 589–607.
- Jeremy Black (1994). British Foreign Policy in an Age of Revolutions, 1783–1793. Cambridge UP. pp. 290–94. ISBN 9780521466844.
- John Ehrman, The Younger Pitt: The Reluctant Transition (1996) [vol 2] pp 3-41.
- William R. Nester, Titan: The Art of British Power in the Age of Revolution and Napoleon (2016).
- Phillip Schofield, "British Politicians and French Arms: The Ideological War of 1793–1795." History 77#250 (1992): 183–201.
- Edward Ingram, "Where and for what shall we fight?." International History Review 7#.2 (1985): 271–276.
- Gregory Fremont-Barnes, ed. The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History (2006) vol 1 pp 41–42, 88–93
- Jeremy Black, "From Pillnitz to Valmy: British Foreign Policy and Revolutionary France 1791–1792", Francia: Part 2 Fruhe Neuzeit (1994) 21#2 pp 129–146
- Samuel Flagg Bemis, Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy (1924).
- Andrew Roberts, Napoleon: A Life (2014) p 316
- Frederick Kagan, The End of the Old Order: Napoleon and Europe, 1801–1805 (2007) pp 42–43
- Roberts, Napoleon: A Life (2014) p 309
- John D. Grainger, Amiens Truce: Britain & Bonaparte, 1801–1803 (2004) has a well-balanced analysis of both sides
- Arthur Bryant, Years of victory: 1802–1812 (1944), pp 1–52, although older, is a well-regarded interpretation from the British perspective
- Kagan, The End of the Old Order: Napoleon and Europe, 1801–1805 (2007) pp 1–50 stresses Napoleon's initiatives.
- Paul Schroeder, The Transformation of European politics 1763–1848 (1994) pp 231–45 is highly analytical and hostile to Napoleon
- George Macaulay Trevelyan (1923). British History in the Nineteenth Century. p. 133.
- See Arthur Bryant, Years of Victory, 1802–1812 (1944) for British perspective
- Alan Palmer, Alexander I (1974) p 86
- John M. Sherwig, Guineas and Gunpowder British Foreign Aid in the War with France, 1793–1815 (1969)
- Julian Rathbone, Wellington's War (1984)
- Bradford Perkins, Prologue to war: England and the United States, 1805–1812 (1961) full text online
- Michael V. Leggiere, The Fall of Napoleon: Volume 1, The Allied Invasion of France, 1813–1814 (2007).
- Jeremy Black, The War of 1812 in the Age of Napoleon (2009) excerpt and text search
- John Darwin, Unfinished Empire: The Global Expansion of Britain (2012) chapters 5, 10
- Darwin, Unfinished Empre ch 8
- David Armitage (2000). The Ideological Origins of the British Empire. p. 8. ISBN 9780521789783.
- David McLean, War, Diplomacy and Informal Empire: Britain and the Republics of La Plata, 1836–1853 (1995)
- Glenn Melancon, Britain's China Policy and the Opium Crisis: Balancing Drugs, Violence and National Honour, 1833–1840 (2003).
- Chaim D. Kaufmann and Robert A. Pape. "Explaining costly international moral action: Britain's sixty-year campaign against the Atlantic slave trade." International Organization 53#4 (1999): 631–668.
- John MacMillan, "Historicising intervention: strategy and synchronicity in British intervention 1815–50." Review of International Studies 39.5 (2013): 1091+ online.
- Roman Golicz, "Napoleon III, Lord Palmerston and the Entente Cordiale." History Today 50#12 (2000): 10–17 online.
- David Brown, "Palmerston and Anglo–French Relations, 1846–1865." Diplomacy and Statecraft 17.4 (2006): 675–692
- Glenn Melancon (2003). Britain's China Policy and the Opium Crisis: Balancing Drugs, Violence and National Honour, 1833–1840. Ashgate. ISBN 9780754607045.
- Jasper Ridley, Lord Palmerston (1971)
- Dick Leonard, Dick, "Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston—Master Diplomat or Playground Bully?." in Dick Leonard, ed., Nineteenth-Century British Premiers (Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008). pp 245–265.
- David Brown, Palmerston & the Politics of Foreign Policy 1846–55 (2002).
- John K. Derden, "The British Foreign Office and Policy Formation: The 1840s," Proceedings & Papers of the Georgia Association of Historians (1981) pp 64–79.
- Wilbur Devereux Jones, "Lord Ashburton and the Maine Boundary Negotiations." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 40.3 (1953): 477-490.
- Robert Eccleshall and Graham S. Walker, eds. Biographical dictionary of British prime ministers (1998) pp. 167-74.
- R.W. Seton-Watson, Britain in Europe: 1789-1914 (1937) pp 129-48, 223-41, 688.
- Martin Swartz, The Politics of British Foreign Policy in the Era of Disraeli and Gladstone (1985).
- Paul Hayes, Modern British Foreign Policy: The Twentieth Century: 1880–1939 (1978) p 1
- Paul Knaplund, Gladstone's foreign policy (1970).
- Keith M. Wilson, ed., British foreign secretaries and foreign policy: from Crimean War to First World War (1987).
- Lestyn Adams (2005). Brothers Across the Ocean: British Foreign Policy and the Origins of the Anglo-American 'special Relationship' 1900–1905. p. 230. ISBN 9780857711144.
- Nancy W. Ellenberger, "Salisbury" in David Loades, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 2:1154
- Jeffrey A. Auerbach, The Great Exhibition of 1851: a nation on display (1999).
- Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism (Cambridge University Press, 1970) ch 1
- David McLean, "Finance and "Informal Empire" before the First World War," Economic History Review (1976) 29#2 pp 291–305 in JSTOR.
- R.A. Humphreys, "British Merchants and South American Independence," Proceedings of the British Academy (1965), Vol. 51, pp151-174 online.
- J.F. Rippy, The Evolution of international Business 1800–1945: vol 1: British Investments in Latin America, 1822–1949 (1949) p 17.
- Manuel Llorca-Jaña, "The organisation of British textile exports to the River Plate and Chile: Merchant houses in operation, c. 1810–59." Business History 53#6 (2011): 821–865.
- Ronald Hyam, Britain's Imperial Century 1815–1914 (2002) pp 57–61
- Alina Silveira, "Educating a City's Children: British Immigrants and Primary Education in Buenos Aires (1820–1880)." The Americas 70#1 (2013): 33–62.
- Lamartine Pereira da Costa (2002). Sport in Latin American Society: Past and Present. Psychology Press. p. 165. ISBN 9780714651262.
- Oliver Marshall, ed. English-Speaking Communities in Latin America (2000).
- The Cambridge Modern History: XII. The Latest Age. 1910. pp. 680–82.
- Michael Rheta Martin and Gabriel H. Lovett, Encyclopedia of Latin-American History (1968) p 17.
- George L. Bernstein, "Special Relationship and Appeasement: Liberal policy towards America in the age of Palmerston." Historical Journal 41#3 (1998): 725–750.
- A.G. Hopkins American Empire: a Global history (Princeton UP, 2018) pp 231–33.
- Howard Jones, Blue & Gray Diplomacy: A History of Union and Confederate Foreign Relations (2010).
- Adrian Cook, The Alabama Claims: American Politics and Anglo-American Relations, 1865–1872 (1975).
- David Steele, "Three British Prime Ministers and the Survival of the Ottoman Empire, 1855–1902." Middle Eastern Studies 50.1 (2014): 43–60.
- A.J.P. Taylor, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe: 1848–1918 (1954) pp 62–82
- A.J.P. Taylor, "The war that would not boil," History Today (1951) 1#2 pp 23–31.
- Kingsley Martin, The triumph of Lord Palmerston: a study of public opinion in England before the Crimean War (Hutchinson, 1963). online
- Harold Temperley, "The Treaty of Paris of 1856 and Its Execution," Journal of Modern History (1932) 4#3 pp. 387–414 in JSTOR
- Stephen J. Leem Aspects of European History 1789–1980 (2001) pp 67–74
- Orlando Figes, The Crimean War: A History (2011) esp. pp 467–80.
- R.B. McCallum in Elie Halevy, The Victorian years: 1841–1895 (1951) p 426
- See also Orlando Figes, The Crimean War (2010) pp 467–80.
- He adds, "All the rest were maneuvers which left the combatants at the close of the day exactly where they had started. A.J.P. Taylor, "International Relations" in F.H. Hinsley, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History: XI: Material Progress and World-Wide Problems, 1870–98 (1962): 554.
- Taylor, "International Relations" p 554
- Duncan Campbell, Unlikely Allies: Britain, America and the Victorian Origins of the Special Relationship (2007).
- H.W. Koch, "The Anglo‐German Alliance Negotiations: Missed Opportunity or Myth?." History 54#182 (1969): 378–392.
- Samuel R. Williamson Jr., "German Perceptions of the Triple Entente after 1911: Their Mounting Apprehensions Reconsidered" Foreign Policy Analysis 7#2 (2011): 205–214.
- G.P. Gooch, Before the war: studies in diplomacy (1936), pp 87–186.
- A.J.P. Taylor, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918 (1954) pp 345, 403–26
- Strachan, Hew (2005). The First World War. ISBN 9781101153413.
- Christopher Clark, The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914 (2014) p. 324
- Keith Robbins, "Grey, Edward, Viscount Grey of Fallodon (1862–1933)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (2004; online edition, 2011) accessed 5 Nov 2017
- Denis Judd and Keith Surridge, The Boer War: A History (2nd ed. 2013),
- K.A. Hamilton, "Great Britain and France, 1911–1914" in F. H. Hinsley, ed., British Foreign Policy Under Sir Edward Grey (1977) online p 324
- Michael Epkenhans, Tirpitz: Architect of the German High Seas Fleet (2008) excerpt and text search, pp 23–62
- Margaret Macmillan, The War That Ended Peace: The Road to 1914 (2013) ch 5
- Thomas Hoerber, "Prevail or perish: Anglo-German naval competition at the beginning of the twentieth century," European Security (2011) 20#1, pp. 65–79. abstract
- Timothy C. Winegard (2016). The First World Oil War. University of Toronto. p. 49. ISBN 9781487500733.
- Steven Gray (2017). Steam Power and Sea Power: Coal, the Royal Navy, and the British Empire, c. 1870-1914. Palgrave Macmillan UK. p. 257. ISBN 9781137576422.
- Shreesh Juyal; John Duncan (2017). Peace Issues in the 21st Century Global Context. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 165.
- Paul Hayes, Modern British foreign policy: The 20th century 1880 – 1939 (1978), pp. 177–222.
- Llewellyn Woodward, Great Britain and the War of 1914–1918 (1967)
- Fromkin, David (1989). A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East. New York: Owl. pp. 286, 288. ISBN 978-0-8050-6884-9.
- Text of the Sykes–Picot Agreement at the WWI Document Archive
- Paula Kitching, "The Sykes-Picot agreement and lines in the sand." Historian 128 (2015): 18–23.
- Peter Sluglett, Britain in Iraq: contriving king and country (IB Tauris, 2007).
- Ian J. Bickerton and Carla L. Klausner, A concise history of the Arab-Israeli conflict (Prentice Hall, 2005).
- Roy H. Ginsberg (2007). Demystifying the European Union: The Enduring Logic of Regional Integration. pp. 32–33. ISBN 9780742536555.
- Michael Pugh, Liberal internationalism: the interwar movement for peace in Britain (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).
- F.S. Northedge, The troubled giant: Britain among the great powers, 1916–1939 (1966).
- Erik Goldstein, Winning the peace: British diplomatic strategy, peace planning, and the Paris Peace Conference, 1916–1920 (1991).
- Frank Magee, "‘Limited Liability’? Britain and the Treaty of Locarno." Twentieth Century British History 6.1 (1995): 1–22.
- Andrew Barros, "Disarmament as a weapon: Anglo-French relations and the problems of enforcing German disarmament, 1919–28." Journal of Strategic Studies 29#2 (2006): 301–321.
- Peter J. Yearwood, Guarantee of Peace: The League of Nations in British Policy 1914–1925 (2009).
- Susan Pedersen, "Back to the League of Nations." American Historical Review 112.4 (2007): 1091–1117. in JSTOR
- Inbal Rose, Conservatism and foreign policy during the Lloyd George coalition 1918–1922 (Routledge, 2014).
- Sally Marks, The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe, 1918–1933 (2nd ed. 2003) p. 45.
- R. Boyce (2009). The Great Interwar Crisis and the Collapse of Globalization. Palgrave Macmillan UK. p. 125. ISBN 9780230280762.
- Michael Laird, "Wars Averted: Chanak 1922, Burma 1945–47, Berlin 1948," Journal of Strategic Studies (1996) 19#3 pp 343-364.
- Kenneth O. Morgan, Consensus and Disunity: The Lloyd George Coalition Government 1918–1922 (1986) pp 302–30.
- Raymond G. O'Connor, "The" Yardstick" and Naval Disarmament in the 1920's." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45.3 (1958): 441–463. in JSTOR
- B. J. C. McKercher, "The politics of naval arms limitation in Britain in the 1920s." Diplomacy and Statecraft 4#3 (1993): 35–59.
- Mowat. Britain Between the Wars, p 161.
- David Marquand, Ramsay MacDonald (1977) p 351.
- Patrick O. Cohrs, The unfinished peace after world war 1: America, Britain and the stabilization of Europe, 1919–1932 (2006).
- Frank Magee, "Limited Liability? Britain and the Treaty of Locarno", Twentieth Century British History, (1995) 6#1, pp. 1–22.
- Dragan Bakić, "‘Must Will Peace’: The British Brokering of ‘Central European’ and ‘Balkan Locarno’, 1925–9." Journal of Contemporary History 48.1 (2013): 24–56. online
- Marquand, Ramsay MacDonald p 716.
- Lorna Lloyd, "'Us and Them': The Changing Nature of Commonwealth Diplomacy, 1880–1973." Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 39.3 (2001): 9–30.
- Carolyn J. Kitching, "Prime minister and foreign secretary: the dual role of James Ramsay MacDonald in 1924." Review of International Studies 37#3 (2011): 1403–1422.
- Henry R. Winkler, . "The Emergence of a Labor Foreign Policy in Great Britain, 1918–1929." Journal of Modern History 28.3 (1956): 247–258. in JSTOR
- Robert F. Holland, The pursuit of greatness: Britain and the world role, 1900–1970 (1991) p 122.
- John Shepherd and Keith Laybourn, Britain's First Labour Government (2006) pp 130–60.
- Charles Loch Mowat, Britain between the wars 1918–1940 (1955) 188-94
- A.J.P. Taylor English History 1914–1945 (1965) p. 219
- Keith Robbins (1994). Politicians, Diplomacy and War in Modern British History. A&C Black. pp. 239–72. ISBN 9780826460479.
- James C. Robertson, "The Origins of British Opposition to Mussolini over Ethiopia." Journal of British Studies 9#1 (1969): 122–142.
- Catherine Ann Cline, "British Historians and the Treaty of Versailles." Albion 20#1 (1988): 43–58.
- David Faber, Munich, 1938: Appeasement and World War II (2010)
- Donald Cameron Watt, How War Came: Immediate Origins of the Second World War, 1938–39 (1990)
- Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes, Vol. 3: Fighting for Freedom, 1937-1946 (2001) pp 402–58.
- Patrick French (2016). Liberty or Death: India's Journey to Independence and Division. p. 244.
- John Bew, Clement Attlee: The man who made modern Britain (2017) pp 371-85.
- Victor Sebestyen, 1946: The making of the modern world(2014) pp 72-78.
- Michael Asteris, "British Overseas Military Commitments 1945–47: Making Painful Choices." Contemporary British History 27.3 (2013): 348–371. online
- Martin H. Folly, "‘The impression is growing...that the United States is hard when dealing with us’: Ernest Bevin and Anglo-American relations at the dawn of the cold war." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 10.2 (2012): 150–166. online
- Rhiannon Vickers (2000). Manipulating Hegemony: State Power, Labour and the Marshall Plan in Britain. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 45–47. ISBN 9780333981818.
- Michael F. Hopkins (2017). Dean Acheson and the Obligations of Power. p. 261. ISBN 9781538100028.
- Alan Bullock, The life and times of Ernest Bevin: vol 3: Foreign Secretary, 1945–1951 (1983)
- Sean Greenwood, "Ernest Bevin, France and 'Western Union': August 1945 – February 1946." European History Quarterly 14.3 (1984): 319–338.
- Melvyn P. Leffler (1992). A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War. p. 102. ISBN 9780804722186.
- Rhiannon Vickers and Andrew Gamble, Manipulating Hegemony: State Power, Labour and the Marshall Plan in Britain (2000) pp 43–46.online at Questia
- Cees Wiebes and Bert Zeeman, "The Pentagon Negotiations March 1948: The Launching of the North Atlantic Treaty." International Affairs 59.3 (1983): 351–363.
- Jussi Hanhimäki; Georges-Henri Soutou (2010). The Routledge Handbook of Transatlantic Security. Routledge. p. 14. ISBN 9781136936081.
- Jonathan Coleman, "The 1950 'Ambassador's agreement' on USAF bases in the UK and British fears of US atomic unilateralism" Journal of Strategic Studies (2007) 30#2 pp 285–307.
- Brian Cathcart, Test of greatness: Britain's struggle for the atom bomb (1994).
- Lawrence James, The Rise and Fall of the British Empire (2001)
- Andrew Marr, A History of Modern Britain (2009)
- Stephen Wall, A Stranger in Europe: Britain and the EU from Thatcher to Blair (Oxford University Press, 2008)
- Andrew Gamble, "Better Off Out? Britain and Europe." The Political Quarterly (2012) 83#3: 468–477.
- Nathaniel Copsey and Tim Haughton, "Farewell Britannia? 'Issue Capture' and the Politics of David Cameron's 2013 EU Referendum Pledge." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies (2014) 52-S1: 74–89.
- Michael J. Cohen, Britain's Moment in Palestine: Retrospect and Perspectives, 1917–1948 (2014)
- Alan Sked and Chris Cook, Post-War Britain: a political history 1945–1992 (4th ed. 1993) pp 364–422.
- Peter Byrd, ed., British foreign policy under Thatcher (1988).
- Roy Lewis, "From Zimbabwe‐Rhodesia to Zimbabwe: The Lancaster House conference." The Round Table 70#277 (1980): 6–9.
- Lord Soames, "From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe." International Affairs 56#3 (1980): 405–419. online
- Daniel James Lahey, "The Thatcher government's response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, 1979–1980," Cold War History (2013) 13#1 pp 21–42.
- Stothard, Michael (30 December 2011). "UK secretly supplied Saddam". Financial Times. Retrieved 11 October 2015.
- Gary Williams, "'A Matter of Regret': Britain, the 1983 Grenada Crisis, and the Special Relationship." Twentieth Century British History 12#2 (2001): 208–230.
- "Trident is go". Time. 28 July 1980. Retrieved 16 January 2011.
- "Vanguard Class Ballistic Missile Submarine". Federation of American Scientists. 5 November 1999. Retrieved 16 January 2011.
- Marr (2007), p. 419.
- Smith (1989), p. 21.
- Jackling (2005), p. 230.
- Hastings & Jenkins (1983), pp. 80–81.
- Hastings & Jenkins (1983), p. 95.
- Evans, Michael (15 June 2007). "The Falklands: 25 years since the Iron Lady won her war; Liberation Day". The Times. p. 32.
- Hastings & Jenkins (1983), pp. 335–336.
- Sanders, David; Ward, Hugh; Marsh, David (July 1987). "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment". British Journal of Political Science. 17 (3): 281–313. doi:10.1017/s0007123400004762.
- Michael B. Yahuda, Hong Kong: China's Challenge (1996).
- Reitan (2003), p. 116.
- See Hansard HC Debs (25 February 1988) vol 128 col 437 and Written Answers HC Deb (11 July 1988) vol 137 cols 3-4W
- Campbell (2011), p. 322.
- Campbell (2011), p. 325.
- See Mr Winnick, Hansard HC Deb (13 November 1987) vol 122 col 701
- Howe (1994), pp. 477–78.
- "Speech to the College of Europe ("The Bruges Speech")". Margaret Thatcher Foundation. 20 September 1988. Retrieved 31 October 2008.
- "Conservatives favor remaining in market". Wilmington Morning Star. United Press International. 4 June 1975. p. 5. Retrieved 26 December 2011.
- Senden (2004), p. 9.
- Riddell, Peter (23 November 1987). "Thatcher stands firm against full EMS role". Financial Times. Retrieved 8 October 2008.
- Thatcher (1993), p. 712.
- Marr (2007), p. 484.
- Riddell, Peter (16 April 1986). "Thatcher Defends US Use Of British Bases/Libya bombing raid". Financial Times. p. 1.
- "Engagements: HC Debate". Hansard. 95: 723–28. 15 April 1986.
- Lejeune, Anthony (23 May 1986). "A friend in need". National Review. 38 (1). p. 27.
- "Oral History: Margaret Thatcher". Public Broadcasting Service. Retrieved 1 November 2008.
- Lewis, Anthony (7 August 1992). "Abroad at Home; Will Bush Take Real Action?". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 November 2008.
- "Gulf War: Bush-Thatcher phone conversation (no time to go wobbly)". Margaret Thatcher Foundation. 26 August 1990. Retrieved 1 November 2008.
- Aitken (2013), pp. 600–601.
- Grice, Andrew (13 October 2005). "Thatcher reveals her doubts over basis for Iraq war". The Independent. Retrieved 22 September 2016.
- "Gorbachev Policy Has Ended The Cold War, Thatcher Says". The New York Times. Associated Press. 18 November 1988. Retrieved 30 October 2008.
- Zemtsov, Ilya; Farrar, John (2007). Gorbachev: The Man and the System. Transaction Publishers. p. 138. ISBN 978-1-4128-0717-3.
- Görtemaker (2006), p. 198.
- Bayly, Christopher A. "The first age of global imperialism, c. 1760–1830." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 26.2 (1998): 28–47.
- Black, Jeremy. "Britain's Foreign Alliances in the Eighteenth Century." Albion 20#4 (1988): 573–602.
- Black, Jeremy. America or Europe? British Foreign Policy, 1739–63 (1998) online edition
- Black, Jeremy, ed. Knights Errant and True Englishmen: British Foreign Policy, 1660–1800 (2003) online edition
- Black, Jeremy. Natural and Necessary Enemies: Anglo-French Relations in the Eighteenth Century (1986).
- Black, Jeremy. Politics and Foreign Policy in the Age of George I, 1714–1727. (Ashgate. 2014) 279pp.
- Black, Jeremy. British Politics and Foreign Policy, 1727–44 (Ashgate. 2014) 294pp
- Brumwell, Stephen, and William Arthur Speck. Cassell's companion to eighteenth century Britain (2001).
- Christie, Ian R. Wars and revolutions: Britain 1760–1815 (1982).
- Crowson. P.S. Tudor Foreign Policy (Modern British foreign policy)(1973).
- Davis, Ralph. "English foreign trade, 1660–1700." Economic History Review 7.2 (1954): 150–166. in JSTOR
- Davis, Ralph. "English Foreign trade, 1700–1774." Economic History Review 15.2 (1962): 285–303. in JSTOR
- Dickinson, H. T., ed. Britain and the French Revolution, 1789–1815 (1989)
- Horn, David Bayne. Great Britain and Europe in the eighteenth century (1967) 411pp; detailed coverage country by country
- Howat, Gerald. Stuart and Cromwellian Foreign Policy (Modern British foreign (1974).
- Jones, J. R. Britain and the World, 1649–1815 (1980).
- Langford, Paul. The Eighteenth Century, 1688–1815 (Modern British Foreign Policy) (1976).
- Price, Jacob. "What Did Merchants Do? Reflections on British Overseas Trade, 1660–1790," Journal of Economic History 49#2 (1989), pp. 267–284 in JSTOR
- Seton-Watson, R. W. Britain in Europe, 1789–1914. (1938) excerpt
- Ward, A.W. and G.P. Gooch, eds. The Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, 1783–1919 (3 vol, 1921–23), old detailed classic; vol 1, 1783–1815 ; vol 2, 1815–1866; vol 3. 1866–1919
- Wernham, Richard Bruce. Before the Armada: the growth of English foreign policy, 1485–1588 (1966).
- Anon. (1904), "The British Admiralty ...", Scientific American, 91 (2), ISSN 0036-8733
- Bacon, R.H.S. (1901), "Some notes on naval strategy", in Leyland, J. (ed.), The Naval Annual 1901, pp. 233–52, OCLC 496786828
- Bartlett, C. J. Defence and Diplomacy: Britain and the Great Powers, 1815–1914 (1993) 160pp
- Baxter, C. and M. Dockrill, eds. Britain in Global Politics Volume 1: From Gladstone to Churchill (2013) excerpt
- Bourne, Kenneth. The foreign policy of Victorian England, 1830–1902 (Oxford UP, 1970.) pp 195–504 are 147 "Selected documents"
- Brown, W.M. (2003), The Royal Navy's Fuel Supplies, 1898 – 1939: The Transition from Coal to Oil (PDF), King's College London PhD thesis, archived (PDF) from the original on 4 March 2016, retrieved 29 November 2016
- Cecil, Algernon. British foreign secretaries, 1807-1916: studies in personality and policy (1927). pp 89-130. online
- Chassaigne, Phillipe, and Michael Dockrill, eds. Anglo-French Relations 1898–1998: From Fashoda to Jospin (2002)
- Chirol, Valentine (1905). . The Empire and the century. London: John Murray. pp. 728–59.
- Clark, Christopher. The sleepwalkers: how Europe went to war in 1914 (2012).
- Dahl, E.J. (2001), "Naval innovation: From coal to oil" (PDF), Joint Force Quarterly (Winter 2000–01): 50–6, archived (PDF) from the original on 22 October 2016, retrieved 28 November 2016
- Feis, Herbert. Europe the World's Banker, 1870–1914 (1930) online; mostly about London banks
- Hale, Oron James. Publicity and Diplomacy: With Special Reference to England and Germany, 1890–1914 (1940) online
- Hayes, Paul. Nineteenth Century (Modern British foreign policy) (1975).
- Kennedy, Paul M. The Rise of the Anglo-German Antagonism, 1860–1914 (1987) 600 pp
- Kennedy, Paul M. The rise and fall of British naval mastery (1976) pp 149–238.
- Kuiken, J. (2014), "Caught in Transition: Britain's Oil Policy in the Face of Impending Crisis, 1967–1973", Historical Social Research, 39 (4): 272–90, JSTOR 24145537
- Lowe, C.J. The reluctant imperialists: British foreign policy, 1878–1902. Vol. 1. 1967); vol 2: The reluctant imperialists: The Documents (1967). (American edition 1969, two volumes in one).
- Lowe, C.J. and M.L. Dockrill. The Mirage of Power: Volume 1: British Foreign Policy, 1902–14. (1972); The Mirage of Power: Volume 2: British Foreign Policy, 1914–1922. (1972). vol 3 (1972) includes 190 documents.
- Lyon, D. (2005) , The First Destroyers, Mercury, ISBN 978-1-84560-010-5
- MacMillan, Margaret. The War that Ended Peace: The Road to 1914 (2013).
- Mahajan, Sneh. British foreign policy 1874-1914: The role of India (Routledge, 2003)
- Otte, T.G., The Foreign Office Mind: The Making of British Foreign Policy, 1865–1914 (Cambridge UP, 2011).
- Platt, D.C.M. Finance, Trade, and Politics in British Foreign Policy, 1815–1914 (Oxford UP, 1968).
- Seton-Watson, R.W. Britain in Europe (1789–1914): A Survey of Foreign Policy (1937) online
- Siegel, J. (2002), Endgame: Britain, Russia, and the Final Struggle for Central Asia, I.B. Tauris, ISBN 978-1-85043-371-2
- Taylor, A.J.P. Struggle for Mastery of Europe: 1848-1918 (1954); online free
- Taylor, A.J.P. "International Relations" in F.H. Hinsley, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History: XI: Material Progress and World-Wide Problems, 1870–98 (1962): 542–66.
- Vassiliou, M.S. (2018), Historical Dictionary of the Petroleum Industry (2 ed.), Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 9781538111604
- Ward, A.W. and G.P. Gooch, eds. The Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, 1783-1919 (3 vol, 1921–23), old detailed classic; vol 2, 1815-1866; vol 3. 1866–1919
- Webster, Charles. The Foreign Policy of Palmerston, 1830–1841: Britain, the Liberal Movement, and the Eastern Question – Vol. 2 (1951) online edition vol 2
- Adamthwaite, Anthony. "Britain and the world, 1945-9: the view from the foreign office," International Affairs 61#2 1985, 223–235.
- Bartlett, C. J. British Foreign Policy in the Twentieth Century (1989)
- Baxter, C. and M. Dockrill, eds. Britain in Global Politics Volume 1: From Gladstone to Churchill (2013) excerpt
- Byrd, Peter, ed. British foreign policy under Thatcher (Philip Allan, 1988).
- Campbell, John. Margaret Thatcher; Volume Two: The Iron Lady (Pimlico, 2003)
- Chassaigne, Phillipe, and Michael Dockrill, eds. Anglo-French Relations 1898–1998: From Fashoda to Jospin (2002)
- Cottrell, Robert. The end of Hong Kong: The secret diplomacy of imperial retreat (John Murray, 1993).
- Dilks, David. Retreat from Power: 1906–39 v. 1: Studies in Britain's Foreign Policy of the Twentieth Century (1981); Retreat from Power: After 1939 v. 2 (1981)
- Dimbleby, David, and David Reynolds. An Ocean Apart: The Relationship Between Britain and America in the Twentieth Century (1988)
- Feis, Herbert. Churchill Roosevelt Stalin: The War They Waged and the Peace They Sought: A Diplomatic History of World War II (1957), by a senior official of the U.S. State Department
- Gardner, Lloyd C. Safe for Democracy: The Anglo-American Response to Revolution, 1913–1923 (1987) focus on Lloyd George and Wilson
- Garnett, Mark; Simon Mabon; Robert Smith (2017). British Foreign Policy since 1945. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781317588993.
- Hughes, Geraint. Harold Wilson's Cold War: The Labour Government and East-West Politics, 1964-1970 (2009)
- MacMillan, Margaret. Paris 1919: six months that changed the world (2007).
- McNeill, William Hardy. America, Britain, & Russia: their co-operation and conflict, 1941–1946 (1953), 820pp; comprehensive overview
- Medlicott, W. N. British foreign policy since Versailles, 1919–1963 (1968).
- Monroe, Elizabeth. Britain's Moment in the Middle East, 1914–1956 (1963) online
- Moore, Charles (2013). Margaret Thatcher: From Grantham to the Falklands.
- Moore, Charles. (2016) Margaret Thatcher: At Her Zenith: In London, Washington and Moscow.
- Northedge, F.S. The troubled giant: Britain among the great powers, 1916–1939 (1966), 657pp
- Northedge, F.S. Descent From Power British Foreign Policy 1945–1973 (1974) online
- Reynolds, David. Britannia Overruled: British Policy and World Power in the Twentieth Century (2nd ed. 2000) excerpt and text search, major survey of British foreign policy
- Reynolds, David. From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt, and the International History of the 1940s (2006) excerpt and text search
- Rose, Richard. The relation of socialist principles to British Labour foreign policy, 1945–51 (PhD. Dissertation. U of Oxford, 1960) online
- Sharp, Alan, and Glyn Stone, eds. Anglo-French Relations in the Twentieth Century: Rivalry and Cooperation (2000) excerpt and text search
- Sharp, Paul, ed. Thatcher's Diplomacy: The Revival of British Foreign Policy (St. Martin's Press, 1997).
- Sharp, Paul. "Thatcher’s Wholly British Foreign Policy." Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs 35#3 (1991): 395–411.
- Thane, Pat, and Derek Beales, eds. Cassell's Companion to Twentieth-century Britain. (2001).
- Turner, Michael J. Britain's international role, 1970–1991 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).
- Vickers, Rhiannon. The Evolution of Labour's Foreign Policy, 1900–51 (2003) online edition
- Watry, David M. Diplomacy at the Brink: Eisenhower, Churchill, and Eden in the Cold War. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2014.
- Woodward, Llewellyn. British Foreign Policy in the Second World War (1962); summary of his 5-volume highly detailed history
- Young, John W. ed. The Labour governments 1964–1970 volume 2: International policy (2008).
- Young, J. and E. Pedaliu, eds. Britain in Global Politics Volume 2: From Churchill to Blair(2013) excerpt
- Asteris, Michael. "British Overseas Military Commitments 1945–47: Making Painful Choices." Contemporary British History 27.3 (2013): 348–371. online
- Barnett, Correlli. Britain and her army, 1509–1970: a military, political and social survey (1970).
- Carlton, Charles. This Seat of Mars: War and the British Isles, 1485–1746 (Yale UP; 2011) 332 pages; studies the impact of near unceasing war from the individual to the national levels.
- Chandler, David G., and Ian Frederick William Beckett, eds. The Oxford history of the British army (Oxford UP, 2003).
- Cole, D. H and E. C Priestley. An outline of British military history, 1660–1936 (1936). online
- Higham, John, ed. A Guide to the Sources of British Military History (1971) 654 pages excerpt; Highly detailed bibliography and discussion up to 1970; includes Royal Navy
- James, Lawrence. Warrior race: a history of the British at war (Hachette UK, 2010). excerpt
- Ranft, Bryan. The Oxford Illustrated History of the Royal Navy (Oxford UP, 2002).
- Rodger, N. A.M. The safeguard of the sea: A naval history of Britain, 660–1649 (Vol. 1. 1998). excerpt
- Rodger, The Command of the Ocean: A Naval History of Britain, 1649–1815 (vol 2 2006) excerpt
- Sheppard, Eric William. A short history of the British army (1950). online
- Martel, Gordon, ed. A Companion to International History 1900–2001 (2010).
- Messenger, Charles, ed. Reader's Guide to Military History (2001) pp 55–74; annotated guide to most important books.
- Mulligan, William, and Brendan Simms, eds. The Primacy of Foreign Policy in British History, 1660–2000 (Palgrave Macmillan; 2011) 345 pages; excerpt
- Neville, Peter. Historical Dictionary of British Foreign Policy (Scarecrow Press, 2013).
- Schroeder, Paul W. "Old Wine in Old Bottles: Recent Contributions to British Foreign Policy and European International Politics, 1789–1848." Journal of British Studies 26#1 (1987): 1–25.
- Weigall, David. Britain and the World, 1815–1986: a dictionary of international relations (1987), 300 short scholarly entries with bibliographies; 252pp and maps.
- Wiener, Martin J. "The Idea of "Colonial Legacy" and the Historiography of Empire." Journal of The Historical Society 13#1 (2013): 1–32.
- Winks, Robin, ed. Historiography (1999) vol. 5 in William Roger Louis, eds. The Oxford History of the British Empire online
- Winks, Robin W. The Historiography of the British Empire-Commonwealth: Trends, Interpretations and Resources (1966); this book is by a different set of authors from the previous 1999 entry online
- Bourne, Kenneth. The foreign policy of Victorian England, 1830–1902 (Oxford UP, 1970.) pp 195–504 are 147 selected documents
- Joll, James, ed. Britain and Europe 1793–1940 (1967); 390pp of documents
- Jones, Edgar Rees, ed. Selected speeches on British foreign policy, 1738–1914 (1914). online free
- Lowe, C.J. The reluctant imperialists: vol 2: The Documents (1967), 140 documents 1878–1902. (American edition 1969 vol 1 and 2 bound together).
- Lowe, C.J. and M.L. Dockrill, eds. The Mirage of Power: Volume 3: The Documents British Foreign Policy, 1902–22. (1972), 191 documents.
- Maisky, Ivan. The Maisky Diaries: The Wartime Revelations of Stalin's Ambassador in London edited by Gabriel Gorodetsky, (Yale UP, 2016); highly revealing commentary 1934–43; excerpts; abridged from 3 volume Yale edition; online review
- Medlicott, W. N. ed. Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919–1939 (HMSO, 1946), primary sources
- Temperley, Harold, and Lillian M. Penson, eds. Foundations of British Foreign Policy from Pitt (1792) to Salisbury (1902); Or, Documents, Old and New (1938), 612pp online
- Wiener, Joel H. ed. Great Britain: Foreign Policy and the Span of Empire, 1689–1971: A Documentary History (4 vol 1972) vol 1 online; vol 2 online; vol 3; vol 4 4 vol. 3400 pages
- Black, Jeremy et al. The Makers of British Foreign Policy, From Pitt to Thatcher (Palgrave, Basingstoke and New York, 2002)