Human rights in Ethiopia
|This article is part of a series on the|
politics and government of
According to the U.S. Department of State's human rights report for 2004 and similar sources, the Ethiopian government's human rights "remained poor; although there were improvements, serious problems remained".[needs update] The report listed numerous cases where police and security forces are said to have harassed, illegally detained, tortured, and/or killed individuals, who were members of opposition groups or accused of being insurgents. Thousands of suspects remained in detention without charge, and lengthy pretrial detention continued to be a problem. Prison conditions were poor. The government often ignores citizens' privacy rights and laws regarding search warrants. Freedom House agrees; the site gave Ethiopia a six out of seven, which means that it is not free. Although fewer journalists have been arrested, detained, or punished in 2004 than in previous years, the government nevertheless continues to restrict freedom of the press. The government limits freedom of assembly, particularly for members of opposition groups, and security forces have used excessive force to break up demonstrations. Violence and discrimination against women continue to be problems. Female genital mutilation is widespread, although efforts to curb the practice have had some effect. The economic and sexual exploitation of children continues, as does human trafficking. Forced labor, particularly among children, is a persistent problem. Low-level government interference with labor unions continues. Although the government generally respected the free exercise of religion, local authorities at times interfere with religious practice. In order to improve Ethiopia's image, they hired US agencies to improve Ethiopia's image for $2.5 million. According to report of amnesty international 2016/2017 prolonged protests over political, economic, social and cultural grievances were met with excessive and lethal force by police. The report added that the crackdown on the political opposition saw mass arbitrary arrests, torture and other ill-treatment, unfair trials and violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association. On 9 October, the government announced a state of emergency, which led to further human rights violations.
- 1 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation
- 2 Political freedom
- 3 Freedom of the press
- 4 Freedom of association
- 5 Electronic communications
- 6 Sexual violence
- 7 Murder of "cursed" children
- 8 Forced relocation
- 9 Incidents
- 10 Historical situation
- 11 International treaties
- 12 See also
- 13 Notes
- 14 References
- 15 External links
Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation was introduced in 2009. The broad provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation allow the authorities to criminalize the exercise of freedom of expression. Amnesty International believes that at least 108 journalists and opposition members were arrested in 2011 primarily because of their legitimate and peaceful criticism of the government. The sheer numbers involved in this wave of arrests represents the most far-reaching crackdown on freedom of expression seen in many years in Ethiopia.
From March 2011 to December 2011 at least 108 opposition party members and six journalists were arrested in Ethiopia for alleged involvement with various proscribed terrorist groups. The detainees had been charged with crimes under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and the Criminal Code. Many arrests in 2011 came in the days immediately after individuals publicly criticised the government, were involved in public calls for reform, applied for permission to hold demonstrations, or attempted to conduct investigative journalism in a region of Ethiopia to which the government severely restricts access.
Amnesty International believes the individuals will not receive a fair trial and will be convicted for exercising their right to freedom of expression. Many of the detainees complained that they experienced torture and were forced to sign confessions or incriminating evidence. Almost all were denied access to lawyers and family at start of detention.
The trials have become deeply politicized owing to the interest of senior government officials including the Prime Minister who declared in the national parliament that all the defendants are guilty. The Prime Minister has publicly threatened to carry out further arrests. In the first week of December 135 people were reported to be arrested in Oromia. Amnesty International calls on the United Nations, European Union, African Union, and governments to: Conduct systematic monitoring of the ongoing terrorism trials and the trials of members of the Oromo people political opposition arrested during 2011 and make findings public.
Two journalists and four opposition politicians of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party, and the Ethiopian National Democratic party, were arrested on 14 September and on 9 September 2011. They were accused of involvement with the Ginbot 7 group, a banned political party.
According to Amnesty International citizens were pressed to leave opposition parties in May 2010 elections. Voters in Addis Ababa were reportedly threatened with the withdrawal of state assistance if they did not vote for the EPRDF. There was political violence: One candidate and several activists were killed. Registration as candidates was reportedly prevented by armed forces. Opposition parties said that their members were harassed, beaten and detained by the EPRDF in the build-up to the elections. Hundreds of people were allegedly arrested arbitrarily in the Oromia region, often on the grounds of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an armed group. Detention without trial, torture and killings of Oromos were reported.
The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) consolidated political control with 99.6 percent victory in the May 2010 parliamentary elections. According to Human Rights Watch the polls were preceded by months of intimidation of opposition party supporters. According to European election observers the election fell short of international standards. The government had a five-year strategy to systematically close down space for political dissent and independent criticism.
Freedom of the press
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 19 of the freedom of expression states: Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Government censorship, harassment and arrest of bloggers and journalists severely restricts freedom of the press in Ethiopia:
- in December 2009, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson were convicted for "rendering support to terrorism" and entering the country illegally "to commit an act that is a threat to the well-being of the people of Ethiopia. Status:Pardoned
- in 2011, Hellman-Hammett Award winner Woubshet Taye Abebe was arrested. He was charged under the anti-terrorism law. Before his arrest, he was the deputy editor of the Awramba Times. Status: In prison
- in 2012, Reeyot Alemu Gobebo, a journalist for Feteh, was convicted on three counts under the terrorism law and initially sentenced to 14 years in prison. This sentence was reduced to 5 years on appeal. Status: In prison.
- in 2012 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award recipient Eskinder Nega was arrested under terrorism charges for his reporting on the Arab Spring;
- in 2014 six members of the Zone 9 blogging collective were arrested under terrorism charges related to their reporting and use of online encryption tools.
All of the above individuals were held at the Kaliti Prison.
Freedom of association
The Charities and Societies Proclamation No. 621/2009 of Ethiopia (Civil Society Law or CSO law) was enacted on January 6, 2009. It claims to ensure "the realization of citizens’ rights to association enshrined in the constitution… as well as …to aid and facilitate the role of civil society in the overall development of the Ethiopian people", yet many feel this law has been used for the repression of Ethiopian citizens and has been an obstacle to development.[neutrality is disputed]
According to a paper by the Center for International Human Rights at Northwestern University School of Law, "The CSO law is the product of the Ethiopian government’s deep suspicion of civil society" and has been frequently used to silence any organization that advocates for human rights in Ethiopia. This law is more draconian than a similar Russian law and is most similar to a draft of a Zimbabwean NGO bill that was never signed into law. Research indicates that Ethiopia’s CSO law is among the most restrictive in the world.
This law prohibits "foreign" NGO’s from engaging in a very wide range of activities including human rights, women’s rights, children’s rights, disability rights, citizenship rights, conflict resolution or democratic governance. The definition of "foreign" NGO was broadened to include local NGOs that receive more than ten percent of their funding from foreign sources. Given that most local NGO’s cannot sustain themselves without some foreign funding, this definition is broad enough to include almost all NGO’s in Ethiopia. However, the government of Ethiopia itself receives 50 to 60 percent of its national budget from foreign governments, which according to its own definition would clearly make it a foreign entity as well.
Over the years Ethiopian organizations that have found themselves to be targets of harassment using the CSO Law include the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), the Ethiopian Women Lawyers’ Association (EWLA) which provided pro bono service to Ethiopian women who could not afford a lawyer. Despite the fact that Article 31 of the Ethiopian Constitution provides that "every person has the right to freedom of association for any cause or purpose", the prohibition of NGO’s by the CSO Law has had the effect of severely restricting citizens’ right of association, as members of NGO’s can not associate freely.
In 2012, Ethiopia passed a law that criminalizes providing Internet voice communication (VoIP) and requiring inspection of any imported voice communications equipment. Additionally, it prohibits "bypasses the telecom infrastructure established by the telecom service provider", which restricts Internet access to only the ETC.
In October, 2016 many Ethiopians protested against the Government after they prohibit use of social media, and banning several television channels. As a result, hundreds of people killed and hundreds more imprisoned.
According to surveys in 2003 by the National Committee on Traditional Practices in Ethiopia, marriage by abduction accounts for 69% of the nation's marriages, with around 80% in the largest region, Oromiya, and as high as 92 percent in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region.
According to the 2005 Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey, more than 74% of women between the ages of 15 and 49 have undergone some form of genital mutilation and cutting with more than 97% in the Somali region.
Murder of "cursed" children
Among certain ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia, babies and young children deemed "cursed" as Mingi are usually killed by drowning in rivers, pushing them off cliffs, or leaving them in the bush to starve or be eaten by wild animals. The Karo officially banned Mingi in July 2012.
The Ethiopian government relocated forcibly ca 70,000 indigenous people from the Gambela Region between 2010 and January 2012 to new villages that lack adequate food, farmland, healthcare, and educational facilities. State security forces threatened, assaulted, and arbitrarily arrested villagers who resisted the transfers. From 2008 through January 2011, Ethiopia leased out at least 3.6 million hectares of land, an area the size of the Netherlands. An additional 2.1 million hectares of land is available through the federal government’s land bank for agricultural investment. In Gambella, 42 percent of the land is marketed for investors.
Gambela Region has a population of 307,000, mainly indigenous Anuak and Nuer. Its richly fertile soil has attracted foreign and domestic investors who have leased large tracts of land at favourable prices.
In 2005, the Ethiopian Police Massacre took place. In this, it was claimed that the Ethiopian police massacred almost 200 opposition protesters, who were protesting in response to the May 2005 General Elections. During this, live gunfire from government forces was directed at protesters and bystanders.
According to a report released by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in June 2008, the Ethiopian army has committed widespread executions, torture and rape in Ogaden, as part of a counterinsurgency campaign. The Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded with a big press release stating that they performed an investigation during August and September of that year, which "found no trace of serious human rights violation let alone war crimes or crimes against humanity" during their response to the Abole oil field raid, but claimed the investigation found "a mass of evidence of further systematic abuses committed by the ONLF." However, the U.S. State Department's annual report on human rights notes that Lisan Yohannes, a "former ruling party insider", led the investigation, an appointment which "opens questions about the independence of the investigation."
On 6 January 2009, the Ethiopian parliament passed the "Charities and Societies Proclamation (NGO law)", which "criminalizes most human rights work in the country" according to HRW, who added that "the law is a direct rebuke to governments that assist Ethiopia and that had expressed concerns about the law's restrictions on freedom of association and expression."
Ethiopia's stances on international human rights treaties are as follows:
- Ethiopian Judicial Authority v Swedish journalists 2011
- Human trafficking in Ethiopia
- Internet in Ethiopia#Censorship
- Kaliti Prison, a notorious prison where numerous journalists are held
- LGBT rights in Ethiopia
- Politics of Ethiopia
- Woineshet Zebene
- Yegna, feminist pop group
- 1.^ Note that the "Year" signifies the "Year covered". Therefore the information for the year marked 2008 is from the report published in 2009, and so on.
- 2.^ As of January 1.
- 3.^ The 1982 report covers the year 1981 and the first half of 1982, and the following 1984 report covers the second half of 1982 and the whole of 1983. In the interest of simplicity, these two aberrant "year and a half" reports have been split into three year-long reports through interpolation.
- 2004 County Reports on Human Rights Practices: Africa: Ethiopia, US State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, published 28 February 2005 (accessed 8 July 2009)
- "How a U.S. agency cleaned up Rwanda's genocide-stained image". The Globe and Mail. Toronto. 6 September 2012.
- ETHIOPIA 2016/2017
- Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa: Ethiopia AI 27 October 2011
- Ethiopia: Swedish journalists must be released immediately and unconditionally Archived 7 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine. Amnesty International 21 December 2011
- Dismantling Dissent: Intensified crackdown on free speech in Ethiopia 16 December 2011
- Amnesty International report on growing repression in Ethiopia Amnesty International 15 December 2011
- Amnesty action letter Ethiopia 19 September 2011
- Amnesty International's 2011 Annual Report on Ethiopia
- Human Rights Watch World Report 2011 Archived 14 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine. page 121
- Ethiopia Reporters Without Borders Archived 4 December 2011 at the Wayback Machine. January 2012
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- Censorship in Ethiopia - IFEX
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- Freedom in the World 2012 Report, by Freedom House
- World Report 2012, by Human Rights Watch
- Ethiopia after Meles: Democracy and Human Rights: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, First Session, June 20, 2013