Ivan Ilyin

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Ivan Ilyin
Iljin02.jpg
Born
Ivan Alexandrovich Ilyin

9 April 1883
Died21 December 1954(1954-12-21) (aged 71)
Zollikon, Switzerland
Era20th-century philosophy
RegionRussian philosophy

Ivan Alexandrovich Ilyin (Ива́н Алекса́ндрович Ильи́н, 9 April [O.S. 28 March] 1883 – 21 December 1954) was a Russian religious and political philosopher, jurist, Menshevik and monarchist, who supported the right-wing of the Kadet party. He perceived the February revolution as a "temporary disorder", and the Bolshevik October revolution as a catastrophe, and actively joined the struggle against the new regime.[1] He became a white émigré journalist, slavophile and an ideologue of the Russian All-Military Union. As an anti-communist,[2] Ilyin defended Hitler but in 1934 he was imprisoned for a short time and subsequently banned from teaching and writing.[3][4] During a holiday and with financial help of Sergei Rachmaninov he succeeded to stay in Switzerland.[5] His work became more philosophical and spiritual, less political, and he defended family and patriotic values.[6] Ilyin called for a Christian-based, patriarchal form of rule for Russia.

Ivan Ilyin wrote over 40 books and pamphlets and hundreds of articles in Russian and German. Almost all of his works were political, social or religious in character and related to Russia. His two-volume dissertation is considered one of the best commentaries on Hegel's philosophy.[1] Ilyin did not belong to the group of followers of Vladimir Solovyov, with whom the Russian religious and philosophical Renaissance of the early 20th century is usually associated.[1] Ilyin, like Lenin thought nothing of democracy, liberalism, and neutrality.[7] The reactionary Ilyin was critical of Western-style democracy, emphasizing instead the importance of a strong government in accord with Russia’s autocratic heritage.[8] Ilyin's views on the social structure of Russia had a great influence on some Russian intellectuals and politicians, including Alexander Solzhenitsyn, and are considered among the ideological inspirations of Russian President Vladimir Putin.[9][10]

Early life[edit]

Ilyin in 1901.

Ivan Ilyin was born in Moscow in an aristocratic family claiming Rurikid descent. His father, Alexander Ivanovich Ilyin, was born and raised in the Grand Kremlin Palace since Ilyin's grandfather had served as the commandant of the Palace. Alexander Ilyin's godfather had been emperor Alexander III of Russia. Ivan Ilyin's mother, Caroline Louise née Schweikert von Stadion, was a German Russian and confessing Lutheran. She converted to Russian Orthodoxy, took the name Yekaterina Yulyevna, and married Alexander Ilyin in 1880.

Ivan Ilyin was brought up in the centre of Moscow, not far from the Kremlin in Naryshkin Lane. In 1901, he entered the Law faculty of the Moscow State University. Ilyin generally disapproved of the Russian Revolution of 1905 and did not participate actively in student political actions. While a student Ilyin became interested in philosophy under influence of Professor Pavel Ivanovich Novgorodtsev (1866–1924), who was a Christian philosopher of jurisprudence and a political liberal. In 1906, Ilyin graduated with a law degree. In August he married in Bykovo to Natalia Nikolaevna Vocach (1882-1963), a translator, art-historian and a niece of Sergei Muromtsev, chairman of the First Duma. From 1909 he began working as a scholar.

Before the revolution[edit]

In 1911, Ilyin moved for a year to Western Europe (Heidelberg, Freiburg, Berlin, Göttingen and Paris) studying the latest trends in European philosophy, including philosophy of life and phenomenology influenced by the German Jewish atheist Edmund Husserl and Max Scheler. For six weeks he and his wife paid visits to Sigmund Freud. The two became pioneers of the psychoanalytic movement in Russia.[11][12] Meanwhile Ilyin worked on his thesis: "Crisis of rationalistic philosophy in Germany in the 19th century" and tried to connect the "spiritual impulses" described by Solovyov with Hegel's interpretation of phenomenology. He then returned to work in the university and delivered a series of lectures called "Introduction to the Philosophy of Law".

In 1914, after the breakout of World War I, Professor Prince Evgeny Trubetskoy arranged a series of public lectures devoted to the [ideology of war". Ilyin contributed to this with several lectures, the first of which was called "The Spiritual Sense of the War". He was an utter opponent of any war in general but believed that since Russia had already been involved in the war, the duty of every Russian was to support his country. Ilyin's position was different from that of many Russian jurists, who disliked the German and Russian Empire equally.

Ilyin was working on two major projects: the first was his dissertation on Hegel, intended to be printed in three volumes but later combined into two; the second was his work on legal consciousness. By late November 1917 both works were known to be in galley proof.[13] In 1918 Ilyin published a provocative interpretation of Hegel: "The Philosophy of Hegel as a Doctrine of the Concreteness of God and Humanity".[14] The ability to hate, despise, insult ideological opponents was particularly pronounced in Ilyin.[15] He was arrested three times and in the Cheka dungeons for about two months but acquitted for lack of evidence. (His teacher Novgorodtsev was also briefly imprisoned.)

Revolution and exile[edit]

Ilyin in 1921, by Mikhail Nesterov

At first, Ilyin perceived the February Revolution as the liberation of the people. Along with many other intellectuals he generally approved of it and supported the Russian Provisional Government. However, with the October Revolution complete, disappointment followed. On the Second Moscow Conference of Public Figures he said, "The revolution turned into self-interested plundering of the state".

Later, he assessed the October revolution as the most terrible catastrophe in the history of Russia, the collapse of the whole state. However, unlike many adherents of the old regime, Ilyin did not emigrate immediately. In 1918, Ilyin became a professor of law in Moscow University and had his scholarly thesis on Hegel published in which he combined Western philosophy of science with speculative theology.[16]

He served as head of the Moscow Psychological Society from 1920 to 1922, when the society was disbanded and he, along with many other “irreconcilable” anti-Bolshevik intellectuals, were arrested, condemned to execution, and then forcibly exiled.[14]

Ilyin was imprisoned three times more for alleged anti-communist activity (non-recognition of Soviet power) in 1919, 1920 and 1922. In 1922, he was eventually expelled among some 160 prominent intellectuals and their families, on the so-called "philosophers' ship" from Petrograd to the seaport of Stettin.

Emigration[edit]

Ivan Ilyin (1931) Welt vor dem Abgrund.[17]

From 1922 to 1938, he lived in Berlin.[18]: 19  He had a German mother and wrote as well in German as in Russian.[18]: 20  Between 1923 and 1934, Ilyin worked as a professor of the Russian Scientific Institute in Berlin and cooperated with Nikolai Berdyaev on Russian Religious Renaissance. In his book On resisting evil by force he criticized pacifist Tolstoyism. In this work, he called for the courage to "arrest, condemn, and shoot," which Maxim Gorky called a "gospel of revenge" and Nikolai Berdyayev compared to a "Cheka of God" against the Bolshevik Cheka.[19]

He became the main ideologue of the Russian White movement who had emigrated outside of Russia. Between 1927 and 1930 he was a publisher and editor of the journal (Russkiy Kolokol, Russian Bell). He lectured in Germany and other European countries and used Dr. Alfred Normann or Julius Schweikert as pseudonym. After the Nazi seizure of power in Germany, he wrote an article “National Socialism. New spirit", in which he spoke in support of the new regime. Ilyin's relationship with the Nazi regime was complicated. When he was asked to join the anti-Jewish propaganda Ilyin refrained from following it.[20] The initial support proved to be short-lived: he had fallen victim to emigre denunciations, which prompted the search of his house by police and subsequent interrogation in August 1933. Upon release, the German police required him to sign a declaration: "I am aware that if I ‘engage in politics’, I will be sent to a concentration camp. To this I have added a distinct point, to the effect that the authorities themselves provide me with inducement through their anti-communist mission."[21]

Alte Landstrasse Zollikon, where Ilyin lived

In the same 1933, Ilyin also had had a short, few months long, lukewarm communication with the Russian National Socialists from the ROD (Russian Liberation Movement). Yet the full-blown cooperation never took off since Ilyin scorned the Russian radicals, thus the relationship ended abruptly already by June 1933, with the ROD bullies threatening to beat Ilyin "half to death". Until 1937, he continued to make reports and conducted anti-communist propaganda work. In early 1938, the Gestapo confiscated Ilyin's works and banned him from all public appearances. Ilyin decided to move to Switzerland, but the Berlin police forbade his departure.[20] In July he was able to leave with a Nansen passport and continue his work in Switzerland. With financial help from Sergei Rachmaninoff, he paid his bail. From 1940 Ilyin resided stateless in the village of Zollikon near Lake Zürich and began to publish in local newspapers. The Swiss authorities considered him an agent of Joseph Goebbels and he was constantly monitored. There was no danger from Ilyin's lectures, according to an expert opinion issued by the Swiss Army Command in 1942. They were "national in the sense that it is directed against the whole of the West".[22] In 1944 he refused to join the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia.

After the War he published ‘Axioms of Religious Experience’ and three volumes of philosophical and literary prose, originally written in German. He also finished a book on Monarchy, which had been thirty years in preparation. He died on 21 December 1954. After his death a two-volume anthology of articles published since 1948, called ‘Our Tasks’, was published. This was about the future of Russia and its State, once freed of Communism.[6]

Ilyin's works about Russia[edit]

In exile, Ivan Ilyin argued that Russia should not be judged by what he called the Communist danger it represented at that time but looked forward to a future in which it would liberate itself with the help of Christian fascism.[18]: 21  Starting from his 1918 thesis on Hegel's philosophy, he authored many books on political, social and spiritual topics pertaining to the historical mission of Russia. One of the problems he worked on was the question: what has eventually led Russia to the tragedy of the revolution? He answered that the reason was "the weak, damaged self-respect" of Russians.

As a result, mutual distrust and suspicion between the state and the people emerged. The authorities and nobility constantly misused their power, subverting the unity of the people. Ilyin thought that any state must be established as a corporation in which a citizen is a member with certain rights and certain duties. Therefore, Ilyin recognized inequality of people as a necessary state of affairs in any country. But that meant that educated upper classes had a special duty of spiritual guidance towards uneducated lower classes. This did not happen in Russia.

The other point was the wrong attitude towards private property among common people in Russia. Ilyin wrote that many Russians believed that private property and large estates are gained not through hard labour but through power and maladministration of officials. Therefore, property becomes associated with dishonest behaviour.

In his 1949 article, Ilyin argued against both totalitarianism and "formal" democracy in favor of a "third way" of building a state in Russia:[23]

Facing this creative task, appeals of foreign parties to formal democracy remain naive, light-minded and irresponsible.

Being a proponent of Ukrainophobia, for Ilyin, any talk about a Ukraine separate from Russia made one a mortal enemy of Russia. He disputed that an individual could choose their nationality any more than cells can decide whether they are part of a body.[18]: 23 

The concept of consciousness of law[edit]

The two above mentioned factors—the conflict between people and state, and the hostility towards private property—led to egalitarianism and to revolution. The alternative way of Russia according to Ilyin was to develop due "consciousness of law" of an individual based on morality and religiousness. Ilyin developed his concept of the "consciousness of law" for more than 20 years until his death. He understood it as a proper understanding of law by an individual and ensuing obedience to the law.

During his life he refused to publish his major work About the Essence of Consciousness of Law and continued to rewrite it. He considered the consciousness of law as essential for the very existence of law. Without proper understanding of law and justice, the law would not be able to exist.

Attitude towards monarchy[edit]

Another major work of Ilyin, "On Monarchy", was not finished. He planned to write a book concerning the essence of monarchy in the modern world and its differences from the republic. It consisted of twelve chapters, but he died having written the introduction and seven chapters. Ilyin argued that the main difference lay not in legal matters but in the conscience of law of common people. According to Ilyin, the main distinctions were the following:

  • in monarchy, the consciousness of law tends to unite the people within the state, but in a republic, the consciousness of law tends to disregard the role of the state for the society;
  • monarchical consciousness of law tends to perceive the state as a family and the monarch as a pater familias, but the republican consciousness of law denies this notion. Since the republican conscience of law praises individual freedom in the republican state, people do not recognize the people of the state as a family;
  • monarchical conscience of law is very conservative and prone to keeping traditions while republican consciousness of law is always eager for rapid change.

Ilyin was a monarchist. He believed that monarchical consciousness of law corresponds to such values as religious piety and family. His ideal was the monarch who would serve for the good of the country, would not belong to any party and would embody the union of all people, whatever their beliefs are.

However he was critical of the monarchy in Russia. He believed that Nicholas II was to a large degree the one responsible for the collapse of Imperial Russia in 1917. His abdication and the subsequent abdication of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich were crucial mistakes which led to the abolition of monarchy and consequent troubles.

He was also critical of many figures of the emigration, including Kirill Vladimirovich, Grand Duke of Russia, who had proclaimed himself the new tsar in exile.

View on fascism and antisemitism[edit]

His 1928 article 'On Russian Fascism' is about the fascist "method" of dealing with the Bolshevik plague.[24]

Fascism emerged as a reaction to Bolshevism, as a concentration of state-protective forces on the right. During the onset of leftist chaos and leftist totalitarianism, this was a healthy, necessary and inevitable phenomenon. This concentration will continue, even in the most democratic states: in the hour of national danger, the healthy forces of the people will always concentrate in the direction of security and dictatorship. So it was in ancient Rome, so it was in new Europe, and so it will continue to be.[25]

In 1933, he published an article titled "National Socialism. A New Spirit" in support of the takeover of Germany by Nazis.[26] When the Institute was moved under Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda not only the Jews, but also Ilyin lost his job because of his refusal to incorporate Nazi propaganda into his courses. Later Ilyin was accused of antisemitism by Roman Gul, a fellow émigré writer.[27] "I still have among the clippings your pro-Hitler articles where you recommend the Russians not to look at Hitlerism "through the eyes of Jews" and sing the praises of this movement!"[28]

Ilyin initially saw Adolf Hitler as a defender of civilization from Bolshevism and approved of the way Hitler had, in his view, derived his anti-communism and antisemitism from the ideology of the Russian Whites.[18]: 20  Ilyin looked on Mussolini and Hitler as exemplary leaders who were saving Europe by dissolving democracy.[2] He wrote: The greatest mistake of fascism was the revival of idolatrous Caesarism. "Caesarism" is the exact opposite of monarchism. Franco and Salazar have understood this and are trying to avoid these mistakes. They don't call their regime "fascist." Let's hope that Russian patriots will think through the mistakes of fascism and national socialism to the end and not repeat them.[29]

According to Timothy D. Snyder a number of Ilyin's works[30][29] (including those written after the Italian and German defeats in 1945) advocated fascism.[31] Later Ilyin would describe Nazis as those who had “walked the path of Anti-Christ.”[8]

Family[edit]

Ivan had three brothers: Alexey, Alexander and Igor. Igor Alexandrovich Ilyin was arrested on charges of "counter-revolutionary agitation" by Stalin's NKVD in the Moscow region. He was executed and buried at Butovo firing range on 19 November 1937.[32][33] The Ilyins had no children.

Influence[edit]

Following the death of Ilyin's wife in 1963, Ilyin scholar Nikolai Poltoratzky had Ilyin's manuscripts and papers brought from Zurich to Michigan State University, where he was a professor of Russian language.[34] In the USSR, Ilyin was hardly mentioned openly, but his works began to be published in 1988 during glasnost. Sometimes his name is surprisingly absent from descriptions of events of which Ilyin was an active participant, or his role is not considered in enough detail.[20]

Ilyin's views influenced other 20th-century Russian authors such as Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Aleksandr Dugin as well as many Russian nationalists. Brilliant analyses and forecasts of Ilyin made some of the Russian scientists think that it was necessary to research the methodological basis of Ilyin's analyses and his curriculum vitae. As of 2005, 23 volumes of Ilyin's collected works have been published in Russia.[35]

The Russian filmmaker Nikita Mikhalkov, in particular, was instrumental in propagating Ilyin's ideas in post-Soviet Russia. He authored several articles about Ilyin and came up with the idea of transferring his remains from Switzerland to the Donskoy Monastery in Moscow, where the philosopher had dreamed to find his last retreat. The ceremony of reburial was held in October 2005. In May 2006, and with the financial help of Viktor Vekselberg the MSU transferred Ilyin's papers and books, (including a rare "History of the Russian State" (1818) by Nikolay Karamzin) to the Russian Cultural Foundation, founded by Raisa Gorbacheva and affiliated with the Russian Ministry of Culture.[36] In April 2008, a memorial plaque of the graduate and teacher was installed on the oldest building of the Moscow State University at Mokhovaya Street.

Ilyin has been quoted by Russian President Vladimir Putin in his speeches in 2005, 2006, 2012, 2013, 2014 and 2022. He is considered by some observers to be a major ideological inspiration for Putin.[10][37][38][39][40][41][42] Putin decreed moving Ilyin's remains back to Russia, and in 2009 consecrated his grave.[43] At Russian New Year 2014, all high-ranking bureaucrats and local government officials were sent a copy of Ilyin's collection of essays "Our Tasks", a work by Nikolai Berdyayew and Vladimir Solovyov.[44] He was quoted or mentioned by Dmitry Medvedev, Sergey Lavrov, Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and many others.[2] He has been quoted at the end of Putin's speech on 30 September 2022 at the official annexation of Russian separatist Republics.

Major works[edit]

  • Hegel's philosophy as a doctrine of the concreteness of God and man (Философия Гегеля как учение о конкретности Бога и человека, 2 vols., 1918; German: Die Philosophie Hegels als kontemplative Gotteslehre, 1946)
  • Resistance to Evil By Force (О сопротивлениии злу силою, 1925).
  • The Way of Spiritual Revival (1935).
  • Foundations of Struggle for the National Russia (1938).
  • The Basis of Christian Culture (Основы христианской культуры, 1938).
  • About the Future Russia (1948).
  • On the Essence of Conscience of Law (О сущности правосознания, 1956).
  • The Way to Insight (Путь к очевидности, 1957).
  • Axioms of Religious Experience (Аксиомы религиозного опыта, 2 volumes, 1953).
  • On Monarchy and Republic (О монархии и республики, 1978).
  • Our Tasks (1948-1954). First published in Paris in 1955. In 1991, another edition of "Our Tasks" was published in Jordanville (USA), carried out by N.P. Poltoratsky.[2]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b c "Иван Александрович Ильин. Биография".
  2. ^ a b c "Ivan Ilyin: A Fashionable Fascist".
  3. ^ "Иван Ильин и фашизм » ИНТЕЛРОС". www.intelros.ru. Retrieved 2022-07-29.
  4. ^ Snyder, Timothy (2016-09-20). "Opinion | How a Russian Fascist Is Meddling in America's Election". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2022-07-29.
  5. ^ "Vladimir Putin sits atop a crumbling pyramid of power". The Guardian. 2022-02-27.
  6. ^ a b Ivan Ilyin (1883–1954)
  7. ^ ""Ich möchte dem Schweizervolk dienen"".
  8. ^ a b "Read Ivan Ilyin to Understand Modern Russia". 2017-08-24.
  9. ^ "Александр Солженицын. Как нам обустроить Россию". www.lib.ru. Retrieved 2022-05-11.
  10. ^ a b Robinson, Paul (2012-03-28). "Putin's Philosophy". The American Conservative. Retrieved 2022-02-27.
  11. ^ "Psychoanalytikerinnen in Russland".
  12. ^ https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2018/04/05/god-is-a-russian/ God Is a Russian by T.D. Snyder. In: New York Review of Books 5 April, 2018
  13. ^ Butler W. (2015) On the appearance of i. A. Il’in’s monograph ‘On the nature of legal consciousness’: towards the history of the publication
  14. ^ a b "The Philosophy of Hegel as a Doctrine of the Concreteness of God and Humanity".
  15. ^ Beruf, Verbannung, Schicksal: Iwan Iljin und Deutschland
  16. ^ Schmid, Ulrich M. "Der russische Philosoph aus Zollikon, der die Politik des Kremls mitbestimmt | NZZ". Neue Zürcher Zeitung.
  17. ^ "Iwan Iljin: Hauptseite >> Bücher >> Welt vor dem Abgrund".
  18. ^ a b c d e Snyder, Timothy David (2018). The road to unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America (PDF) (1 ed.). New York, USA: Tim Duggan Books, Crown Publishing Group, Penguin Random House LLC. pp. 19–21, 23. ISBN 978-0-52557446-0. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2022-03-14. Retrieved 2022-03-14. (184 pages)
  19. ^ Ulrich M. Schmid: Putins Philosoph aus Zollikon. Rezension, in: NZZ, 19. Mai 2018, S. 23
  20. ^ a b c "Iwan Iljin >> Biografie und Übersicht über die wissenschaftliche und literarische Tätigkeit".
  21. ^ Petrov, Igor; Beyda, Oleg (2021-01-01). "Stakeholders, Hangers-On, and Copycats: the Russian Right in Berlin in 1933" Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies – The George Washington University. Liberalism Studies Program Working Papers no. 6, April 2021.
  22. ^ "Exklusive Archivrecherche zu Iwan Iljin – Geheimakte von Putins Lieblingsphilosoph wird erstmals veröffentlicht". Der Bund (in German). Retrieved 2022-06-13.
  23. ^ "Иван Ильин". www.hrono.ru.
  24. ^ «Русский колокол». 1928. № 3, p. 54
  25. ^ Zakhartsev S.I. (2021) The Victory Day in the Great Patriotic War: What the Biography of the Philosopher I.A. Ilyin Hides // Russian Journal of Legal Studies (Moscow). Vol. 8. - N. 2. - P. 95-102. doi: 10.17816/RJLS66471
  26. ^ Ильин И.А. Национал-социализм. Новый дух (Возрождение, Париж 1933-03-17)
  27. ^ [1] Archived 16 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine
  28. ^ [Alexander Melikhov (2006) Who uses whom? Leonid Mlechin, Adolf Hitler and his Russian friends. Moscow, Tsentrpoligraf Publ.]
  29. ^ a b "I. Ilyin, On Fascism, 1948 (О фашизме)". Ru-contra.nm.ru. Archived from the original on 2005-02-14. Retrieved 2014-08-15.
  30. ^ "I. Ilyin, National-Socialism: The New Spirit. 1933 (Национал-социализм. Новый дух)". Iljinru.tsygankov.ru. Retrieved 2014-08-15.
  31. ^ Snyder, Timothy David (2016-09-20). "How a Russian Fascist Is Meddling in America's Election". The New York Times. Retrieved 2016-09-16.
  32. ^ "Списки жертв — Ильин Игорь Александрович". base.memo.ru. Retrieved 2021-04-11.
  33. ^ "Ильин Игорь Александрович".
  34. ^ "Michigan State University returning papers of late dissident Russian philosopher Ivan Il'in".
  35. ^ Ivan A Il'in. 1993–1999. Sobranie sochinenii [The Collected Works] (10 vols, 6,704 pp.). Moscow: Russkaia kniga. ISBN 5-268-01393-9.
  36. ^ "Michigan State University returning papers of late dissident Russian philosopher Ivan Il'in". Newsroom.msu.edu. Archived from the original on 2006-06-13.
  37. ^ Smirnova, Julia (2014-12-17). "Iwan Iljin - Putin übernimmt Ängste seines Lieblingsphilosophen". Kultur. Die Welt (in German). Archived from the original on 2022-03-14. Retrieved 2022-03-14.
  38. ^ Eltchaninoff, Michel (2015). Dans la tête de Vladimir Poutine (in French). Arles/Paris, France: Éditions Solin/Actes Sud. ISBN 978-2-330-03972-1. (NB. An English translation is available under the title "Inside the Mind of Vladimir Putin".)
  39. ^ Barbashin, Anton; Thoburn, Hannah (2015-09-20). "Putin's Philosopher". Foreign Affairs. ISSN 0015-7120. Retrieved 2022-02-27.
  40. ^ Laruelle, Marlene (2018-04-19). "In search of Putin's philosopher". Riddle Russia. Retrieved 2022-02-27.
  41. ^ Gaulhofer, Karl (2022-03-03). "Woher Putin sich sein Weltbild holt - An Russlands Wesen muss der Westen genesen: Gibt es eine kohärente Ideologie des Putinismus, die auch den Krieg rechtfertigt? Fündig wird man beim wiederbelebten Hofphilosophen Iwan Iljin – und es wird einem gar nicht wohl dabei" (in German). Die Presse. Archived from the original on 2022-03-07. Retrieved 2022-03-14.
  42. ^ Marquardt, Udo (2022-03-14). Putins Mastermind: Iwan Iljin. WDR 5 Scala - aktuelle Kultur (in German). Westdeutscher Rundfunk. Archived from the original on 2022-03-14. Retrieved 2022-03-14. [7:54]
  43. ^ Brooks, David. "Putin Can't Stop". New York Times.
  44. ^ Ramon Weisskopf (2016) Die vorkommunistische Philosophie von Iwan A. Iljin und ihr Einfluss auf Wladimir Putin, München, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/371275

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]