Jacob Zuma: Difference between revisions
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'''Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma''' (born [[April 12]], [[
'''Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma''' (born [[April 12]], [] at [[Inkandla]], [[KwaZulu-Natal]], []) is the president of the governing political party, the [[African National Congress]] (ANC), and a former [[Deputy President of South Africa|Deputy President]] of the [[Republic of South Africa]].<ref name="anc-bio" /> Zuma is often referred to by his initials '''JZ'''.
As probably the most prominent [[
As probably the most prominent [] ANC politician and a leader for leftist constituencies within the ANC, he has rallied the support of many even after his dismissal from the government in 2005 due to allegations of corruption. He remained popular, especially amongst Zulus, and the youth league of the ANC (the ruling party of South Africa) argue that Zuma has served [[History of South Africa in the apartheid era|the struggle]] well. Though his political future appeared more clouded during his rape trial, his most vocal supporters stayed faithful, gathering outside the courthouse to support him during his trial and celebrate the not-guilty verdict.
Zuma became the President of the ANC on 18 December 2007 after defeating incumbent [[Thabo Mbeki]] at the [[52nd National Conference of the African National Congress|ANC conference in Polokwane]].
Zuma became the President of the ANC on 18 December 2007 after defeating incumbent [[Thabo Mbeki]] at the [[52nd National Conference of the African National Congress|ANC conference in Polokwane]].
Revision as of 21:38, 28 May 2008
|Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma |
|President of the African National Congress|
December 18, 2007
|Preceded by||Thabo Mbeki|
|Member of Parliament|
1999 – 2005
|Deputy President of South Africa|
June 14, 1999 – June 14, 2005
|Preceded by||Thabo Mbeki|
|Succeeded by||Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka|
|Born||April 12, 1942|
|Political party||African National Congress|
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma (born April 12, 2010 at Inkandla, KwaZulu-Natal, england) is the president of the governing political party, the African National Congress (ANC), and a former Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa. Zuma is often referred to by his initials JZ.
As probably the most prominent shona ANC politician and a leader for leftist constituencies within the ANC, he has rallied the support of many even after his dismissal from the government in 2005 due to allegations of corruption. He remained popular, especially amongst Zulus, and the youth league of the ANC (the ruling party of South Africa) argue that Zuma has served the struggle well. Though his political future appeared more clouded during his rape trial, his most vocal supporters stayed faithful, gathering outside the courthouse to support him during his trial and celebrate the not-guilty verdict.
- 1 Biography
- 2 Early years
- 3 Criminal charges
- 4 Continued support after corruption charges
- 5 Analysis
- 6 Personal life
- 7 Zuma and Zimbabwe
- 8 Zuma vs the media
- 9 Controversy
- 10 See also
- 11 References
- 12 External links
Zuma was born in Nkandla, in what is now the KwaZulu-Natal Province. His clan name is Msholozi. He did not receive any formal schooling and spent his childhood moving between Zululand and the suburbs of Durban. His father was a policeman who died when Zuma was still a young boy.
Imprisonment and ban
In 1963, he was arrested with a group of 45 recruits near Zeerust in the western Transvaal, currently part of the North West Province. Convicted of conspiring to overthrow the government, he was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment, which he served on Robben Island with Nelson Mandela and other notable ANC leaders who were also imprisoned there.
After his release, he was instrumental in the re-establishment of ANC underground structures in the Natal province.
He became a member of the ANC National Executive Committee in 1977. He also served as Deputy Chief Representative of the ANC in Mozambique, a post he occupied until the signing of the Nkomati Accord between the Mozambican and South African governments in 1984. After signing the Accord, he was appointed as Chief Representative of the ANC.
Zuma was forced to leave Mozambique in January 1987 after considerable pressure on the Mozambican government by the PW Botha regime. He moved to the ANC Head Office in Lusaka, Zambia, where he was appointed Head of Underground Structures and shortly thereafter Chief of the Intelligence Department.
He served on the ANC's political and military council when it was formed in the mid-1980s.
Return to politics
Following the end of the ban on the ANC in February 1990, he was one of the first ANC leaders to return to South Africa to begin the process of negotiations.
In 1990, he was elected Chairperson of the ANC for the Southern Natal region, and took a leading role in fighting political violence in the region between members of the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). The IFP, led by Mangosuthu Buthelezi, put particular emphasis on Zulu pride and political power during this period. In this context, Zuma's Zulu heritage made his role especially important in the ANC's efforts to end the violence, to emphasize the political (rather than tribal) roots of the violence, and to win the support of Zulu people in the region.
Rise to national leadership
After the 1994 general election, he was appointed as Member of the Executive Committee (MEC) of Economic Affairs and Tourism for the KwaZulu-Natal provincial government, after stepping aside to allow Thabo Mbeki to run unopposed for deputy presidency. In December 1994, he was elected National Chairperson of the ANC and chairperson of the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, and was re-elected to the latter position in 1996. He was elected Deputy President of the ANC at the National Conference held at Mafikeng in December 1997 and consequently appointed executive Deputy President of South Africa in June 1999, and was widely believed to be heir apparent to the presidency after Thabo Mbeki steps down.
During this time, he also worked in Kampala, Uganda as facilitator of the Burundi peace process, along with President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. Museveni chairs the Great Lakes Regional Initiative, a grouping of regional presidents overseeing the peace process in Burundi, where several armed Hutu groups took up arms in 1993 against a government and army dominated by the Tutsi minority that had assassinated the first president elected from the Hutu majority.
Candidature for ANC President
He was chosen as the ANC Party President on the 18th December 2007 with 2329 votes, beating the second-term ANC and South African president Thabo Mbeki's 1505 votes. This makes Zuma the clear favorite in the upcoming elections to become next President of South Africa, since Mbeki is constitutionally unable to run again, and the ANC is by far the country's largest party.
On 28 December 2007, the Scorpions served Zuma an indictment to stand trial in the High Court on various counts of racketeering, money laundering, corruption and fraud, according to Michael Hulley, Zuma's attorney. The trial is to proceed on 14 August 2008. The charges are believed to be linked to the $5bn arms procurement deal by the South African government in 1999.
Zuma is an economic populist, who has occasionally described himself as "socialist." He has received support from trade unions and from the South African Communist Party. He also received support from women's and youth leagues of the African National Congress.
Zuma's criticisms of Mbeki
Analysis of his orientation
The Guardian (UK) has said that Zuma has tried "to reassure foreign investors their interests will be protected." According to The Guardian and The New York Times, he has spoken of redistribution of wealth, and he has allied himself with socialists and communists that seek to redistribute wealth to the poor. 
Zuma became embroiled in a corruption related controversy after his financial advisor, Schabir Shaik, was convicted of corruption and fraud, leading to Zuma's dismissal (by Thabo Mbeki) as deputy president of South Africa in June 2005. In the aftermath of the Shaik trial Zuma was formally charged with corruption by the National Prosecuting Authority. The case was struck from the roll of the Pietermaritzburg High Court after the prosecution's application for a postponement (petitioned in order to allow the NPA to secure admissible forms of documentation required as evidence) was dismissed. In dismissing the application for postponement the Court rendered moot the defence's application for a permanent stay of proceedings which would prevent Zuma from being criminally prosecuted.
Bulelani Ngcuka, the national director of Public Prosecutions at the time, investigated both Zuma and the Chief Whip of the ANC, Tony Yengeni, after allegations of abuse of power were leveled against them. This concerned improper influence in the controversial arms deal, and the question of financial benefit as a result of such influence. While Yengeni was found guilty, the case was dropped against Zuma, with Ngcuka stating "…that there was prima facie evidence of corruption, but insufficient to win the case in court", Ngcuka moved to private practice after criticism from the ANC over this incident.
In 2004, Zuma became a key figure mentioned in the Schabir Shaik trial. Schabir Shaik, a Durban businessman and his financial advisor, was questioned over bribery in the course of the purchase of Valour class frigates for the South African Navy, a proposed waterfront development in Durban, and lavish spending on Zuma's residence in Nkandla. On 2 June 2005, Shaik was found guilty and sentenced to 15 years in prison, with Judge Hilary Squires describing the relationship between Zuma and Shaik as "mutually beneficial symbiosis". The media mis-reported this as "A generally corrupt relationship", although this description does not appear in the court transcripts.
After twelve days of intense media speculation about his future, President Thabo Mbeki relieved Zuma of his duties as deputy president on 14 June 2005. Mbeki told a joint sitting of parliament that "in the interest of the honourable Deputy President, the government, our young democratic system and our country, it would be best to release the honourable Jacob Zuma from his responsibilities as Deputy President of the republic and member of the cabinet." Zuma then resigned as a Member of Parliament.
Zuma's legal team continued to delay proceedings and in spite of Zuma's claim that he desired the matter appear in court succeeded in making critical evidence unavailable to the court resulting in the prosecution making an application for postponement on the set date. As the prosecution was not ready the case was struck from the roll after the prosecution's application for a postponement was dismissed, however Zuma's legal team has been unsuccessful in its attempts to have the courts grant a permanent stay of proceedings (which would render Zuma immune to prosecution on the charges). The current situation suggests that Zuma will be recharged with corruption pertaining to this case, as soon as the NPA has completed preparing its case. Coupled with the fact that Schabir Shaik was found guilty of corruption and begun his sentence from 7 November 2006, the prosecution's case against Zuma appears to have gained a little more footing.
On 8 November 2007 the Supreme Court of Appeal ruled in favour of the National Prosecuting Authority with respect to appeals relating to various search and seizure exercises performed by the and rejected four appeals made by Zuma's defence team. This ruling pertained to the National Prosecuting Authority obtaining the person diary of senior member of a French arms company, which may obtain information relating to Zuma's possible corrupt practices during the awarding of an arms deal.
On 28 December 2007, the Scorpions served Zuma an indictment to stand trial in the High Court on various counts of racketeering, money laundering, corruption and fraud. The trial is to proceed on 14 August 2008. The charges are believed to be linked to the $5bn arms procurement deal by the South African government in 1999.
Should Jacob Zuma be convicted of corruption and sentenced to a term of imprisonment of more than 1 year (without being pardoned by Thabo Mbeki) he will be ineligible for election to the South African Parliament and subsequently will not be able to serve as President of the Republic of South Africa.
In November 2005, an investigation began into charges that he had raped the 31 year old daughter of a deceased struggle comrade at his home in Forest Town, Johannesburg. Even before charges were filed, the news media reported that the alleged victim was a member of a prominent ANC family and also an AIDS activist; and that Zuma had acknowledged a consensual sexual relationship with the woman in question.
On the morning of December 6, 2005, rape charges against Zuma were formally filed. He vehemently denied the charges, and affirmed his political commitment to oppose sexual violence. The accuser, the young daughter of a deceased friend of Zuma's from during the years of the struggle against apartheid, was known by Zuma to be HIV positive. On May 8 2006, the Court dismissed the charges, agreeing that the sexual act in question was consensual. During the trial, Zuma admitted to having unprotected sex with his accuser but claimed that he took a shower afterwards to "cut the risk of contracting HIV". Zuma at the time headed the National AIDS Council. This statement has been condemned by the judge, health experts, AIDS activists as well as ridiculed by the public in general. The popular South African comic strip, Madam & Eve, and well known political cartoonist, Zapiro, have repeatedly lampooned the matter.
Even before charges were filed, as rumors about rape accusations surfaced later in November Zuma's political prospects began to appear to take a turn for the worse. Most of his higher-level political supporters could not respond to these new charges the way they had the corruption charges. In a hearing prior to the rape trial, a group of thousands of his supporters gathered near the courthouse, as a smaller gathering of anti-rape groups demonstrated on behalf of the alleged rape survivor. As he did throughout the trial, Zuma sang Lethu Mshini Wami (Bring me my machine gun) with the crowd, and ANC Youth League and Communist Party Youth League spokesmen spoke in support of Zuma.
As the rape trial proceeded, reports surfaced that the South African Communist Party was severely divided over how to address the issue of Zuma and the SACP's relationship to him. Many members of the party's youth wing supported Zuma while others in the SACP were sceptical about the value of rallying behind a particular person as opposed to emphasizing principles of governance.  
Despite the defection of some former supporters, many Zuma supporters continued to rally outside the courthouse, arousing criticism by anti-rape groups for regular attacks on the integrity and moral standing of Zuma's accuser, insults yelled at a close friend of the accuser, and even stones thrown at a woman that members of the crowd mistook for the accuser. Zuma's defense team introduced evidence relating to the woman's sexual past, and asserted that the sex that took place was consensual. The prosecution asserted that her lack of resistance was due to a state of shock, and that the relationship between the two was like that of a 'father-daughter' pair. 
The trial also generated political controversy when Zuma, who headed the National AIDS Council, admitted that he had not used a condom when having sex with the woman who now accuses him of rape, despite knowing that she was HIV-positive. He stated in court that he took a shower to try to reduce his risk of infection, upsetting HIV educators who emphasized that this would do nothing to prevent HIV transmission.
Continued support after corruption charges
While serving as deputy president, Zuma enjoyed considerable support in parts of the left wing of the ANC, including many in the ANC Youth League, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). While Zuma faced corruption charges, these organizations remained supportive of him. The influence of the semi-autonomous structures within the party helped Zuma retain support even as he lost the deputy presidency. For example, although he resigned as ANC deputy president soon after Schaik's convictions, he was reinstated---and granted a salary by the party, a privilege not previously enjoyed by any of the holders of that office.
Zuma's dismissal was interpreted in two ways. Many international observers hailed it as a clear sign that the South African government was dedicated to rooting out corruption within its own ranks. On the other hand, some within South Africa focused on the fact that Zuma and Mbeki represent different constituencies within the African National Congress. Some leftists saw his axing as an opportunity for Mbeki's more market-oriented wing of the party to gain further ascendancy, and theories about a conspiracy to knock Zuma down ran rampant in some South African circles.
Zuma's cause rallied large crowds of supporters to his cause at each of his appearances for corruption-related court dates in 2005. At one court date, Zuma supporters burned t-shirts with Mbeki's picture on them, which earned the condemnation of the ANC; Zuma and his allies urged a return to party discipline for subsequent gatherings. At the next court date in November, Zuma supporters numbering in the thousands gathered to support him; he addressed the Durban crowd in Zulu, urging party unity and singing the apartheid-era struggle song Lethu Mshini Wami with lyrics that translate literally to "bring me my machine" but understood to refer to a machine gun. At an October tour for the ANC Youth League elsewhere in the country, Zuma also earned the cheers of large crowds. While his political strength is at least partly based on his relationships within intra-party politics, one analyst argued that his supporters' loyalty could be explained as rooted in a Zulu approach to loyalty and mutual aid. Zuma had been particularly successful in rallying Zulu supporters. And the song Lethu Mshini Wami has become an anthem of pro-Zuma crowds.
Because of his support among elements of the party, Zuma remained a credible political figure even after his dismissal; many believed that all that stood between him and the presidency was a credible defense against the corruption charges brought against him. This was a task made more difficult but by no means impossible by the unequivocal judgment against Shaik. Zuma retained high-ranking status within the ANC and so his supporters hoped that he could still run for president in 2009 if found innocent of the charges made against him. A panel of political analysts convened in November 2005 (before rape charges surfaced) agreed that if he was to be found innocent, Zuma would be hard to beat by any other potential ANC candidate. However, these analysts also questioned whether Zuma was indeed a left-wing candidate of the sort that many of his supporters seem to seek, and noted that the global and national economic constraints that have shaped Mbeki's presidency would be no different in the next presidential term.
Zuma's successor as Deputy President of South Africa is Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, the wife of Bulelani Ngcuka, who had been Minister of Minerals and Energy since 1999. While her appointment was widely welcomed by the business community, her popularity with rank-and-file ANC members remains uncertain. She was booed publicly at at least one ANC rally by Zuma supporters between the time corruption charges had been filed but before rape charges were made.
Meanwhile, as his rape trial ended, many South Africans wondered how their political system would recover from the rifts that Zuma's trials have exposed. A Mail and Guardian analysis saw these events as especially troubling:
- The political damage is incalculable, with the ruling African National Congress now an openly divided and faltering movement. This has had a domino effect on the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, which have floundered and fractured in the face of damaging charges against a man they ardently backed as the country's next president.
- The trial has been fought against the backdrop of a bitter succession war between Mbeki and Zuma… Mbeki's support in the ANC has crumbled, with the party faithful refusing to accept that he will anoint a leader… But even Zuma's most diehard supporters privately acknowledge that he cannot now be president, regardless of the trial outcome.
Nonetheless, Business Day's Karima Brown told The Guardian after the rape trial's verdict was handed down, "Jacob Zuma is back. This poses a serious dilemma for the ANC leadership. Now Zuma is marching back into Luthuli House [the ANC party HQ]. He will demand to be reinstated as deputy president and the others will find it difficult to block him … This is a major victory for Zuma's political career."
The prospect of Zuma's return as a contender for the presidency has reportedly caused South African business leaders to work on reassuring international investors; but even as they reassure, an Independent analyst suggested, "The fear of seeing Zuma and his crowd marching to the Union Buildings wielding machine guns is unnerving mostly to the middle class and businessmen, according to recent surveys."
As Zuma faces his corruption trial, the question of presidential succession looks increasingly unlikely for the beleaguered ANC stalwart. Whilst there is no doubt that his innocence or guilt can only be decided by a court of law, his behaviour in recent years has left a shadow over his sense of judgement and necessary education. His election as the president of the ANC on December 18, 2007 means that he now effectively controls the country's government as, although Thabo Mbeki is still reigning president, he heads up an ANC government and will report to the head of his party.
- Sizakele Khumalo, whom he met in 1959. She lives at his home at Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal. They have no children.
- Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, with whom he had four children, but from whom he is divorced.
- Kate, with whom he had five children. She committed suicide on December 8, 2000.
- Mantuli Zuma married Mr. Zuma five years ago. She has a five-year old daughter and a seven-month-old son with him.
- Nompumelelo Ntuli, the mother of two of his children, married on January 8, 2008. Ntuli, born 1975, is a resident of KwaMaphumulo near Stanger and has two children with Zuma -- Thandisiwe, born 2002, and Sinqobile, born February 2006.
- Zuma paid lobola to the clan of Thobeka Stacy Mabhija, 35, with whom he has two children. The second is three months old. Ms. Mabhija works at a mobile phone company.
- Zuma paid 10 cattle as lobola for Swazi Princess Sebentile Dlamini in 2002. 
- Lobola has been paid for Bongi Ngema, with whom he has a 3-year-old son
He reportedly has 18 children, including one resulting from an affair with Minah Shongwe, sister of Judge Jeremiah Shongwe, who asked to be recused from Mr. Zuma’s rape trial because of the liaison. She has a son, Edward, 30, with Mr. Zuma.
Zuma and Zimbabwe
Due to South Africa's proximity, strong trade links, and similar struggle credentials, South Africa is in a unique position to influence politics in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe's economic slide since 2000 has been a matter of increasing concern to many countries. Western diplomats have attempted to persuade South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki to take a harder line with Robert Mugabe. Western countries, particularly the US, Britain, and Australia, have made allegations of violent attacks on the opposition movement by the Zimbabwean government, and criticized land reform in Zimbabwe.
Mbeki has never publicly criticised Mugabe's policies – preferring "quiet diplomacy" rather than "megaphone diplomacy," his term for the harsh Western condemnations of Mugabe's leadership.
On the situation in Zimbabwe, Jacob Zuma, has stated:
It is even more tragic that other world leaders who witness repression pretend it is not happening, or is exaggerated. When history eventually deals with the dictators, those who stood by and watched should also bear the consequences.
A shameful quality of the modern world is to turn away from injustice and ignore the hardships of others.
Zuma's main backers the ANC Youth League, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have always advocated for a tougher stance on Zimbabwe.
"The Europeans often ignore the fact that Mugabe is very popular among Africans. In their eyes, he has given blacks their country back after centuries of colonialism,"
"The people love him, so how can we condemn him? Many in Africa believe that there is a racist aspect to European and American criticism of Mugabe. Millions of blacks died in Angola, the Republic of Congo and Rwanda. A few whites lost their lives in Zimbabwe, unfortunately, and already the West is bent out of shape."
Zuma vs the media
As a backlash to the frenzied media following of his rape trial, Zuma filed a series of defamation lawsuits against various South African media outlets for publishing unsavoury content that allegedly besmirched his public profile, in the form of cartoons, commentary, photos and parody pieces. These lawsuits were filed on 30 June 2006.
The media outlets that have come under fire are:
- The Star – R 20 million
- Rapport – R 10 million
- Highveld Stereo – R 6 million
- The Citizen – R 5 million
- Sunday Sun – R 5 million
- Sunday Independent – R 5 million
- Sunday World – R 5 million
Former Conservative Party MP advocate Jurg Prinsloo, as well as Wycliffe Mothuloe have been appointed by Zuma to tackle his so-called 'crucifixion by the media.'
- "For a period of five years my person has been subjected to all types of allegations and innuendo, paraded through the media and other corridors of influence without these allegations having being tested. I have thereby been denied my constitutional right to reply and defend myself.", June 29, 2005.
The response from the challenged media has been highly critical, and written protests to various media outlets slam accuse Zuma of challenging their freedom of speech.
Zuma was ridiculed further in an advertisement for Pronto Condoms, using his famous shower statement.
Remarks on homosexual marriage
Zuma was sharply criticised by gay and lesbian groups after he criticized same-sex marriage at a Heritage Day celebration on 24 September 2006 in Stanger. He said same-sex marriages were "a disgrace to the nation and to God" and "When I was growing up, an ungqingili (a homosexual) would not have stood in front of me. I would knock him out."
The Joint Working Group (a homosexual lobby organisation) questioned Zuma's leadership skills and stated that a "true leader leads with intellect and wisdom - not popularity or favour. How can a narrow-minded person like this be expected to lead our nation?" Zuma subsequently apologised to those who were offended by the statement, by stating: 'I also respect, acknowledge and applaud the sterling contribution of many gay and lesbian compatriots in the struggle that brought about our freedom, and the role they continue to play in the building of a successful non-racial, non-discriminatory South Africa.'
Remarks on Western Sahara
Habib Defouad, Morocco's ambassador to South Africa, strongly criticized Zuma's support for the independence of Western Sahara in June 2007. ANC has since the 1970s strongly supported the Sahrawi independence movement Front Polisario, under both Mandela and Mbeki, considering it Africa's last colony. In 2004 South Africa recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, or SADR, as a legitimate government-in-exile.
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- Zimbabwe Metro – Zuma blasts Mbeki 's Zimbabwe quiet diplomacy retrieved December 18 2007
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- South Africa: Moroccan Envoy Scathing On Zuma's Sahara Remarks, But Gets No Apology, June 26, 2007. AllAfrica.
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|Deputy President of South Africa
|President of the African National Congress