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Jizya or jizyah (Arabic: جزية ǧizyah IPA: [dʒizja]; Ottoman Turkish: cizye) is a religiously required per capita tax levied by a Muslim state on non-Muslim subjects permanently residing in Muslim lands under Islamic law.[specify] Islamic jurists required adult, free, sane males among the dhimma community to pay the jizya while exempting women, slaves, minors, the poor, the insane, and musta'mins (non-Muslim foreigners who only temporarily reside in Muslim lands). Jizya is mandated by the Quran and the Hadiths.
The application of jizya varied throughout Islamic history. Jizya and kharaj collected from non-Muslims, were terms that were sometimes used interchangeably, and together were the predominant contributor to total annual taxes collected by the Muslim officials in various Islamic states. Jizya tax rates on non-Muslims have historically varied from being a fixed annual amount regardless of one's income, to 50% of their produce.[dubious ] Muslims have been exempt from Jizya tax, paying a 2.5% Zakat tax on annual income instead.[need quotation to verify]
Jizya is an example of taxes that depended on the religion of the individual. Some scholars state Jizya to be a discriminatory tax. Historically, the Jizya tax has been rationalized in Islam as a fee for protection provided by the Muslim ruler to non-Muslims, for the permission to practice a non-Muslim faith with some communal autonomy in a Muslim state, and as material proof of the non-Muslims' submission to the Muslim state and its laws. Jizya has also been rationalized as a symbol of the humiliation of the non-Muslims in a Muslim state for not converting to Islam.
The jizya tax was historically imposed on Jews and Christians in Arabian peninsula, the Levant, Iraq, North Africa, Caucasus and Spain, and on Hindus in South Asia into the 19th century, but almost vanished in the 20th century. The tax is no longer imposed by nation states in the Islamic world, moderate Muslims consider the dhimmi system as inappropriate for the modern era, though modern era Islamic scholars such as Abul A'la Maududi of Pakistan and Yusuf al-Qaradawi of Egypt have argued that Jizya should be re-imposed on non-Muslims in a Muslim nation. In modern era, religious minorities such as Hindus and Sikhs in northwest Pakistan have been forced to pay jizya or leave, and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant has enforced jizya in some areas they have captured.
The overwhelming majority of moderate Muslims reject the dhimma system, and therefore jizya, as anachronistic, in the sense that it is inappropriate for the age of nation-states and democracies.
- 1 Etymology and Meaning
- 2 Scripture
- 3 Rationale
- 4 Application
- 5 History
- 6 Comparison between Zakat and Jizya under Islamic law
- 7 Criticism and support
- 8 See also
- 9 References
- 10 Sources
- 11 External links
Etymology and Meaning
Commentators disagree on the definition and derivation of the word jizya:
- Shakir and Khalifa's English translations of the Qur'an render jizya as "tax", while Pickthal translates it as "tribute". Yusuf Ali prefers to transliterate the term as jizyah.
- The early 20th century Islamic scholar Yusuf Ali explained Jizyah as follows, "the root meaning is compensation. The derived meaning was a poll tax levied on those who did not accept Islam, but were willing to live under the protection of Islam, and were thus tacitly willing to submit to its ideals being enforced in the Muslim state. There was no amount permanently fixed for it, and in any case it was an acknowledgment that those whose religion was tolerated would in their turn not interfere with the preaching and progress of Islam. I accept the interpretation An Yadin (for Jizya in Quranic verse 9:29) to be 'in token of willing submission'."
- Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, a classical Muslim lexicographer, writes about jizya: "A tax that is levied on Dhimmis and it is so named because it is in return for the protection they are guaranteed."
- Thomas Walker Arnold thought of Jizya as being an exemption from military service, he gives the example of the tribe of al-Jurajima, a Christian tribe in the neighborhood of Antioch who "made peace with the Muslims, promising to be their allies and fight on their side in battle, on condition that they should not be called upon to pay jizyah and should receive their proper share of the booty."
- Edward William Lane, citing Ibn Athir in An Arabic-English Lexicon defines jizya as "the tax that is taken from the free non-Muslim subjects of a Muslim government whereby they ratify the compact that assures them protection, as though it were a protection for their not being slain.[need quotation to verify]
- Ibn Rushd explains that jizya is in fact a broader concept than just a head-tax. It also includes monies exacted in times of war – what is normally understood in English by the word ‘tribute’ – as well as levies (‘ushr) on non-Muslim merchants who are trading in the Dar al-Harb.[need quotation to verify]
- Michael Morony states that the emergence of "protected status and the definition of jizya as the poll tax on non-Muslim subjects appears to have been achieved only by the early eighth century. This came as a result of growing suspicions about the loyalty of the non-Muslim population during the second civil war and of the literalist interpretation of the Quran by pious Muslims."
- Bravmann states that jizya (al-gizyatu an yadin, gizyah) meant ransom in early Arabic society, as a compensation for letting someone live rather than killing that person.
- Jane McAuliffe states that Jizya, in early Islamic texts, was an annual tribute expected from non-Muslims, and not a poll tax.
- Tritton states that both Jizya in west, and Kharaj in the east Arabia meant tribute. It was also called Jawali in Jerusalem. Shemesh notes that Abu Yusuf, Abu Ubayd, Qudama, Khatib and Yahya used the terms Jizya, Kharaj, Ushr and Tasq as synonyms. Long states Jizya in Islamic history sometimes referred to a land tax.
- Lambton states that the "origins of Jizya are extremely complex, regarded by some jurists as compensation paid by non-Muslims for being spared from death and by others as compensation for living in Muslim lands".
Disambiguation of the terms Kharaj and Jizya
Throughout Islamic history, the terms jizya and kharaj were often used interchangeably, and these were collected from non-Muslims as a combined assessment.[not specific enough to verify]
Some studies question the almost synonymous usage of the terms kharaj and jizya in the historical sources. The general view suggests that while the terms kharaj and jizya appear to have been utilized interchangeably in early historical sources, what they specified in any given case depended on the linguistic context.
Ziauddin Ahmed remarks that the popular assumption is that Jizya and Kharaj are two different concepts, jizya being poll tax, while kharaj being a land tax, but in reality the jizya verse in Quran does not provide this clarification. Historical Islamic texts, writes Ahmed, mention phrases such as 'Jizya on their lands' and 'Kharaj on their heads', which suggests that these were synonymous terms in practice.He states that, in the time of Muhammad, there is no testimony to suggest that any tax term other than Jizya existed, and the term Jizya in early Islam was a tribute expected from non-Muslim individuals or communities as a poll or on produce.
Anver Emon wrote that when a reference to "kharaj on their heads" is found in a source, then the reference is to a poll tax, in spite of the use of the term kharaj, which later became the term of art of land tax. Likewise, if the expression "jizya on their territory" is used, then this referred to land tax, in spite of the usage of the word jizya which later come to refer to the poll tax. Thus, early history shows that albeit each term did not have a determinate specialized meaning at first, the concepts of poll tax and land tax existed early in Islamic history.
Jizya is sanctioned by the Qur'an based on the following verse:
Fight those who believe not in Allah nor the Last Day, nor hold that forbidden which hath been forbidden by Allah and His Messenger, nor acknowledge the religion of Truth, (even if they are) of the People of the Book, until they pay the jizya with willing submission, and feel themselves subdued.
|This article relies too much on references to primary sources. (November 2015)|
Jizya is mentioned a number of times in the hadiths. Common themes across multiple hadith (and often multiple collections of hadith) include Muhammad ordering his military commanders to fight non-Muslims until they accepted Islam or paid the jizya, Muhammad and a number of caliphs imposing jizya on non-Muslim residents of Islamic lands, and the prediction of eventual abolition of jizya with the establishment of Islam as the only religion by Allah and Jesus' Second Coming. Specific hadith examples include:
- Muhammad commanded his military leaders to fight "those who disbelieve in Allah. Make a holy war, do not embezzle the spoils; do not break your pledge; and do not mutilate (the dead) bodies; do not kill the children. When you meet your enemies who are polytheists, invite them to three courses of action. If they respond to any one of these, you also accept it and withold yourself from doing them any harm. Invite them to (accept) Islam; invite them to migrate from their lands; If they refuse to migrate, if they refuse to accept Islam, demand from them the Jizya. If they agree to pay, accept it from them and hold off your hands. If they refuse to pay the tax, seek Allah's help and fight them."
- Some non-Muslim kings, agreed to pay Jizya to Muhammad in exchange for sparing their lives and for peace, or in exchange for letting their people to stay where they are.
- Muslim rulers collected the jizya from the "Magian infidels" (Zoroastrians), from people of Bahrain and others.
- The caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab spent spoils of war (fay) collected from non-Muslims as stipends for Muslims, and provided protection to non-Muslims for jizya they paid.
- Grim warnings against tormenting of non-Muslims who fail to pay jizya, since Muhammad is reported to have said: "Allah would torment those who torment people in the world."
- Jesus will come again, who will fight for the cause of Islam, (among other things) abolish Jizya, and Allah will perish all religions except Islam.
Most Muslim jurists regard the jizya as a special payment collected from non-Muslims in return for the responsibility of protection fulfilled by Muslims, as well as for non-Muslims being exempt from military service. However, Mikhail states that it is "doubtful that the average individual viewed the jizya as a payment in lieu of military servive or for protection, as later jurists claim. Indeed, [Quran] sura 9:29 does not cite either reason for its collection. By the first quarter of the eighth century, most Arabs did not serve in the army either".
Thirdly, jizya created a place for the inclusion of a non-Muslim dhimmi in a land owned and ruled by a Muslim, where routine payment of jizya was a tool of social stratification and treasury's revenue. Finally, jizya served as a reminder of subordination of a non-Muslim under Muslims, and created a financial and political incentive for dhimmis to convert to Islam.[full citation needed]
The Muslim jurist and theologian Fakhr al-Din al-Razi suggested in his interpretation of Q.9:29 that jizya is an incentive to convert. Taking it isn't intended to preserve the existence of disbelief (kufr) in the world. Rather jizya allows the non-Muslim to live amongst Muslims and experience the goodness of Islam in the hope that the non-Muslim will convert to Islam.
Many Muslim rulers saw jizya as a material proof of the non-Muslims' acceptance of the authority of the Islamic state.[page needed] The Islamic jurists have generally believed that jizya tax is a badge of humiliation and punishment of non-Muslims for their unbelief, its exemption for Muslims a reward for their belief,[need quotation to verify] but some modern era scholars consider this as a literal interpretation and question its historical implementation.
|This article relies too much on references to primary sources. (November 2015)|
The 8th century founder of Maliki fiqh, Malik Ibn Anas, in Al-Muwatta Number 17.24.42 states that Muhammad collected jizya from the "Magians" (Zoroastrians) of Bahrain and Persia, and from the Berbers. In Number 17.24.44, he states that Umar ibn al-Khattab imposed a jizya tax of four dinars on those living where gold was the currency, and forty dirhams on those living where silver was the currency. Moreover, the non-Muslims had to "provide for the Muslims and receive them as guests for three days".
In Number 17.24.45, Malik states that Umar ibn al-Khattab took a camel branded as jizya (not zakat) and ordered for it to be slaughtered, the meat placed on platters with fruits and delicacies, and distributed to the wives of Muhammad. He then had the remainder prepared and invited the Muhajirun and the Ansar to eat it. Malik, of Maliki madhab of Sunni, stated regarding this "I do not think that livestock should be taken from people who pay the jizya except as jizya."
In Number 17.24.46, Malik says that jizya is only taken from male non-Muslims who are past puberty. Further, if they convert to Islam, they are relieved from paying jizya. Jizya, Malik adds, is imposed on non-Muslim "People of the Book" to humble them; also, they do not have to pay zakat, which is paid by Muslims. If the non-believers remain in one country, they pay no other property taxes; however, if they do business in multiple Muslim countries, then they have to pay ten percent of the value of the traded goods each time they visit or trade in another country.
Finally, in Book 21, Number 21.19.49a Malik states that when one collects jizya from a people who surrendered peacefully, then they are allowed to keep their land and property. However, if they resist and then surrender in battle and forced to give jizya, then their land and property is seized and becomes a booty for Muslims.
In the Kitab al-Kharaj by the Hanafi scholar Abu Yusuf, the Jizya payment is set at 48 dirhams for the richest (e.g. moneychangers), 24 for those of moderate wealth, and 12 for craftsmen and manual laborers. Jizya should be collected in cash or in kind, such as goods, beasts of burden that can be slaughtered for food, or other property. According to Abu Yusuf, Jizya must be collected from anyone who has any means (income, property), even if he is a cripple, invalid, monk or blind.
Any non-Muslim who converts to Islam shall become exempt from Jizya, stated Yusuf. However, the new convert must pay Jizya for previous years, at the time of conversion, for the period he was a non-Muslim. Yusuf stated that non-Muslims should not be beaten in order to exact payment of the jizya nor punished if they fail to pay jizya. Instead, they should arrested and put in prison till jizya has been exacted from them in full.
As Muslim army commanders expanded their empire and attacked countries in Asia, Africa and southern Europe, they would offer three conditions to their enemies: convert to Islam, or pay jizyah (tax) every year, or face war to death. Those who refused war and refused to convert were deemed to have agreed to pay jizya.[not specific enough to verify]
Source of jizya tax
Islamic jurists required adult, free, sane males among the dhimma community to pay the jizya while exempting the women, slaves, minors, and the insane, as well as musta'mins (non-Muslim foreigners who only temporarily reside in Muslim lands) and converts to Islam. Some jurists[who?] excluded Monks, the old and the sick. Ann Lambton observes that the rules formulated by jurists in the early Abbasid period "appear to have remained generally valid thereafter".
Though jizya was mandated initially for People of the Book (Judaism, Christianity, Sabianism), it was extended by Islamic jurists to all non-Muslims. Thus Muslim rulers, with the exception of Akbar, collected jizya from Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs under their rule.
Ann Lambton states that the jizya was paid in humiliating conditions by every free male dhimmi of age, who became exempt from Jizya if he converted to Islam. Monks were exempt from Jizya according to some Muslim jurists while others disagreed. Foreigners staying temporarily in Muslim lands were exempt. These rules formulated by jurists in the early Abbasid period, according to Lambton, appear to thereafter have been generally followed. According to medieval Islamic opinions, states Cohen, the Quran itself does not prescribe humiliating treatment for the dhimmi when paying Jizya, but later Muslims interpreted it to contain "an equivocal warrant for debasing the dhimmi (non-Muslim) through a degrading method of remission".
The sources of jizya tax and the practices varied significantly over Islamic history. The jizya varied in accordance with the affluence of the people of the region and their ability to pay. In this regard, Abu Ubayd ibn Sallam comments that the Prophet imposed 1 dinar (then worth 10 or 12 dirhams) upon each adult in Yemen. This was less than what Umar imposed upon the people of Syria and Iraq, the higher rate being due to the Yemenis greater affluence and ability to pay. Ennaji and other scholars state that Jizya tax had to be paid by each non-Muslim male in person, by presenting himself, arriving on foot not horseback, by hand, in order to confirm that he lowers himself to being a subjected one, accepts humiliation of having been conquered, willingly pays in gratitude for his life being spared in lieu of the taxes. Ari Ariel states that in 19th century Ottoman Empire, the Jews were required to pay jizya as a lumpsum community tax instead of individually, and the lumpsum jizya was not based on "actual total number of adult Jewish males", but based on a higher historic number before they had abandoned the Islamic state. A Ben Shemesh writes that in some traditions non-Muslim women were also required to pay Jizya.
Abu Yusuf wrote, "slaves, women, children, the old, the sick, monks, hermits, the insane, the blind and the poor, were exempt from the tax" and states that jizya should not be collected from those non-Muslims who have neither income nor any property, but survive by begging and from alms. Exemptions were granted, by the companion ‘Umar of 7th century, such as the likes of an extremely old blind Jew. Islamic scholars have disagreed as to whether and to what degree jizya must be collected from the poor non-Muslims.
The treaty Khalid bin al-Walid concluded with the people of Al-Hirah of Iraq required all non-Muslim men and women to pay jizyah, but included a clause that exempted Jizya from any aged person who was weak, had lost his or her ability to work, fallen ill, or who had been rich but became poor.[need quotation to verify]
The Qur'anic exegete Al-Qurtubi writes that "there is a consensus amongst Islamic scholars that jizya is to be taken only from heads of free men past puberty and who are fighting, but not from women, the children, the slaves, the insane, and the dying old." The 13th century Islamic scholar Al-Nawawi wrote, "A woman, a hermaphrodite, a slave even when partially enfranchised, a minor and a lunatic are exempt from poll-tax," but he also said that, "Our religion compels the poll tax to be paid by dying people, the old, even in a state of incapacity, the blind, the monks, the poor and those incapable of practicing a trade. As for people who seem to be insolvent at the end of the year, the sum of the poll tax remained as debt to their account until they should become solvent." In contrast, the 14th century Islamic scholar Ibn Qayyim wrote, "And there is no Jizya upon the aged, one suffering from chronic disease, the blind, and the patient who has no hope of recovery and has despaired of his health, even if they have enough.". In addition to approving that "There is no Jizya on the kids, women and the insane. This is the view of the four imams. Ibn Munzar said, ‘I do not know anyone to have differed with them.’ Abu Muhammad ibn Qudama said in al-Mughni, ‘We do not know of any difference of opinion among the learned on this issue." The latter is the correct policy in light of the exemption ‘Umar made for an old Jew and the likes of him.
Shelomo Dov Goiten states that some of these exemptions were no longer observed during later periods in Muslim history, was discarded entirely by the Shāfi‘ī School of Law. Krijnie Nelly Ciggaar writes that in the 9th century, the pagan law, in Egypt and West Asia required Christians to pay jizya in guineas, or thirteen dinars if really poor. Those who could not afford to pay were put in jail, until "God sent an angel to set him free" or "other Christians paid for his freedom".
Period of contract
Shoukri says that there is an "apparent consensus" among Muslim scholars that the dhimma contract is perpetual and not temporary. Ibn Muflih states that even "the imam has no right to change this contract" or to cancel it, as al-Mirdawi says. Al-Husayni, Al-Shirbini as well as Ibn Yusuf state that the four obligations of a non-Muslim, under this contract, included paying jizya, accepting rulings of the Islamic law, only speaking well about Islam and not doing anything to harm the Muslims.[need quotation to verify]
Rate of jizya tax
By the time of Mohammed, the jiyza rate was one dinar per year imposed on male dhimmis in Medina, Mecca, Khaibar, Yemen, and Nejran and maximum of twelve dirhams under Achtiname of Muhammad for Saint Catherine's Monastery. Yusuf states that there was no amount permanently fixed for the tax, though the payment usually depended on wealth: the Kitab al-Kharaj of Abu Yusuf sets the amounts at 48 dirhams for the richest (e.g. moneychangers), 24 for those of moderate wealth, and 12 for craftsmen and manual laborers.
The rate of jizya that were fixed and implemented by the second caliph of the Rashidun Caliphate, namely 'Umar bin al-Khattab, during the period of his Khilafah, were small amounts: four dirhams from the rich, two dirhams from the middle class and only one dirham from the active poor who earned by working on wages, or by making or vending things.
The 13th-century scholar Al-Nawawi writes, "The minimum amount of the jizya is one dinar per person per annum; but it is commendable to raise the amount, if it be possible to two dinars, for those possessed of moderate means, and to four for rich persons."
Other scholars wrote that the tax rates and amounts were fixed and strictly implemented. In the western Islamic states, for dhimmis who were Christians and Jews of Egypt and Morocco, these taxes were often graded into three levels with minimum rate being 20% of all estimated assets and any sales. In the eastern Islamic states, for dhimmis who were Hindus and Jains, the tax structure were similar, with non-Muslims paying jizya and Kharaj tax rate at least twice the zakat tax rate paid by Muslims. The discriminatory and high tax rates led to mass civil protests of 1679 in India, these protests were crushed by Aurangzeb. In some regions, such as Lebanon and Egypt, jizya was payable collectively by the Christian or the Jewish community, and was referred to as maktu - in these cases the individual rate of jizya tax would vary, as the community would pitch in for those who could not afford to pay.[page needed]
Mansour Zarra-Nezhad and Muhammad Reza Alam state that Jizya and peace tribute taxes collected from non-Muslims by early Muslim states in Islamic history were the predominant sources of annual government revenue to Umayyad and Abassid caliphates, while Zakat revenue collections were insignificant. They estimate that Jizya tax collected from non-Muslims yielded a state income of 109 million dirhams in the time of Uthmān, while Jizya and Kharaj taxes collected were the largest sources of income to later Muslim governments in medieval Islam. Jizya collected from Christian and Jewish communities was the primary source of income to the Ottoman treasury through the late 18th century.
Those who paid the jizya were permitted to keep their religion, practice it in private without offending Muslims, but were not allowed to build new Churches, Synagogues or Temples. They were considered to be under the protection of the Muslim state, subject to their meeting certain conditions. The restrictions on non-Muslims varied in different Muslim dynasties. After Umar of Rashidun Caliphate, for example, during the rule of Al-Mansur, and in Abbasid Caliphate era by Al-Mutawakkil, new restrictions and regulations were imposed on non-Muslims that were counter to the promise of protection and freedom to keep their profession and religion to those who paid Jizya. The new restrictions enforced within Muslim states included removal of crosses from the top of churches, prohibitions on holding vigils, prohibitions on singing during prayers and of all Christians in public office.
Jizya and kharaj taxes were an economic burden for the non-Muslim peasants in a subsistence economy. The hardship on rural people not only caused large scale conversions to Islam to escape the taxes on non-Muslims, but also triggered a mass flight of people from rural to urban areas. Yet in some cases, such as the Byzantine region, these tax rates, states Lewis, reflected a lower burden than taxes before.
Along with jizya as head tax (sometimes called neck tax), non-Muslims were also required to pay Kharaj as land tax. This was levied on anyone who worked on land or owned property on land. Both jizya and kharaj were not payable by Muslims or if the non-Muslim converted to Islam.[not specific enough to verify]
Other taxes payable, by or from the property of non-Muslim subjects, along with jizya were fai, ghanima and ushur. Fai (sometimes spelled fay) was non-Muslim property seized by a Muslim official; the non-Muslim was sometimes allowed to reclaim the seized property by paying 100% of assessed value of the seized property.[need quotation to verify] Ghanima was the 20% tax paid by the Muslim army commander on the booty and plunder collected from non-Muslims by force (anwatan) after a war or after the commander launched a raid against non-Muslim trade posts, temples, or caravans. The commander and his Muslim soldiers were entitled to keep 80% of the booty.[not specific enough to verify][not specific enough to verify] Ushur (sometimes spelled ushr) was customs tax payable when people entered or exited the borders of an Islamic state. Non-Muslims paid twice the rate than Muslims on assessed value of property in possession of the transiting person. This was in addition to the jizya.
Jizya and other associated taxes were payable by sedentary non-Muslim populations. Sadaqa was a tax levied on nomadic people, instead of jizya.[page needed][page needed] There is some controversy about whether sadaqa was mandatory or voluntary.[need quotation to verify]
According to Abu Yusuf, jurist of the fifth Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid, those who didn't pay jizya should be imprisoned and not be let out of custody until payment. The collectors of the jizyah, wrote Abu Yusuf, were instructed to show leniency, and avoid corporal punishment in case of non-payment. If someone had agreed to pay jizya, leaving Muslim territory for non-Muslim land was, in theory, punishable by enslavement if they were ever captured. This punishment did not apply if the person had suffered injustices from Muslims.[need quotation to verify]
Mark Cohen writes that the hadiths on jizya suggest stringent humiliation as well as lenient patience with the defaulters, and remarks that the lenient treatment was "doubtless, rarely headed".
In practice, non-payment of jizya tax, or the associated Kharaj tax, by any non-Muslim subject in a Muslim state was punished by his arrest or enslavement. Non-payment of either taxes was additionally frequently punished with the arrest of family members and selling the family members into slavery. The women and girls of an enslaved family would become property of a Muslim master and serve as houseworkers and sex slaves (raqiq or baghiya).[page needed] In South Asia, for example, seizure of dhimmi families upon their failure to pay annual jizya was one of the two significant sources of slaves sold in the slave markets of Delhi Sultanate and Mughal era.
In some regions of Islamic rule, the Sultans faced rebellion and the non-Muslim masses refused to convert to Islam or pay jizya. Militant opposition erupted to Islamic punishment for refusal to pay discriminatory jizya taxes, such as in India, Spain and Morocco. In some cases, this led to its periodic abolishment such as the 1704 AD suspension of jizya in Deccan region of India by Aurangzeb.
Use of jizya tax
Jizya was used to build mosques, buy freedom for Muslim prisoners of war in non-Muslim states, fund Islamic charities meant to help Muslims, fund enlargement of armies, and pay for the wars of expansion.[page needed] Non-Muslims and slaves owned by Muslims had no right to expenditures or grants from any collected jizya and other taxes.[need quotation to verify] Jizya and associated taxes also ended up in "private" treasuries.[page needed]
Ann Lambton states that the non-Muslims had no share in the benefits from public treasury derived from jizya. He was treated as politically and socially distinct from and inferior to the Muslim. The non-Muslims could not bear arms and paid heavy taxes. The jizya revenue collected from non-Muslims was distributed as salaries for officials, pensions to the army and charity in theory. In practice, the jizya tax collections were allocated as pensions to Muslim elites such as Islamic scholars.
Jizya, in early Islamic history, was a continuation of the practice of paying tribute to earlier regimes,[page needed] and in its later history, from the point of view of the Muslim conqueror, was a material proof of the payer's subjection to the state and its laws. William Montgomery Watt traces its origin to a pre-Islamic practice among the Arabian nomads wherein a powerful tribe would agree to protect its weaker neighbors in exchange for a tribute, which would be refunded if the protection proved ineffectual. Oasis dwellers, states Norman Stillman, used to pay "protection money" to neighboring Bedouin tribes, in the form of a share of their produce.
During Muhammad's era
Jizya was levied in the time of Muhammad on Jews in Khaybar, Christians in Najran, and Zoroastrians in Bahrain. Norman Stillman states that jizya was a tribute in the time of Muhammad, and it was not the poll tax it became in later times. Muhammad's early treaties with the Jews of Maqna on the Gulf of Aqaba and Christians of Najran in Yemen suggest that the jizya was, states Stillman, in "the form of an annual percentage of produce and a fixed quantity of goods." In 632 CE, Muhammad instructed his representative in Yemen to not collect Jizya from Believers and collect it from non-Believers, states Stillman, that "Every [Christian or Jew] adult, male or female, freeman or slave, must pay a dinar of full weight or its equivalent in garments. Whoever fulfills that has the protection of Allah and his Apostle. Whoever withholds that is the enemy of Allah, His Apostle and the Believers altogether." This instruction set the precedent for jizya as a "tax per head" on non-Muslims.
Three military campaigns during Muhammad's era culminated with the agreement requiring the new non-Muslim subjects to pay jizya. The Battle of Khaybar in 628 CE, led to the surrender by the Jews of Khaybar, and they agreed to pay "one half of their annual date harvest" as jizya in return for "personal safety and the right to retain their homes and property" and "protection money", according to Norman Stillman. This arrangement was repeated after the battle of Fadak and of Wadi 'l-Qura, and the tribute payment became a part of future raids against Jews and Christians. One clause that was common in the treaties between Muhammad and the Jewish people, states Stillman, was that "the Jews might remain in their homes only as long as the Muslims permitted, but could be expelled whenever the Umma saw fit to do so." However, Stillman adds that this clause may have been inserted later in the treaties to justify the expulsion of Jews from their lands.
During the Invasion of Banu Qaynuqa, Muhammad reportedly asked the Jews to pay the tribute (jizyah), but they refused and instead taunted Muhammad by claiming his God is poor. Islamic tradition says that the Quran verse [Quran 3:118] was revealed because of the comments. The verse states not to take non-Muslims as "Bitanah", which has been interpreted as meaning, advisors, consultants, protectors, helpers and friends.
Early Islam and the Rashidun Caliphate
- in historical texts, the term "jizya" is used with different meanings, and thus medieval historians (who collected the text) tended to interpret them according to the meaning which was best defined in their own time;
- the system established by the Arab conquest was not uniform, rather resulted from a series of non-identical agreements or decisions; and
- finally, the system that followed after the earlier systems are imperfectly understood and subject to controversy.
|This article's factual accuracy is disputed. (May 2008)|
Following his migration to Medina, Muhammad drafted a document, known as the Constitution of Medina, which codified the rights and duties among Medina's communities, including the Jews and Muslims. According to F. E. Peters, the Jewish tribes of Medina rejected Muhammad's claim to be a prophet, and secretly liaised with Muhammad's enemies in Mecca to overthrow him.
Moshe Gil writes that during the Tabuk campaign however, Muhammad altered his policies towards Jewish and Christian communities by offering them protection in exchange for certain promises as evidenced from the Qur'an. In this new policy, Gil sees a "paradigm" shift occurring in the treaties and letters of security that future Muslim leaders issued to conquered peoples. These letters of protection were sent to several of these towns, asking them to pay taxes (jizya) and to agree not to maintain military forces in return for protection by Muslim forces (dhimma).
Under Caliph Umar the Zoroastrian Persians were given People of the Book status, and jizya was levied on them. Christian Arab tribes in the north of the Arabian Peninsula refused to pay jizya, but agreed to pay double the amount, and calling it sadaqa, a word meaning "alms" or "charity". According to Yusuf al-Qaradawi the name change was done for the benefit of the Christian tribesmen, "out of consideration for their feelings".
Fred Donner, however, in The Early Islamic Conquests, states that the difference between sadaqa and jizya is that the former was levied on nomads, whereas the latter was levied on settled non-Muslims. Donner sees sadaqa as being indicative of the lower status of nomadic tribes, so much so that Christian tribesmen preferred to pay the jizya. Jabala b. al-Ayham of the B. Ghassan is reported asked Umar "Will you levy sadaqa from me as you would from the [ordinary] bedouin (al-'arab)?" Umar acceded to collecting jizya from him instead, as he did from other Christians.
A letter attributed to Khalid bin Walid said that "This is a letter of Khalid ibn al-Waleed to Saluba ibn Nastuna and his people; I agreed with you on al-jezyah and protection. As long as we protect you we have the right in al-jezyah, otherwise we have none." Khalid bin Walid is also attributed to the following offer to different communities as he invaded Iraq and Persia,
I call you to God and to Islam. If you respond to the call, then you are Muslims: You obtain the benefits they enjoy and take up the responsibilities they bear. If you refuse, then you must pay the jizyah. If you refuse the jizyah, I will bring against you tribes of people who are more eager for death than you are for life.
In India, Islamic rulers imposed jizya on non-Muslims starting with the 11th century. The taxation practice included jizyah and kharaj taxes. These terms were sometimes used interchangeably to mean poll tax and collective tribute, or just called kharaj-o-jizyah.
Jizya expanded with Delhi Sultanate and continued during most of the Mughal Empire rule. The tax rates varied, but typically was set at 50% of produce plus a fixed amount per person payable every month. Alā’ al-Dīn Khaljī, a Sultan of the Khilji dynasty who ruled over most of North, West and parts of Eastern India, from 1296 to 1316 AD, legalized the enslavement of the jizya and kharaj defaulters. His officials seized and sold these slaves in growing Sultanate cities where there was a great demand of slave labour. The Muslim court historian Ziauddin Barani recorded that Kazi Mughisuddin of Bayanah advised Alā’ al-Dīn that Islam requires imposition of jizya on Hindus, to show contempt and to humiliate the Hindus, and imposing jizya is a religious duty of the Sultan.
In late 14th century, mentions the memoir of Tughlaq dynasty's Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq, his predecessor taxed all Hindus but had exempted all Hindu Brahmins from jizya; Firoz Shah extended it over all Hindus. He also announced that any Hindus who converted to Islam would become exempt from taxes and jizya as well as receive gifts from him. On those who chose to remain Hindus, he raised jizya tax rate.
Hindus who paid Jizya in Muslim-ruled parts of India were not free to practice their religion openly, and those who did were persecuted and killed. Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq, for example, wrote
The Hindus and idol-worshipers had agreed to pay the money for toleration (zar-i zimmiya) and had consented to the poll tax (jizya), in return for which they and their families enjoyed security. These people now erected new idol temples in the city and environs in opposition to the Law of the Prophet which declares that such temples are not to be tolerated. Under Divine guidance I destroyed these edifices, and I killed those leaders of infidelity who seduced others into error, and the lower orders I subjected to stripes and chastisement, until this abuse was entirely abolished. – Autobiography of Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq, Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi
The Hindus hated and evaded jizya.[need quotation to verify] During the early 14th century reign of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, expensive invasions across India and his order to attack China by sending a portion of his army over the Himalayas, emptied the precious metal in Sultanate's treasury. He ordered minting of coins from base metals with face value of precious metals. This economic experiment failed because Hindus in his Sultanate minted counterfeit coins from base metal in their homes, which they then used for paying jizya.[page needed]
Jizya was temporarily abolished by the third Mughal emperor Akbar, in late 16th century. However, Aurangzeb, the sixth emperor, re-introduced and levied jizya on non-Muslims in 17th century. Aurangzeb ordered that the collected jizya be used for charitable causes to support the increasing number of impoverished and unemployed Muslim clerics in his empire. Certain historians believe that the tax was intended to encourage conversion of non-Muslims to Islam.
After the Norman conquest of Sicily, taxes imposed on the Muslim minority were also called the jizya (locally spelled gisia). This poll tax was a continuation of the jizya imposed on non-Muslims in Sicily, by Muslim rulers in 11th century, before the Norman conquest.
Nineteenth and twentieth centuries
The jizya was eliminated in Algeria and Tunisia in the 19th century, but continued to be collected in Morocco until the first decade of the 20th century (these three dates coincide with the French colonization of these countries).
The Ottoman Empire abolished the "jizya" in 1856. It was replaced with a new tax, which non-Muslims paid in lieu of military service. It was called "baddal-askari" (Arab. Military substitution), a tax exempting Jews and Christians from military service. The Jews of Kurdistan, according to the scholar Mordechai Zaken, preferred to pay the "baddal" tax in order to redeem themselves from military service. Only those incapable of paying the tax were drafted into the army. Interestingly, Zaken shows that paying the tax was possible to an extent also during the war. Zaken shows that some Jewish individuals paid 50 gold liras every year during World War I. Apparently - according to Dr. Zaken - "in spite of the forceful conscription campaigns, some of the Jews were able to buy their exemption from conscription duty." Based on the testimonies of several Kurdish Jews, Zaken came to the conclusion that the payment of the "baddal askari" during the war was a form of bribe that bought them only a brief relief from military service. "It may have been a deferment of the military service for a one year period or shorter."
As late as 2013, in Egypt jizya was reportedly being imposed by the Muslim Brotherhood on 15,000 Christian Copts of Dalga village.
The jizya poll tax is no longer imposed in the Islamic world. According to Matthew Long, in the 21st century, jizya is at odds with contemporary secular conceptions of citizen's civil rights and equality before the law. Nevertheless, there have been occasional reports of non-Muslims in Pakistan and areas controlled by Islamic State being forced to pay jizya.
In 2009 it was claimed that a group of militants that referred to themselves as the Taliban imposed the jizya on Pakistan's minority Sikh community after occupying some of their homes and kidnapping a Sikh leader.
In 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) announced that it intended to extract jizya from Christians in the city of Raqqa, Syria, which it controls. Christians who refused to pay the tax would have to either convert to Islam or die. Wealthy Christians would have to pay the equivalent of USD 664 twice a year; poorer ones would be charged one-fourth that amount. In June, the Institute for the Study of War reported that ISIL claims to have collected jizya and fay.
Comparison between Zakat and Jizya under Islamic law
|obligatory upon Muslims||obligatory upon Dhimmis[not specific enough to verify]|
|Zakat is obligatory if a Muslim's income and net worth of assets exceeded the Nisab (excess of certain basic amount)||Jizya is obligatory on non-Muslim men, regardless of income or wealth, above age 9; no minimum (Nisab) to determine Jizya,[page needed]|
|only payable on income and on assets continuously owned over one lunar year that are in excess of the Nisab; to be paid on day of harvest (income)||payable on all assets and income, paid yearly or quarterly regardless to Nisab.|
|the amount of Zakat paid was specified by Sharia||the amount paid was not specified by Sharia; by the time of the Prophet, at least one gold Dinar and 12 Dirhams; later on, these taxes were often graded into three levels.|
|paid only by the owner of the assets himself/herself||paid by all able-bodied adult males of military age and affording power |
|refusal and failure to pay Zakat was treated with flexibility in some sultanates, with penalty and punishment in others||refusal and failure to pay Jizya by any non-Muslim subject in a Muslim state was a capital crime, punished by his family's arrest and enslavement. The women and girls of an enslaved family would become property of a Muslim master and serve as houseworkers and slaves. In some cases, the family could escape this punishment by converting to Islam.|
|should be paid by Muslims seeking God's pleasure[not in citation given]||should be paid by non-Muslims with servility, humiliation and belittlement in exchange for Muslim protection[not specific enough to verify]|
Criticism and support
Critics often cite jizya as a form of discrimination, persecution and oppression in Islamic law. However, W. Cleveland and M. Bunton assert that dhimma status represented "an unsually tolerant attitude for the era and stood in marked contrast to the practices of the Byzantine Empire". They add that the change from the Byzantine and Persian rule to Arab rule lowered taxes and allowed dhimmis to enjoy a measure of communal autonomy. In addition, they state that conversion to Islam was not encouraged in the first century "partly because the jizyah constituted an important source of state revenue".
Supporters argue that it is fair, since all Muslims are obliged to pay Zakat. While the tax rate and nature of zakat and jizya were different, supporters often cite jizya as a form of protection money and a religious requirement against non-believers in Islam per Sharia.
In practice, however, Timothy H. Parsons states that during the early caliphate, non-Muslims had to pay the kharaj. The sum of the jizya and kharaj taxes levied on non-Muslims were considerably larger than the zakat tax on Muslims and conversion generally brought tax relief. Some evidence suggests that the jizya was sometimes double the Zakat; for example, the Hedaya (Guide on Mussalman Law), an Islamic legal text, declared it lawful to require twice as much of a Zimmee (dhimmi) as of a Mussulman (Muslim).
- Protection money
- Jewish tax
- Tolerance tax
- Rav akçesi
- Devşirme system
- Dhimmi laws
- Ottoman Millet system
- Minority religion
- Second-class citizen
- Islam and other religions
- Divisions of the world in Islam
- Shahid Alam, Articulating Group Differences: A Variety of Autocentrisms, Journal of Science and Society, 2003
- Ali (1990), pg. 507
- Jizyah The Oxford Dictionary of Islam (2010), Oxford University Press, Quote = Jizyah: Compensation. Poll tax levied on non-Muslims as a form of tribute and in exchange for an exemption from military service, based on Quran 9:29.
- Alshech, Eli. "Islamic Law, Practice, and Legal Doctrine: Exempting the Poor from the Jizya under the Ayyubids (1171-1250)". Islamic Law and Society 10 (3).
...jurists divided the dhimma community into two major groups. The first group consists of all adult, free, sane males among the dhimma community, while the second includes all other dhimmas (i.e., women, slaves, minors, and the insane). Jurists generally agree that members of the second group are to be granted a "blanket" exemption from jizya payment.
- Rispler-Chaim, Vardit (2007). Disability in Islamic law. Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Springer. p. 44. ISBN 1402050526.
The Hanbali position is that boys, women, the mentally insane, the zamin, and the blind are exempt from paying jizya. This view is supposedly shared by the Hanafis, Shafi'is, and Malikis
- Parolin, Gianluca P. (2009). Citizenship in the Arab world : kin, religion and nation-state. [Amsterdam]: Amsterdam University Press. p. 60. ISBN 9089640452.
- Niall Christie (2014), Muslims and Crusaders: Christianity’s Wars in the Middle East, Routledge, ISBN 978-1138022744, pp 11
- Sabet, Amr (2006), The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 24:4, Oxford; page 99–100
- Morony, Michael (2005). Iraq after the Muslim conquest. NJ, USA: Gorgias Press. pp. 109, 99–134. ISBN 978-1-59333-315-7.
- Levy, Reuben (2002). The social structure of Islam. London New York: Routledge. pp. 310–311. ISBN 978-0-415-20910-6.
, "There is little doubt that in origin kharaj and jizya were interchangeable terms. In the Arabic papyri of the first century AH only jizya is mentioned, with the general meaning of tribute, while later the poll tax could be called kharaj ala ru'us ahl al-dhimma, i.e. a tax on the heads of protected peoples. The narrower meaning of the word is brought out by Abu Hanifa, "No individual can be liable at the same time to the zakat and to kharaj."
- Satish Chandra (1969), Jizyah and the State in India during the 17th Century, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 322-340, quote="Although kharaj and jizyah were sometimes treated as synonyms, a number of fourteenth century theological tracts treat them as separate"
- Mansour Zarra-Nezhad and Muhammad Reza Alam (2014), Estimation of Total Revenue of the Early Muslim Governments, Journal La Pensee, Vol 76, No. 3, pp. 143, 152-153
- Oded Peri; Gilbar (Ed), Gad (1990). Ottoman Palestine, 1800-1914 : Studies in economic and social history. Leiden: E.J. Brill. pp. 287–288. ISBN 978-90-04-07785-0.
- Eliyahu Ashtor and Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky (2008), Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd Edition, Volume 12, Thomson Gale, Article: Kharaj and Jizya
- Tal Ben-Shahar (2002). "3". A Clash of Values: The Struggle for Universal Freedom. iUniverse, Inc. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-595-22464-7. Retrieved 20 November 2015.
Muhammad agreed under the condition that the Jews pay a Jizya—fifty-percent tax on all their produce.
- Mazhar-ul-Haq (1983). A Short History of Islam: From the Rise of Islam to the Fall of Baghdad, 571 A.D. to 1258 A.D. Bookland. p. 101.
All other Jewish colonies in North Arabia, viz., Fadak, Wadi'l- jQara, Tayma, Ayala, etc., submitted on the same feudal terms of paying Jizya to the extent of half of their produce.
- Yohanan Friedmann (2003). Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition. Cambridge University Press. p. 90. ISBN 9780521827034.
The expulsion from Medina is said to have been carried out by the Prophet; he intended to expel the Jews of Khaybar as well, but allowed them to remain there on the condition that they continue to work the land and yield half of the agricultural produce to the Muslims.
- John Louis Esposito, Islam the Straight Path, Oxford University Press, Jan 15, 1998, p. 34.
- Medani Ahmed and Sebastian Gianci (2005), Zakat, Encyclopedia of Taxation and Tax Policy, ISBN 978-0-87766-68-20, pp. 479-481
- Malik, Jamal (2008). Islam in South Asia a short history. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. pp. 69–73. ISBN 978-90-04-16859-6.
- Markovits, Claude (2004). A history of modern India, 1480-1950. London: Anthem. p. 567. ISBN 978-1-84331-152-2.
- Anver M. Emon, Religious Pluralism and Islamic Law: Dhimmis and Others in the Empire of Law, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0199661633, pp. 99-109
- Ennaji, Mohammed (2013). Slavery, the state, and Islam. Cambridge University Press. pp. 60–64. ISBN 978-0521119627.
- R. Marston Speight (1978), ‘The place of Christians in ninth-century North Africa, according to Muslim sources’, Islamochristiana, Vol. 4, pp. 54-55
- Ziauddin Ahmed (1975). "The concept of Jizya in early Islam". Islamic Studies 14 (4): 293.
Quote: The tax of jizya is imposed on the non-Muslims subjects of a Muslim state. In view of the general body of the Fuquha, it is imposed upon the non-Muslims as a badge of humiliation for their unbelief, or by way of mercy for protection given to them by the Muslims. Some Fuqaha consider this tax as punishment for their unbelief, there being no economic motive behind its imposition, because their continued stay in a Muslim land is a crome, hence they have no escape from being humiliated.
- Matthew Long (jizya entry author) (2012). The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. Princeton University Press. pp. 283–284. ISBN 978-0691134840.
- Werner Ende; Udo Steinbach (2010). Islam in the World Today. Cornell University Press. p. 738. ISBN 978-0801445712.
- Abou El Fadl, Khaled (January 23, 2007). The Great Theft: Wrestling Islam from the Extremists. HarperOne. p. 214. ISBN 978-0061189036.
- John Esposito and Emad El-Din Shahin (2013). The Oxford handbook of Islam and politics. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp. 149–150. ISBN 978-0-19-539589-1.
Quote: One of Mawdudi's most significant legacies was the reintroduction into the modern world - and into modern language - of an idealized vision of the Islamic community. (...) Non-Muslims in the Muslim state would be categorized, in classical terms, as dhimmis, a protected class; would be restricted from holding high political office; would have to pay the jizyah poll tax; would face restrictions on public religious practice in purely Muslim habitations; could serve in parliament only so long as they accepted the Quran and Sunnah as the chief source of public law. In addition, following many Muslim jurists before him, Mawdudi affirmed that conversion from Islam to any other faith amounted to apostasy and was punishable as a capital crime.
- Scott, Rachel (2010). The challenge of political Islam non-Muslims and the Egyptian state. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press. pp. 101–102. ISBN 978-0-8047-6906-8.
- Hindus and Sikhs threatened by the Taliban and Sharia Asia News (July 28, 2009)
- "Al-Qaeda Rebels in Syria Tell Christians to Pay Up or Die".
- Yusuf Ali (1991 Reprint), Notes 1281 and 1282 to verse 9:29, p. 507
- Al-Raghib al-Isfahani, Mufradat al-Qur’an, 1/204
- Thomas Walker Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, pp.61-62. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York 1913. Quote: "...when any Christian people served in the Muslim army, they were exempted from the payment of this tax. Such was the case with the tribe of al-Jurajima, a Christian tribe in the neighborhood of Antioch who made peace with the Muslims, promising to be their allies and fight on their side in battle, on condition that they should not be called upon to pay jizyah and should receive their proper share of the booty."
- An Arabic-English Lexicon, E.W. Lane Book 1, p.422, citing al-Nihaya fi Gharib al-Hadith by Majd al-Din ibn Athir (d. 1210), and others.
- Ibn Rushd (2002). Vol. 2, p.464.
- Morony, Michael (2005). Iraq after the Muslim conquest. NJ, USA: Gorgias Press. p. 110. ISBN 978-1-59333-315-7.
- Bravmann, M. M. (2009). The spiritual background of early Islam. Leiden: Brill Academic. pp. 199–201, 204–205, 207–212. ISBN 978-90-04-17200-5.
- Jane Dammen McAuliffe (2011), Encyclopedia of the Qur'an, Brill Academic, Vol. 4, pp. 152-153; Vol. 5, pp. 192-193, ISBN 978-9-00412-35-64
- Tritton, A. S. (2008). Caliphs and their non-Muslim subjects : a critical study of the covenant of ʻUmar. London New York: Routledge. pp. 197–198, 223. ISBN 978-0-415-61181-7.
- A Ben Shemesh (1967), Taxation in Islam, Vol. 1, Netherlands: Brill Academic, p. 6
- Matthew Long (Gerhard Böwering et al, Editors) (2013). The Princeton encyclopedia of Islamic political thought. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. pp. 283–284. ISBN 978-1-4008-3855-4.
- Lambton, Ann (2013). State and Government in Medieval Islam. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. pp. 204–205. ISBN 1136605215.
- Patricia Seed (1995), Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0521497572, pp 79
- Campo, Juan (2009). Encyclopedia of Islam. University of California in Santa Barbara: Infobase. p. 430. ISBN 978-0-8160-7745-8.
- MA Khan (1956). "Jizyah and Kharaj". Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 4 (1): 27–28.
- Campo, Juan E. (2009). Encyclopedia of Islam. New York, NY: Facts On File. p. 430. ISBN 1438126964.
- Morony, Michael (2005). Iraq after the Muslim conquest. NJ, USA: Gorgias Press. pp. 109–110, 99–134. ISBN 978-1-59333-315-7.
- Anver M. Emon, Religious Pluralism and Islamic Law: Dhimmis and Others in the Empire of Law, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0199661633, pp. 98, note 3. "Some studies question the nearly synonymous use of the terms kharaj and jizya in the historical sources. The general view suggests that while the terms kharaj and jizya seem to have been used interchangeably in early historical sources, what they referred to in any given case depended on the linguistic context. If one finds references to "a kharaj on their heads," the reference was to a poll tax, despite the use of the term kharaj, which later became the term of art for land tax. Likewise, if one fins the phrase "jizya on their land," this referred to a land tax, despite the use of jizya which later come to refer to the poll tax. Early history therefore shows that although each term did not have a determinate technical meaning at first, the concepts of poll tax and land tax existed early in Islamic history." Denner, Conversion and the Poll Tax, 3-10; Ajiaz Hassan Qureshi, "The Terms Kharaj and Jizya and Their Implication," Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society 12 (1961): 27-38; Hossein Modarressi Rabatab'i, Kharaj in Islamic Law (London: Anchor Press Ltd, 1983).
- Ziauddin Ahmed (1975). "The concept of Jizya in early Islam". Islamic Studies 14 (4): 300–301.
- Ziauddin Ahmed (1975). "The concept of Jizya in early Islam". Islamic Studies 14 (4): 301.
We must first of all, determine whether during the time of the Prophet the non-Muslims were liable to pay any tax other than the aforesaid Jizyas, or whether there is any evidence that two taxes were exacted in the name of Jizya, one as poll tax and the other as land tax. The question of two taxes, one in the name of Jizya and the other by any other name may summarily be dismissed, because we have no such testimony in our sources.
- Ziauddin Ahmed (1975). "The concept of Jizya in early Islam". Islamic Studies 14 (4): 303.
Jizya in early Islam was not necessarily a poll tax, but a singular term reflecting the financial obligation placed upon a non-Muslim community or their individuals. It was in most cases a fixed tribute in kind such as agricultural produce or fixed sum of money collected from non-Muslim communities, and in some cases a fixed head tax on non-Muslim individuals. At times, Jizya was a poll tax only. Regardless of the variations in its implementation and nature, Jizya was a prescribed financial obligation, that confirmed the submission of the non-Muslim communities or non-Muslim individuals to the authority of Islam.
- Yohanan Friedmann (2003). Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition. Cambridge University Press. pp. 73, 99. ISBN 9780521827034.
- Cohen, Mark (2008). Under crescent and cross : the Jews in the Middle Ages. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 56, 64, 69. ISBN 9780691139319.
- Sahih Muslim, 19:4294
- Sahih al-Bukhari, 4:53:384
- Sahih al-Bukhari, 5:59:351
- Sunan Abu Dawood, 37:4310; Quote="He will fight the people for the cause of Islam. He will break the cross, kill swine, and abolish jizyah. Allah will perish all religions except Islam. He will destroy the Antichrist and will live on the earth for forty years and then he will die. The Muslims will pray over him."
- Sahih al-Bukhari, 4:53:386
- Sunan Abu Dawood, 19:3031
- Sahih al-Bukhari, 2:24:559
- Sunan Abu Dawood, 19:3038
- Sahih Muslim, 42:7065
- Sahih al-Bukhari, 4:53:385, 5:59:351, 8:76:433
- Sunan Abu Dawood, 19:2955
- Sahih Muslim, 32:6328, 32:6330
- Sahih al-Bukhari, 3:34:425, 4:55:657; Sahih Muslim, 1:287, 1:289
- Davutoglu, Ahmet (1993). Alternative paradigms : the impact of Islamic and Western Weltanschauungs on political theory. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. p. 160. ISBN 0819190470.
- Abou El Fadl, Khaled (January 23, 2007). The Great Theft: Wrestling Islam from the Extremists. HarperOne. p. 204. ISBN 978-0061189036.
- Mikhail, Maged (2014). From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt : religion, identity and politics after the Arab conquest. London New York: Tauris, Palgrave Macmillan. p. 318. ISBN 978-1-84885-938-8.
- Emon, Anver (2012). Religious pluralism and Islamic law :. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. pp. 36–37. ISBN 978-0-19-966163-3.
- Al-Hattab (1995), Mawahib al-Jalil, Editor: Zakariyya 'Amirat, 4:593
- Jane Dammen McAuliffe, “Fakhr al-Din al-Razi on Ayat al-Jizya and Ayat al-Sayf,” in Conversion and Continuity: Indigenous Christian Communities in Islamic Lands, Eight to Eighteenth Centuries, eds. Michael Gervers and Ramzi Jibran Bikhazi (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1990), pp.103-119.
- Cl. Cahen in Encyclopedia of Islam, jizya article
- Ziauddin Ahmad (1975), The Concept of Jizya in Early Islam, Islamic Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4 (WINTER 1975), pp. 293-305
- C.F. Robinson (2005), ‘Neck-sealing in early Islam’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 48, pp. 401-403, 436-440
- Al-Muwatta, 17 24.42
- Al-Muwatta, 17 24.44
- Al-Muwatta, 17 24.45
- Al-Muwatta, 17 24.46
- Al-Muwatta, 21 19.49a
- 'Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-Kharaj, quoted in Norman Stillman (1979)., pp. 159–161
- 'Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-Kharaj, quoted in Stillman (1979)., pp. 160–161.
- Khadduri, Majid (2010). War and Peace in the Law of Islam, Johns Hopkins University Press; pages 162–224; ISBN 978-1-58477-695-6
- Seed, Patricia. Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492–1640, Cambridge University Press, Oct 27, 1995, pp. 79–80.
- Markovits, C. (Ed.). (2002). A History of Modern India: 1480–1950. Anthem Press; pages 28-39, 89–127
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- Gerber, Jane (1995). Sephardic studies in the university. London: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. pp. 54–74. ISBN 978-0-8386-3542-1.
- Daniel Dennett (1950). Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam. Harvard University Press. pp. 107–110, 116–128. ISBN 978-0-674-33158-7.
- The Spread of Islam Throughout the World, edited by Idris El Hareir, Ravane Mbaye, p.200.
- Aghnides, Nicolas (2005). Islamic theories of finance : with an introduction to Islamic law and a bibliography. Gorgias Press. pp. 398–408. ISBN 978-1-59333-311-9.
- Tsadik, Daniel (2007). Between foreigners and Shi'is : nineteenth-century Iran and its Jewish minority. Stanford, USA: Stanford University Press. pp. 25–30. ISBN 978-0-8047-5458-3.
- Ariel, Ari (2014). Jewish-Muslim relations and migration from Yemen to Palestine in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Boston: Brill. pp. 50–51. ISBN 978-90-04-26536-3.
- A Ben Shemesh (1967), Taxation in Islam, Netherlands: Brill Academic, p. 60, Quote="The Prophet wrote to Mu'adh b. Jabal in al-Yaman that he should collect from each adult male or female one dinar or its equivalent, and should not turn a Jew away from his Judaism. Such a jizya was imposed on the people of al-Yaman, an Arab tribe who were People of the Book".
- Eliyahu Ashtor and Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky (2008), Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd Edition, Volume 12, Thomson Gale, Article: Kharaj and Jizya, Quote= "...In the Ottoman Empire men paid the jizya until they were 60 or 65 years old. In the list of jizya taxpayers in Ruschuk in the year 1831, many children 12 years old and even younger were included."
- Eliyahu Ashtor and Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky (2008), Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd Edition, Volume 12, Thomson Gale, Article: Kharaj and Jizya, Quote= "...Many extant *Genizah letters state that the collectors imposed the tax on children and demanded it for the dead. As the family was held responsible for the payment of the jizya by all its members, it sometimes became a burden and many went into hiding in order to escape imprisonment. For example there is a Responsum by *Maimonides from another document, written in 1095, about a father paying the jizya for his two sons, 13 and 17 years old. From another document, written around 1095, it seems that the tax was due from the age of nine."
- Wael, B. Hallaq (2009). Shariah: Theory, Practice and Transformations. Cambridge University Press. p. 332. ISBN 978-0-521-86147-2.
- ‘Umar bin Khattab, may Allah be pleased with him, passed by the door of a people’s dwelling. There was beggar there saying, "Extremely old person with blind eyesight [needs help!"] He [‘Umar] got hold of him from behind and asked, "Which community of the People of Book you belong to?" He said, "I am a Jew." He asked, "What brought you to this condition that I see?" He said, "The demand of Jizya, the needs and the old age." ‘Umar got hold of his hand and brought him to his place helped him a little and then called for the custodian of Baytul Mal and said, "Take a look at his suffering. By Allah this is not justice on our part that we extract from them in their youth and leave them helpless in their old age! … He exempted him from Jizya and similarly the likes of him. – Imam Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-Kharaj, 1/139.
- Kamaruddin Sharif; Wang Yong Bao. Iqbal, Zamir; Mirakhor, Abbas, eds. Economic Development and Islamic Finance. p. 239. ISBN 978-0-8213-9953-8.
- E. Alschech (2003), Islamic law, practice, and legal doctrine. Exempting the poor from the jizya under the Ayyubids (1171-1250), Islamic Law and Society 10 (2003) pp. 348-350, for diverse views of various Islamic scholars: pp. 348-375
- Al-Qurtubi, Al-Jami' li Ahkam al-Qur'an, vol.8, p.72. Quote: "قال علماؤنا: الذي دل عليه القرآن أن الجزية تؤخذ من المقاتلين... وهذا إجماع من العلماء على أن الجزية إنما توضع على جماجم الرجال الأحرار البالغين، وهم الذين يقاتلون دون النساء والذرية والعبيد والمجانين المغلوبين على عقولهم والشيخ الفاني"; Translation: "Our scholars have said: that which the Koran has indicated is that the tribute is taken from fighters ... and there is a consensus amongst scholars that the tribute be only placed on the heads of free men who have reached puberty, who are fighting with the exclusion of women and children and slaves and the crazy insane and the dying old man."
- Al Nawawi, Minhaj al-Talibin, 3/277
- Al Nawawī (Translated by E.C. Howard) (2005). Minhaj et talibin: a manual of Muhammadan law. Adam Publishers. pp. 337–338. ISBN 978-81-7435-249-1.
- Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Ahkam Ahl Al-Dhimma, 1/16. Quote: "ولا جزية على شيخ فان ولا زمن ولا أعمى ولا مريض لا يرجى برؤه، بل قد أيس من صحته، وإن كانوا موسرين: وهذا مذهب أحمد وأصحابه، وأبي حنيفة، ومالك، والشافعي في أحد أمواله، لأن هؤلاء لا يقتلون ولا يقاتلون، فلا تجب عليهم الجزية كالنساء والذرية."
- Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Ahkam Ahl Al-Dhimma, 1/14. Quote: "ولا جزية على صبي ولا امرأة ولا مجنون: هذا مذهب الأئمة الأربعة وأتباعهم. قال ابن المنذر: ولا أعلم عن غيرهم خلافهم. وقال أبو محمد ابن قدامة في " المغنى " : (لا نعلم بين أهل العلم خلافا في هذا " ."
- Goiten, S.D., "Evidence on the Muslim Poll Tax from Non-Muslim Sources", Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 1963, Vol. 6, pp. 278–279, quote - "The provisions of ancient Islamic law which exempted the indigent, the invalids and the old, were no longer observed in the Geniza period and had been discarded by the Shāfi'ī School of Law, which prevailed in Egypt, also in theory."
- Ciggaar, Krijna; et al. (1996). East and west in the crusader states. Leuven, Netherlands: Uitgeverij Peeters. pp. 91–92. ISBN 978-90-6831-792-3.
- Shoukri, Arafat Madi (2011). Refugee status in Islam concepts of protection in Islamic tradition and international law. London: I.B. Tauris. pp. 59–60. ISBN 0857718738.
- A S Tritton (2007), 'Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of Umar, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-41561-18-17, pp. 204
- Hunter, Malik and Senturk, p. 77
- Abu Yusuf, Kitab al-Kharaj, quoted in Stillman (1979), pp. 159–160
- Mufti Muhammad Shafi, Ma‘ārifu’l-Qur’ān 4, p.364.
- Al Nawawī (Translated by E.C. Howard) (2005). Minhaj et talibin: a manual of Muhammadan law. Adam Publishers. pp. 339-340. ISBN 978-81-7435-249-1.
- Dennet, Daniel (1950). Conversion and the poll tax in early Islam. Harvard University Press, pp 10-14, 21-24, 40-41
- Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani, La Risala (Epitre sur les elements du dogme et de la loi de l'Islam selon le rite malikite.) Translated from Arabic by Leon Bercher. 5th ed. Algiers, 1960, pages 164–166
- Abu'l-Hasan al-Mawardi (1996), al-Ahkam as-Sultaniyyah. The Laws of Islamic Governance, trans. by Dr. Asadullah Yate, (London), Ta-Ha Publishers, pages 200-204
- Reuben Levy (1957), The Social Structure of Islam, 2nd Edition (The Sociology of Islam); Cambridge University Press; ISBN 978-0521091824, pp. 58-66, 391-394, 23-25
- Elphinstone, M. (1905), The history of India: the Hindú and Mahometan periods; John Murray (London); see pages 616–658
- Stefan Winter (2012), The Shiites of Lebanon under Ottoman Rule, 1516–1788, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-1107411432, pp 64
- Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman et al (1960), ISBN 9789004161214, Jizya
- Mansour Zarra-Nezhad and Muhammad Reza Alam (2014), Estimation of Total Revenue of the Early Muslim Governments, Journal La Pensee, Vol 76, No. 3, pp. 140-141, details and context 140-153
- Richard Martin et al. (2003), Encyclopedia of Islam & the Muslim World, see articles on dhimmis and on minorities, ISBN 978-0028656038
- Ahmed, Z., & Ahmad, Z. (1975). "The Concept of jizya in Early İslâm." Islamic Studies, 14(4), see pages 293–305.
- Choudhury, Masudul Alam; Abdul Malik, Uzir (1992). The Foundations of Islamic Political Economy. Hampshire: The Macmillan Press. p. 49–50
- Rubin, Milka (2011). Non-Muslims in the early Islamic Empire: from surrender to coexistence. New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 102–103. ISBN 978-1-107-00433-7.
- Stillman, Norman (1998). The Jews of Arab Lands. p. 28. ISBN 978-0827601987.
- Eliott Horowitz; E. Carlebach and J. Schacter (Editors) (2011). New Perspectives on Jewish-Christian Relations. Brill Academic. p. 428, note 33. ISBN 978-9-00422-11-78.
- George F. Nafzige; Mark Walton (2003). Islam at War: A History. Praeger. pp. 227–228. ISBN 978-0-27598-10-13.
- Tritton, A. S. (2008). Caliphs and their non-Muslim subjects : a critical study of the covenant of ʻUmar. London New York: Routledge. pp. 35–36. ISBN 978-0-415-61181-7.
- Lewis, Bernard (2002). Arabs in History. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-19280-31-08.
- Shemesh, Ben (Ed.). (1958). Taxation in Islam (Vol. 1). Brill (Netherlands); pages 27–49
- Coşgel, M., Miceli, T., & Ahmed, R. (2009). Law, state power, and taxation in Islamic history. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 71(3), pages 704–717
- T.W. Juynboll, Encyclopedia of Islam, 1st Edition, Brill, see article on 'Fai', pages 38–40; also see article on 'Fay' by F. Loekkegaard in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd Edition, Brill
- Ghazanfar, S. M. (2003). Contributions of selected Arab-Islamic scholars, Medieval Islamic Economic Thought, Routledge (New York), pages 228–243; for basis: see Quran 59:7
- Khadduri, M. (Ed.). (2001). The Islamic law of nations: Shaybani's Siyar. Johns Hopkins University Press; pages 47–129, 290–310
- AHMAD, Z., & Ahmed, Z. (1975). FINANCIAL POLICIES OF THE HOLY PROPHET—A Case Study of the Distribution of Ghanima in Early Islam.Islamic Studies, 14(1), pages 9–25; for basis in Islamic law, see: Quran 8:42
- Nienhaus, V. (2006), Zakat, Taxes, and Public Finance in Islam, in Islam and the Everyday World: Public Policy Dilemmas (Sohrab Behdad et al Editors), pages 165–182
- Ahamat, H., & Kamal, M. H. M. (2011). "Modern Application of Siyar (Islamic Law of Nations): Some Preliminary Observations". Arab Law Quarterly, 25(4), 423–439
- Donner & Donner (1981). The Early Islamic Conquests, Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-1597404587
- Shemesh, Ben (Ed.). (1958). Taxation in Islam (Vol. 1). Brill Archive.
- Jalili, A. R. (2006). "A Descriptive Overview of Islamic Taxation". Journal of American Academy of Business, 8(2), 16–28.
- Stillman, Norman (1998). The Jews of Arab Lands. p. 160. ISBN 978-0827601987.
- Stillman, Norman (1979). The Jews of Arab lands : a history and source book. Philadelphia: JPS. pp. 159–160. ISBN 978-0-8276-0198-7.
- Humphrey Fisher, Slavery in the History of Muslim Black Africa. NYU Press, 2001, page 47.
- Lewis, Bernard (1992). Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry. Oxford University Press. pp. 7, 108. ISBN 978-0195053265.
- (a) Mark R. Cohen (2005), Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt, Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0691092720, pp. 120-123 and 130-138, Quotes - "Family members were held responsible for individual's poll tax (mahbus min al-jizya)"; "Imprisonment for failure to pay (poll tax) debt was very common"; "This imprisonment often meant house arrest... which was known as tarsim";
(b) Marvin W. Heyboer (2009), Journeys Into the Heart and Heartland of Islam, ISBN 978-1434901880, pp 50, Quote - "The subjugation tax, jizya, was unfixed and subject to erratic changes, which at times meant poverty for women and children. Upon failure to pay the tax, family members were frequently taken and sold into slavery."
- Gordon, Murray (1989). Slavery in the Arab world. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 25. ISBN 0941533301.
Quote - prisoners were enslaved either in default of payment of a tax, the jizya and kharaj, or to avoid being massacred on the battlefield."
- I. P. Petrushevsky (1995), Islam in Iran, SUNY Press, ISBN 978-0-88706-070-0, pp 155, Quote - "The law does not contemplate slavery for debt in the case of Muslims, but it allows the enslavement of Dhimmis for non-payment of jizya and kharaj.(...) the Muslim community considers the slave (ghulam, raqiq, banda, kaniz) as chattels, movable property of the owner who could dispose of them as he pleased, by sale, by gift, by bequest."
- Ryan, Kevin (2007). Radical Eye for the Infidel Guy: Inside the Strange World of Militant Islam. Prometheus. p. 129. ISBN 978-1591025078.
Quote - jizya was different in important ways. (...) Infidels who couldn't pay or refused were either killed or enslaved along with their families.
- Ennaji, M. (2013). Slavery, the state, and Islam. Cambridge University Press; see Chapter 2; ISBN 978-0521119627
- Scott C. Levi (2002), "Hindu Beyond Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade." Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 12, Part 3 (November 2002): p. 282
- Fouzia Ahmed (2009), The Delhi Sultanate: A Slave Society or A Society with Slaves?, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 30(1), pp 8-9; Quote: "‘Alā’ al-Dīn Khaljī legalized the enslavement of the revenue (jizya) defaulters. (...) Sultans took the enslaved populations to growing Sultanate cities where there was a great demand of slave labour."
- Cowen, T., & Glazer, A. (2005). "Taxation and Pricing when Consumers Value Freedom." Social Choice and Welfare, 24(2), pages 211–220
- Chandra, S. (1969). "jizyah and the State in India during the 17th Century." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient / Journal de l'histoire economique et sociale de l'Orient, pages 322–340.
- Abun-Nasr, J. M. (Ed.). (1987). A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period. Cambridge University Press
- Markovits, C. (Ed.). (2002). A History of Modern India: 1480–1950, Anthem Press; page 109-112
- Çizakça, Murat. Islamic Capitalism and Finance: Origins, Evolution and the Future. p. 20.
- Weiss, Holger. Social Welfare in Muslim Societies in Africa. p. 18.
- Gusau, S. A. (1989). "Economic Ideas of Shehu Usman Dan Fodio". Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, 10(1), 139–151.
- Kennedy, Hugh (2004), The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates, 2nd Edition. Harlow: Pearson Education
- Schimmel, Annemarie (1980), Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, Brill (Netherlands), ISBN 9004061177
- Gordon, C. H., Lubetski, M., Gottlieb, C., & Keller, S. (Eds.). (1998), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World, Volume 273, Continuum; pages 245–299
- Lewis (2002) p.57
- William Montgomery Watt (1980), pp. 49–50.
- Stillman, Norman (1998). The Jews of Arab Lands. pp. 18–19. ISBN 978-0827601987.
- Stillman, Norman (1998). The Jews of Arab Lands. pp. 19–21. ISBN 978-0827601987.
- Rodwell, JM. The Koran. Phoenix. p. 342. ISBN 978-1-84212-609-7.
This was the taunt of the jews of the tribe of Kainoka, when Muhammad demanded tribute of them in the name of God.
- Abū Khalīl, Shawqī (2003). Atlas of the Quran. Dar-us-Salam. p. 248. ISBN 978-9960-897-54-7.
- Abū Khalīl, Shawqī (2003). Atlas of the Quran. Dar-us-Salam. p. 253. ISBN 978-9960-897-54-7.
- Cahen, Cl.; İnalcık, Halil; Hardy, P. "Ḏj̲izzya." Encyclopaedia of Islam. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2008. Brill Online. 29 April 2008
- The Cambridge History of Islam (1977), p. 39
- Esposito (1998), p. 17
- Francis Edward Peters, The Monotheists: Jews, Christians, and Muslims in Conflict and Competition, p. 273.
- Moshe Gil quotes At-Tawbah, 29
- Gil, Moshe. A History of Palestine: 634–1099, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 28–30. The letter sent to the bishop Yuhanna at Eilat:
"To Yuhanna bin Ruba and the worthies of Ayla, Peace be with you! Praise be Allah, there is no God save Him. I have no intention of fighting you before writing to you. Thou hast to accept Islam, or pay the tax, and obey God and his Messenger and the messengers of His Messenger, and do them honour and dress them in fine clothing, not in the raiment of raiders; therefore clothe Zayd in fine robes, for if you satisfy my envoys, you will satisfy me. Surely the tax is known to you. Therefore if you wish to be secure on land and on sea, obey God and his Messenger and you will be free of all payments that you owed the Arab [tribes] or non-Arabs, apart from the payment to God [which is] the payment of his Messenger. But be careful lest thou do not satisfy them, for then I shall not accept anything from you, but I shall fight you and take the young as captives and slay the elderly. For I am the true Messenger of God; put ye your trust in God and his books and his messengers and in the Messiah son of Maryam, for this is God's word and I too, put my trust in Him, for he is the Messenger of God. Come then, before a calamity befalls you. As for me, I have already given my envoys instructions with regard to you: give Harmal three wasqs of barley, for Harmala is your well-wisher, for if it were not for God and if it were not for this, I would not be sending you messengers, but rather you would be seeing the army. Therefore if you my messengers, you will have the protection of God and of Muhammad and all that stand at his side. My messengers are Shurahbil and Ubayy and Harmala and Hurayth b. Zayd who is one of the sons of the Banu Tayy'. All that they decide with regard to you shall be according to my wishes, and you will have the protection of God and of Muhammad the Messenger of God. And peace will be with you if you obey me. And the people of Maqnā thou shall lead back to their land."
The letter sent to the people of Adhruh:
"In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. From Muhammad the Prophet to the people of Adhruh; They [will live] securely by virtue of the letter of security from God and from Muhammad. They are due to pay 100 dinars, good and weighed, on every Rajab. And if one [of them] flees from the Muslims, out of fear and awe—for they feared the Muslims—they shall live securely until Muhammad will visit them before he leaves."
- jizyah and non-Muslim Minorities - IslamonLine.net - Ask The Scholar
- Donner, Fred McGraw. The Early Islamic Conquests, Princeton University Press, 1981, p. 251.
- Perry Anderson (1979), Lineages of the Absolutist State, ISBN 978-0-86091-710-6, pp. 342-379
- The devshirme system BBC Religions Archive
- Middle East and Arabic Countries Taxation Law Handbook, p. 35
- Bernard Lewis (1974). Islam, from the Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople: Politics and war. Macmillan. p. 234.
- Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Translator), The History of al-Tabari Vol. 11: The Challenge to the Empires A.D. 633-635, SUNY Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0-7914-0851-3, pp. 4-7.
- Jackson, Peter (2003). The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History. Cambridge University Press. pp. 284–286. ISBN 978-0521543293.
- Irfan Habib, Economic History of Medieval India, 1200-1500, Vol VIII, part 1, ISBN 978-81-317-2791-1, pp. 78-80
- Fouzia Ahmed (2009), The Delhi Sultanate: A Slave Society or A Society with Slaves?, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 30(1): 8-9
- Elliot, H. M. (Henry Miers), Sir; John Dowson. "15. Táríkh-i Fíroz Sháhí, of Ziauddin Barani". The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians. The Muhammadan Period (Vol 3.). London, Trübner & Co. p. 184.
Quote - The Sultan then asked, "How are Hindus designated in the law, as payers of tributes or givers of tribute? The Kazi replied, "They are called payers of tribute, and when the revenue officer demands silver from them, they should tender gold. If the officer throws dirt into their mouths, they must without reluctance open their mouths to receive it. The due subordination of the zimmi is exhibited in this humble payment and by this throwing of dirt in their mouths. The glorification of Islam is a duty. God holds them in contempt, for he says, "keep them under in subjection". To keep the Hindus in abasement is especially a religious duty, because they are the most inveterate enemies of the Prophet, and because the Prophet has commanded us to slay them, plunder them, enslave them and spoil their wealth and property. No doctor but the great doctor (Hanafi), to whose school we belong, has assented to the imposition of the jizya (poll tax) on Hindus. Doctors of other schools allow no other alternative but Death or Islam.
- Vincent A Smith, The Oxford History of India: From the Earliest Times to the End of 1911 at Google Books, Chapter 2, pp 249-251, Oxford University Press
- Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi Autobiography of Firoz Shah Tughlaq, Translated y Elliot and Dawson, Volume 3 - The History of India, Cornell University, pp 374-383
- Annemarie Schimmel (1997). Islam in the Indian Subcontinent. Brill Academic. pp. 20–23. ISBN 978-9004061170.
- Titus, Murray (1930). Indian Islam: a religious history of Islam in India. Oxford University Press. pp. 18–30.
- Vincent A Smith, The Oxford History of India: From the Earliest Times to the End of 1911 at Google Books, Chapter 2, pp 236-242, Oxford University Press
- William Hunter (1903), A Brief History of the Indian Peoples, p. 124, at Google Books, 23rd Edition, pp 124-128
- Muḥammad ibn Tughluq Encyclopedia Britannica (2009)
- Manas: History and Politics, Aurangzeb
- Copland, Ian; et al. (2012). A History of State and Religion in India. Routledge. pp. 114–116. ISBN 978-0415580663.
- Sarkar, Jadunath (1928). History of Aurangzeb, Vol 3. Calcutta. pp. 249–50.
- Shlomo Simonsohn, Between Scylla and Charybdis: The Jews in Sicily, Brill, ISBN 978-9004192454, pp 24, 163
- "The Zoroastrians who remained in Persia (modern Iran) after the Arab–Muslim conquest (7th century AD) had a long history as outcasts. Although they purchased some toleration by paying the jizya (poll tax), not abolished until 1882, they were treated as an inferior race, had to wear distinctive garb, and were not allowed to ride horses or bear arms." Gabars, Encyclopædia Britannica. 2007. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. 29 May 2007.
- "Though in Tunisia and Algeria the jizya/kharaj practice was eliminated during the 19th century, Moroccan Jewry still paid these taxes as late as the first decade of the twentieth century." Michael M. Laskier, North African Jewry in the Twentieth Century: Jews of Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria, NYU Press, 1994, p. 12.
- Mordechai Zaken, Jewish Subjects and their Tribal Chieftains in Kurdistan: A Study in Survival, Brill, 2007, pp. 280–284–71.
- http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/sep/10/egypts-muslim-brotherhood-convert-islam-or-pay-jiz/, http://www.aina.org/news/20130913143703.htm
- "Sikhs pay Rs 20 million as 'tax' to Taliban". Tribuneindia.com. 16 April 2009. Retrieved 30 October 2015.
- Caris, Charlie. "The Islamic State Announces Caliphate". Institute for the Study of War. Retrieved 1 July 2014.
- Williams, G., & Zinkin, J. (2010), Islam and CSR: A study of the compatibility between the tenets of Islam and the UN Global Compact, Journal of Business Ethics, 91(4), 519-533; Quote- "Muslims are required ...(...).. (4) the payment of Zakat (obligatory charity);"; Also:
- Nienhaus (2006), Zakat, taxes, and public finance in Islam, Islam and the Everyday World, 1, pp 165-180
- Jacobs, Steven (2009). Confronting genocide: Judaism, Christianity, Islam. Lexington Books. pp. 122, 125. ISBN 978-0-7391-3589-1.
- Algaoud & Lewis (2007), in Handbook of Islamic Banking, ISBN 978-1848444737, pp 38-41
- Alwan et al., International Education Studies . 2011, Vol. 4 Issue 1, pp 230-237
- Zakât Foundation of America. (2008), The Zakat Handbook: A Practical Guide for Muslims in the West, AuthorHouse, ISBN 978-1438902135, pp 34-73; Quote - "Every Muslim possessing the designated minimal amount of wealth (called nisab) for the full cycle of a lunar year must, as a matter of worship, satisfy the duty of the Zakat-Charity"; Quote - "pay immediately on harvest date" (page 73); Also:
- Hunwick, J. (1999), Islamic financial institutions: Theoretical structures and aspects of their application in Sub-Saharan Africa, Credit, Currencies and Culture, pp 72-96
- Kennedy, Hugh (2004). The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. Longman. p. 68.
- Al Lami (2009), Zakat as Islamic Taxation and its Application in the Contemporary Saudi Legal System, J. Islamic St. Prac. Int'l L., 5, 83-88
- Ahmed and Ahmad (1986), IN RESPECT OF ZAKAT, Islamic Studies, pp 349-368
- Gordon, Murray (1989). Slavery in the Arab world. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 25. ISBN 0941533301.
Quote - prisoners were enslaved either in default of payment of a tax, the jizya and kharaj, or to avoid being massacred on the battlefield."
- I. P. Petrushevsky (1995), Islam in Iran, SUNY Press, ISBN 978-0-88706-070-0, pp 155, Quote - "The law does not contemplate slavery for debt in the case of Muslims, but it allows the enslavement of Dhimmis for non-payment of jizya and kharaj.(...) the Muslim community considers the slave (ghulam, raqiq, banda, kaniz) as chattels, movable property of the owner who could dispose of them as he pleased, by sale, by gift, by bequest."
- Fouzia Ahmed (2009), The Delhi Sultanate: A Slave Society or A Society with Slaves?, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 30(1), pp 8-9; Quote: "‘Alā’ al-Dīn Khaljī legalized the enslavement of the revenue (jizya, kharaj) defaulters. (...) Sultans took the enslaved populations to growing Sultanate cities where there was a great demand of slave labour."
- Gordon, Murray (1989). Slavery in the Arab world. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 25. ISBN 0941533301.
- Saeed, A. (1995), The moral context of the prohibition of riba in Islam revisited, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 12(4), 496-517; Quote - "Spending is made obligatory via Zakat, but whatever you give by way of charity seeking God's pleasure,..."; Also:
- Yohanan Friedmann (2003). Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition. Cambridge University Press. pp. 51, 65, 67, 147.
jizya is designed to punish and humiliate.
- Lázaro, F. L. (2013), The Rise and Global Significance of the First" West": The Medieval Islamic Maghrib, Journal of World History, 24(2), 259-307
- Ahmedov, A. (2008), Religious Minorities in Shafii Law, Journal of Islamic Studies and Practical Int'l Law, 4, 3
- Chandra, S. (1969), Jizyah and the State in India during the 17th Century, Journal de l'histoire economique et sociale de l'Orient, 322-340
- Takim, L. (2007), Holy Peace or Holy War: Tolerance and Co-existence in the Islamic Juridical Tradition, Islam and Muslim Societies, 4(2)
- Victoria, William L. Cleveland, late of Simon Fraser University, Martin Bunton, University of (2013). A history of the modern Middle East (Fifth edition. ed.). New York: Westview Press. p. 13. ISBN 081334834X.
- Nasim Hasan Shah (1988), The concept of Al‐Dhimmah and the rights and duties of Dhimmis in an Islamic state, Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, 9(2), 217-222
- Weiner, J. R. (2005), Palestinian Christians: Equal Citizens or Oppressed Minority in a Future Palestinian State. Or. Rev. Int'l Law, 7, 26
- Timothy H. Parsons (2010). The Rule of Empires. Oxford University Press. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-19-530431-2.
- Charles Hamilton (1957), Hedaya, Lahore
- Hedaya, I.4.; see also K.S. Lal, Theory and Practice of Muslim State in India, Delhi, 1999, pp. 139–140 (tax levies on Muslims in Muslim India: 5%, on dhimmis: 10%).
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