John L. Lewis
|John L. Lewis|
Lewis at the United States Capitol in 1922
|9th President of the United Mine Workers|
|Preceded by||Frank Hayes|
|Succeeded by||Thomas Kennedy|
|1st President of the Congress of Industrial Organizations|
|Preceded by||new organization|
|Succeeded by||Philip Murray|
February 12, 1880|
Cleveland, Lucas County, Iowa
|Died||June 11, 1969
|Occupation||Miner, labor leader|
John Llewellyn Lewis (February 12, 1880 – June 11, 1969) was an American leader of organized labor who served as president of the United Mine Workers of America (UMW) from 1920 to 1960. A major player in the history of coal mining, he was the driving force behind the founding of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), which established the United Steel Workers of America and helped organize millions of other industrial workers in the 1930s. After resigning as head of the CIO in 1941, he took the Mine Workers out of the CIO in 1942 and in 1944 took the union into the American Federation of Labor (AFL).
A leading liberal, he played a major role in helping Franklin D. Roosevelt win a landslide in 1936, but as an isolationist broke with Roosevelt in 1940 on FDR's anti-Nazi foreign policy. Lewis was a brutally effective and aggressive fighter and strike leader who gained high wages for his membership while steamrolling over his opponents, including the United States government. Lewis was one of the most controversial and innovative leaders in the history of labor, gaining credit for building the industrial unions of the CIO into a political and economic powerhouse to rival the AFL, yet was widely hated by calling for nationwide coal strikes which critics believed damaging to the American economy and war effort. His massive leonine head, forest-like eyebrows, firmly set jaw, powerful voice and ever-present scowl thrilled his supporters, angered his enemies, and delighted cartoonists. Coal miners for 40 years hailed him as their leader, whom they credited with bringing high wages, pensions and medical benefits.
- 1 Early life and rise to power
- 2 United Mine Workers of America
- 3 Founding the CIO
- 4 The 1950s
- 5 Retirement and final years
- 6 References in popular culture
- 7 See also
- 8 Notes
- 9 References and bibliography
- 10 External links
Early life and rise to power
Lewis was born in or near Cleveland, Lucas County, Iowa (distinct from the present township of Cleveland in Davis County) to Thomas H. Lewis and Ann Watkins Lewis, both of whom had immigrated from Llangurig Wales. Cleveland was a company town built around a coal mine one mile east of Lucas. His mother and grandparents were members of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS), and the boy adopted the church's views regarding alcohol and sexual propriety, as well as its belief in a just social order that favored the poor. While his grandfather was an RLDS pastor and Lewis periodically donated to his local RLDS church for the rest of his life, there is no definite evidence that he formally joined the Midwestern Mormon denomination.
Lewis attended three years of high school in Des Moines and at the age of 17 went to work in the Big Hill Mine at Lucas. In 1906, Lewis was elected a delegate to the United Mine Workers (UMW) national convention. In 1907, he ran for mayor of Lucas and launched a feed-and-grain distributorship. Both were failures and Lewis returned to coal mining. He moved to Panama, Illinois and in 1909 was elected president of the UMW local. In 1911 Samuel Gompers, the head of the AFL, hired Lewis as a full-time union organizer. Lewis traveled throughout Pennsylvania and the Midwest as an organizer and trouble-shooter, especially in coal and steel districts.
United Mine Workers of America
After serving as statistician and then as vice-president for the UMWA, Lewis became that union's acting president in 1919. On November 1, 1919, he called the first major coal union strike, as 400,000 miners walked off their jobs. President Wilson obtained an injunction, which Lewis obeyed, telling the rank and file, "We cannot fight the Government.". In 1920 he was elected president of the UMWA. Lewis quickly asserted himself as a dominant figure in what was then the largest and most influential trade union in the country.
Coal miners worldwide were sympathetic to socialism, and in the 1920s Communists systematically tried to seize control of UMWA locals. William Z. Foster, the Communist leader, opposed dual unions in favor of organizing within the UMWA. The radicals were most successful in the bituminous (soft) coal regions of the Midwest, where they used local organizing drives to gain control of locals, sought a national labor political party, and demanded federal nationalization of the industry. Lewis, committed to cooperation among labor, management and government, took tight control of the union. He placed the once-autonomous districts under centralized receivership, packed the union bureaucracy with men directly beholden to him, and used UMWA conventions and publications to discredit his critics. The fight was bitter but Lewis used armed force, red-baiting, and ballot-box stuffing and in 1928 expelled the leftists. As Hudson (1952) shows, they started a separate union, the National Miners' Union. In southern Illinois, amidst widespread violence, the Progressive Mine Workers of America of America challenged Lewis, but were beaten back. After 1935 Lewis invited the radical organizers to work for his CIO organizing drives, and they soon gained powerful positions in CIO unions, including auto workers and electrical workers.
Lewis was often denounced as a despotic leader. He repeatedly expelled his political rivals from the UMWA, including John Brophy, Alexander Howat and Adolph Germer. Communists in District 26 (Nova Scotia), including Canadian labor legend J. B. McLachlan, were banned from running for the union executive after a strike in 1923. McLachlan described him as "a traitor" to the working class. Lewis nonetheless commanded great loyalty from many of his followers, even those he had exiled in the past.
A powerful speaker and strategist, Lewis used the nation's dependence on coal to increase the wages and improve the safety of miners, even during several severe recessions. He masterminded a five-month strike, ensuring that the increase in wages gained during World War I would not be lost. Lewis challenged Samuel Gompers, who had led the AFL for nearly forty years, for the Presidency of the AFL in 1921. William Green, one of his subordinates within the Mine Workers at the time, nominated him; William Hutcheson, the President of the Carpenters, supported him. Gompers won. Three years later, on Gompers' death, Green succeeded him as AFL President.
In 1924, Lewis a Republican, framed a plan for a three-year contract between the UMWA and the coal operators, providing for a pay rate of $7.50 per day (about $98.50 in 2015 dollars when adjusted for inflation). President Coolidge and then-Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover were impressed with the plan and Lewis was actually offered the post of Secretary of Labor in Coolidge's cabinet. Lewis declined, a move he later regretted. Without government support, the contract talks failed and coal operators hired non-union miners. The UMWA treasury was drained, but Lewis was able to maintain the union and his position within it. He was successful in winning the 1925 anthracite (hard coal) miners' strike by his oratorical skills.
Lewis supported Republican Herbert Hoover for President in 1928; in 1932 as the Great Depression bore brutally on the mining camps, he officially backed Hoover but quietly supported Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1936 his union made the largest single contribution, over $500,000, to Roosevelt's successful campaign for reelection.
Lewis was appointed a member of the Labor Advisory Board and the National Labor Board of the National Recovery Administration in 1933, and used it to raise wages of miners and reduce competition. He gambled on a massive membership drive, and won, as he piggy-backed on FDR's popularity: "The President wants you to join the UMW!" Coal miners represented many ethnic groups, and Lewis shrewdly realized they shared a faith in Roosevelt; he was careful not to antagonize any of the ethnic groups, and he appealed to African American members as well. He secured the passage of the Guffey Coal Act in 1935, and a then the Guffey-Vinson Act in 1937 when the former act was declared by the Supreme Court to be unconstitutional, both of them favorable to miners. Lewis had long had the idea that the highly competitive bituminous coal industry, with its sharp ups and downs and cut-throat competition, could be stabilized by a powerful union that set a standard wage scale and could keep recalcitrant owners in line with selective strikes. The Guffey acts made this possible, and coal entered a golden era. At all times Lewis rejected socialism and promoted competitive capitalism.
Founding the CIO
With the open support of the AFL and the tacit support of the UMWA, Franklin D. Roosevelt was nominated and elected President in 1932, and Lewis benefited from the New Deal programs that followed. Many of his members received relief. Lewis helped secure passage of the Guffey Coal Act of 1935, which raised prices and wages, but was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. Thanks to the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (the Wagner Act), union membership grew rapidly, especially in the UMWA. Lewis and the UMW were major financial backers of Roosevelt's reelection in 1936, and were firmly committed to the New Deal.
Lewis obtained from the American Federation of Labor, at its annual convention in 1934, an endorsement of the principle of industrial unionism, as opposed to limitations to skilled workers. His goal was to unionize 400,000 steel workers, using his UMWA resources (augmented by leftists he had expelled in 1928). With the leaders of nine other large industrial unions and the UMWA in November 1935 Lewis formed the "Committee for Industrial Organization" to promote the organization of workers on an industry-wide basis. Key allies were Philip Murray (the UMWA man Lewis picked to head the steel union); Sidney Hillman, president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA); and David Dubinsky of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU).
The entire CIO group was expelled from the AFL in November 1938 and became the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) with Lewis as the first president. The growth of the CIO was phenomenal in steel, rubber, meat, autos, glass and electrical equipment. In early 1937 his CIO affiliates won collective-bargaining contracts with two of the most powerful anti-union corporations, General Motors and United States Steel. General Motors surrendered as a result of the great Flint Sit-Down Strike, during which Lewis negotiated with company executives, Governor Frank Murphy of Michigan, and President Roosevelt. U.S. Steel conceded without a strike as Lewis secretly negotiated an agreement with Myron Taylor, chairman of U.S. Steel. The CIO gained enormous strength and prestige from the victories in automobiles and steel, and escalated its organizing drives, now targeting industries that the AFL have long claimed, especially meatpacking, textiles, and electrical products. The AFL fought back, and gained even more members, but the two rivals spent much of their energy fighting each other for members and for power inside local Democratic organizations.
Journalist C. L. Sulzberger described Lewis's rhetorical skill in the "Crust of Bread" speech. Operators who opposed a contract were often shamed into agreement by Lewis's accusations. A typical Lewis speech to operators would go, "Gentlemen, I speak to you for the miners' families... The little children are gathered around a bare table without anything to eat. They are not asking for a $100,000 yacht like yours, Mr.______..." (here, he would gesture with his cigar toward an operator), "...or for a Rolls-Royce limousine like yours, Mr. _____..." (staring at another operator). They are asking only for a slim crust of bread."
World War II
In the Presidential election of 1940, Lewis, heavily dependent on pro-Soviet organizers, rejected Roosevelt and supported Wendell Willkie, the Republican candidate. Taking its orders from Moscow, the Communist Party USA advocated strict neutrality and strongly opposed American entry into World War II and opposed American aid to Britain or France. It launched strikes in war industries to hinder shipments of aid to the Allies. However, on election day, 85% of CIO members voted for Roosevelt, thus rejecting Lewis's leadership. Lewis resigned as president of the CIO, but kept control of the UMWA and withdrew it from the CIO. After the German attack on the Soviets in June 1941, Lewis reversed positions and supported all-out aid to the USSR and other allies. The UMWA issued a no-strike pledge "for the duration" in support of the war effort. However, Lewis repeatedly violated the pledge, most notably in 1943 when half a million workers walked off the job. Throughout World War II, he repeatedly called his miners out on strike, defying the government, outraging public opinion, which demanded (and got) tough new anti-union laws. The Gallup poll of June 1943 showed 87% disapproval of Lewis.  Roosevelt seized the mines. Even so, some steel mills closed for weeks and power shortages crippled production.
In the postwar years he continued his militancy; his miners went on strikes or "work stoppages" annually. In 1945, 1946, 1948, and 1949–1950, he led strikes that President Harry S. Truman denounced as threats to national security. In response, industry, railroads and homeowners rapidly switched from coal to oil.
After briefly affiliating with the AFL, Lewis broke with them again over signing non-Communist oaths required by the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act, making the UMW independent again. Lewis, never a Communist himself, refused to allow any of his officials to take the non-Communist oath required by the Taft-Hartley Act; the UMW was therefore denied legal rights protected by the National Labor Relations Board. He denounced Taft-Hartley as authorizing "government by injunction" and refused to follow its provisions, saying he would not be dictated to.
Lewis secured a welfare fund financed entirely by the coal companies but administered by the union. In May 1950 he signed a new contract with the coal operators, ending nine months of regional strikes and opening an era of peaceful negotiations that brought wage increases and new medical benefits, including regional hospitals in the hills.
In the 1950s, Lewis won periodic wage and benefit increases for miners and led the campaign for the first Federal Mine Safety Act in 1952. Lewis tried to impose some order on a declining industry through collective bargaining, maintaining standards for his members by insisting that small operators agree to contract terms that effectively put many of them out of business. Mechanization nonetheless eliminated many of the jobs in his industry while scattered non-union operations persisted.
Lewis continued to be as autocratic as ever within the UMWA, padding the union payrolls with his friends and family, ignoring or suppressing demands for a rank-and-file voice in union affairs. Finally in 1959 the passage of the Landrum-Griffin Act forced reform. It ended the practice where the UMWA had kept a number of its districts in trusteeship for decades, meaning that Lewis appointed union officers who otherwise would have been elected by the membership.
Lewis retired in early 1960, as the highly paid membership slipped below 190,000 because of mechanization, strip mining, and competition from oil. He was succeeded as president by Thomas Kennedy until his death in 1963, when he was succeeded by Lewis-anointed successor W. A. Boyle, who was just as dictatorial, but without any of Lewis' leadership skills or vision.
Retirement and final years
On September 14, 1964, four years after his retirement from the UMWA, Lewis was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Lyndon B. Johnson, his citation reading: "[An] eloquent spokesman of labor, [Lewis] has given voice to the aspirations of the industrial workers of the country and led the cause of free trade unions within a healthy system of free enterprise."
Lewis retired to his family home, the Lee-Fendall House in Alexandria, Virginia, where he had lived since 1937. He lived there until his death on June 11, 1969. He is buried in Oak Ridge Cemetery, Springfield, Illinois.
References in popular culture
- In the 1938 motion picture Holiday the character of Linda Seton played by Katharine Hepburn describes how she tried to help some strikers in Jersey. "I never could decide whether I wanted to be Joan of Arc, Florence Nightingale or John L. Lewis."
- In an episode of the Jack Benny radio program, a friend brings a baby over to Benny's house. When the infant breaks a jar of home-made chili, Benny demands fifteen cents as compensation. When his friend protests by saying that he shouldn't have to pay because the baby is a minor. Benny retorts: "I don't care if he's John L. Lewis!" causing the audience to roar with laughter at the minor/miner play on words.
- In another episode of the Jack Benny Radio Program from 21 January 1945, Mary complains that the hotel is so far underground that they are mining coal in the lobby, and the bellhops have lamps on their Helmets. Jack explains it by saying that the desk clerk's name is John L. Lewis.
- The seventh verse of the song "'31 Depression Blues," recorded by the New Lost City Ramblers and sung by Mike Seeger, includes the line "And the public said 'John L, it can never be done,' / But somehow he got the miners' battle won."
- In the second expansion Wrath of the Lich King from the popular MMORPG World of Warcraft there is an NPC that teaches mining named after Jonathan Lewis.
- In John McCutcheon's song "Ghosts of the Good Old Days," he makes reference to a common Appalachian practice: "Hung three pictures above the old sofa; it was Jesus, FDR, and John L./So we knew how to pray, we knew how to vote, and we knew how to really give 'em hell."
- Robert H. Zieger. "Lewis, John L." American National Biography Online Feb. 2000
- "LABOR: Horatius & the Great Ham". TIME. December 16, 1946. Retrieved September 27, 2013.(subscription required)
- History of Lucas County, Iowa, State Historical Co., Des Moines, 1881, page 611.
- Ron Roberts, "John L. Lewis's Ethical Contribution to Social Justice in the United States of America", Toward Economic Justice?, Vol. 4 of Paths of Peace, edited by David J. Howlett, Suzanne Trewhitt McLaughlin, and Orval Fisher (Independence, Missouri: Herald Publishing House, 2003), pp. 73-91; Ron Roberts, "A Waystation from Babylon: Nineteenth-century Saints in Lucas, Iowa," John Whitmer Historical Association Journal, 10 (1991): pp. 60-70.
- Zieger (1995)
- Dubofsky and Van Tine, John L. Lewis: A Biography (1986) pp 76-91
- Harriet Hudson, The Progressive Mine Workers of America: A Study in Rival Unionism (1952),
- David Frank, J. B. McLachlan: A Biography: The Story of a Legendary Labour Leader and the Cape Breton Coal Miners p 314
- Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years: a History of the American Worker 1920-1933 (1966)
- [dead link]
- Dubofsky and Van Tine, John L. Lewis: A Biography (1986) pp 131-61
- It was replaced in 1937 by the Guffey-Vinson Act, which passed Court scrutiny. James P. Johnson. A "New Deal" for soft coal: the attempted revitalization of the bituminous coal industry under the New Deal (1979)
- Robert H. Zieger, The CIO: 1935-1955, Chapter 2
- Robert H. Zieger, The CIO: 1935-1955 ch 3
- C. L. Sulzberger, Sit Down with John L. Lewis (1938)
- Hadley Cantril and Mildred Strunk, eds. Public Opinion, 1935-1946 (1951) p 397
- Herman, Arthur. Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II, (2012) pp. 141, 245-47
- Coal Strike Ended, 1946/05/29 (1946). Universal Newsreel. 1953. Retrieved February 22, 2012.
- Eleanora W. Schoenebaum, ed. (1976). Political profiles. Facts on File, inc. p. 366.
- Cyrus Bina; et al. (1996). Beyond Survival: Wage Labor in the Late Twentieth Century. M.E. Sharpe. p. 114.
- William Graebner (1976). Coal-mining Safety in the Progressive Period: The Political Economy of Reform. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 57–58.
- "John L. Lewis". Retrieved July 23, 2011.
- John L. Lewis Grave at Find a Grave.
- "Smithsonian Folkways - 31' Depression Blues - The New Lost City Ramblers". Smithsonianglobalsound.org. 2013-03-20. Retrieved 2013-08-23.
- Justice and Violence: Political Violence, Pacifism and Cultural Transformation. Books.google.com. Retrieved 2013-08-23.
References and bibliography
- Alinsky, Saul. John L. Lewis: An Unauthorized Biography. (1949)
- Baratz, Morton S. The Union and the Coal Industry (Yale University Press, 1955)
- Bernstein, Irving. The Lean Years: a History of the American Worker 1920-1933 (1966), best coverage of the era
- Bernstein, Irving. Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933-1941 (1970), thorough coverage of the era
- Cantril, Hadley and Strunk, Mildred, eds. Public Opinion, 1935-1946. (1951) summarizes all published polls on Lewis
- Clapp, Thomas C. "The Bituminous Coal Strike of 1943." PhD dissertation U. of Toledo 1974. 278 pp. DAI 1974 35(6): 3626-3627-A., not online
- Dublin, Thomas and Walter Licht. The Face of Decline: The Pennsylvania Anthracite Region in the Twentieth Century (2005) excerpt and text search
- Dubofsky, Melvyn, and Warren Van Tine. John L. Lewis: A Biography (1977), the standard scholarly biography excerpt and text search of abridged 1986 edition ISBN 0-8129-0673-X.
- Dubofsky, Melvyn, and Warren Van Tine. "John L. Lewis " in Dubofsky and Van Tine, eds. Labor Leaders in America (1990)
- Fishback, Price V. Soft Coal, Hard Choices: The Economic Welfare of Bituminous Coal Miners, 1890-1930 (1992) online edition
- Galenson; Walter. The CIO Challenge to the AFL: A History of the American Labor Movement, 1935–1941, (1960) online edition
- Hinrichs, A. F. The United Mine Workers of America, and the Non-Union Coal Fields (1923) online edition
- Laslett, John H.M. ed. The United Mine Workers: A Model of Industrial Solidarity? 1996.
- Lynch, Edward A., and David J. McDonald. Coal and Unionism: A History of the American Coal Miners' Unions (1939) online edition
- Seltzer, Curtis. Fire in the Hole: Miners and Managers in the American Coal Industry University Press of Kentucky, 1985, conflict in the coal industry to the 1980s.
- Singer, Alan Jay. "`Which Side Are You On?': Ideological Conflict in the United Mine Workers of America, 1919-1928." PhD dissertation Rutgers U., New Brunswick 1982. 304 pp. DAI 1982 43(4): 1268-A. DA8221709 Fulltext: [ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]
- Zieger, Robert H. "Lewis, John L." American National Biography Online Feb. 2000
- Zieger, Robert H. John L. Lewis: Labor Leader (1988), 220pp short biography by scholar
- Zieger, Robert H. The CIO 1935-1955. 1995. online edition
- "LABOR: Horatius & the Great Ham' Time Dec. 16, 1946
- Political Cartoons about John Lewis 1940-1941 Sykes Editorial Cartoon Collection, VCU Libraries
|Wikiquote has quotations related to: John L. Lewis|
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to John L. Lewis.|
- Lewis's biography on the United Mine Workers of America's website
- Medium-length biography from a history site
- John L. Lewis Labor and the Nation, delivered 3 September 1937 in Washington D.C., American Rhetoric, top 100 Speeches, transcript of speech.
- John L. Lewis Museum of Mining and Labor in Lucas, Iowa
- Footage John L. Lewis leading s strike in 1919.
- FBI file on John L. Lewis
- Lee-Fendall House
- John L. Lewis Memorial at Find a Grave
|Trade union offices|
|President of the United Mine Workers
|New office||President of the Congress of Industrial Organizations
|Awards and achievements|
Franklin D. Roosevelt
|Cover of Time Magazine
4 June 1923
Herbert L. Pratt