|President of the First Slovak Republic|
26 October 1939 – 3 April 1945
|Preceded by||Office created|
|Succeeded by||Office abolished|
|Prime Minister and Minister of Interior of the Autonomous Slovak Region|
20 January 1939 – 9 March 1939
|Preceded by||Jozef Tiso|
|Succeeded by||Jozef Sivák|
|Prime Minister and Minister of Interior, Social Care and Health of the Autonomous Slovak Region|
1 December 1938 – 20 January 1939
|Preceded by||Jozef Tiso|
|Succeeded by||Jozef Tiso|
|Prime Minister and the Minister of Interior of Autonomous Slovak Region|
7 October 1938 – 1 December 1938
|Preceded by||Office created|
|Succeeded by||Jozef Tiso|
|Minister of Health and Physical Education of Czechoslovakia|
27 January 1927 – 8 October 1929
|Preceded by||Jan Šrámek|
|Succeeded by||Jan Šrámek|
13 October 1887|
Trenčín County, Kingdom of Hungary, Austria-Hungary
|Died||18 April 1947
|Political party||Slovak People's Party|
|Profession||Politician, Cleric, Roman Catholic priest|
Jozef Tiso (13 October 1887 – 18 April 1947) was a Slovak Roman Catholic priest, and a leading politician of the Slovak People's Party. Between 1939 and 1945, Tiso was the head of the 1939–45 First Slovak Republic, a satellite state of Nazi Germany and he was to remain an active priest throughout his political career. After the end of World War II, Tiso was convicted and hanged for treason that subsumed also war crimes and crimes against humanity by National Court in Bratislava.
Tiso was born in Bytča to Slovak parents in the Trenčín County of the Kingdom of Hungary, part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He was raised in a religious family and studied at the local elementary school. Then, as a good student with a flair for languages, he studied at a lower grammar school in Žilina. The school had clearly Hungarian spirit, since all Slovak grammar schools were closed at the time of his study. Here, he began to use Hungarian form of his name Tiszó József. In 1920, he began to study at higher Priarist grammar school in Nitra. The Bishop of Nitra, Imre Bende, offered Tiso a chance to study for the priesthood at the prestigious Pázmáneum in Vienna. Tiso, taught by several elite professors, became familiar with various philosophies and the newest Papal Encyclicals. He also extended his language skills. Along with already known Hungarian, German and Latin, he studied Hebrew, Aramaic dialects and Arabic. The school reports describe him mostly as an "excellent", "exemplary", and "pious" student. He graduated as a Doctor of Theology in 1911.
His early ministry was spent as an assistant priest in three parishes in today's Slovakia. Tiso was interested in public affairs and performed extensive educational and social work. During his fight against poverty and alcoholism, he also probably adopted some stereotype and simplified views on Slovak-Jewish relations. However, such views were not unusual in the contemporary society, including priests or other people with higher education. He blamed the Jewish tavern owners for the raising alcoholism and he was also a member of self-help association selling food and clothing cheaper than the local Jewish store. Tiso became a member of Nép párt (Catholic People's Party) and contributed to its Slovak journal Kresťan (Christian).
During the World War I, he served as a field curate of the 71th infantry regiment recruited mostly from Slovak soldiers. The regiment suffered heavy losses in Galicia. Tiso got first-hand experience with horrors of war, but also with Germanisation and Russification of the local population. After few months, his regiment was transferred to Slovenia where he met Slovenian politician Anton Korosec who was also a Roman Catholic priest. Tiso was inspired by a better organization of the Slovenian national movement. Tiso's military career was ended by a serious illness of kidney and he was released from the military service. He did not return to his parish in Bánovce but he was appointed as the Spiritual Director of the Nitra seminary by Bende's successor, Vilmos Batthyány. Tiso was also active at this time as a school teacher and journalist. He published his experiences from the war (The Diary from the Northern Frontline). In other articles written in a patriotic style, he emphasized the need for good military morale and discipline. However, this was nothing unusual and it reflected a common style of the contemporary press, including a limited set of still printed Slovak newspapers. He also covered religious and educational topics, emphasizing a need for religious literature in the Slovak language.
Tiso did not belong to politicians active in the pre-war national movement and his pre-war national orientation has been frequently questioned. His political opponents tried to draw him as a Magyarone (Magyarized Slovak) while nationalists sought for proofs of his early national orientation. Both views are largely simplified. Tiso carefully avoided national conflicts with the Church and state hierarchy and focused on his social and religious activities. He featured as a loyal Austrian-Hungarian citizen, but the Slovak language and the spirit of his educational work was required to preserve contact with a large part of his parishioners.
Collapse of Austria-Hungary
In autumn 1918, Tiso recognized that the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy is unsustainable. He also understood that the historical Hungary cannot be preserved anymore.Regardless of the formal declaration of Czechoslovakia, the way to real control of Czechoslovak bodies over Slovakia was not straightforward. Also, it was still unclear to which state will Nitra belong. In these conditions, he began to prepare his readers for the new state and political regime. On 8 December 1918, Hungarian National Council in Nitra delegated him to negotiate with the Czechoslovak Army, invited to restore and maintain public order. Tiso was named a secretary of new Slovak National Council and suddenly embraced politics as a career.
The first Czechoslovak republic
In December 1918, Tiso became a member of restored Slovak People's Party (Slovenská ľudová strana, so called "Ľudáks"). The party originally supported the idea of parliamentary democracy, defended interests of its Slovak Catholic voters and sought Slovak autonomy within the Czecho-Slovakia framework. Tiso, largely unknown before the coup, gradually strengthen his position in the party hierarchy. His elite education, high intelligence, energy, large working experiences with common people and his ability to speak a simple language made him popular speaker and journalist of the party. In 1919, he founded a subsidiary of the party in Nitra and he organized gymnastic organization Orol (Eagle), the counterweight of similar Czech/Czechoslovak organization Sokol. Tiso first ran for parliament in 1920. Although the electoral results from his district were bright spots in what was otherwise a disappointing election for the Ľudáks, the party did not reward him with a legislative seat. Tiso, however, easily claimed one in the 1925 election, which also resulted in a breakthrough victory for the party. Until 1938, he was a fixture in the Czecho-Slovakian parliament in Prague.
In 1921 Tiso was appointed monsignor by the Vatican, although this appointment lapsed with the later death of Pope Benedict XV. From 1921 to 1923, he served as the secretary to the new Slovak bishop of Nitra, Karol Kmeťko. During the same period, nationalist political agitation earned Tiso two convictions by the Czechoslovak courts for incitement, one of which resulted in a short incarceration. Displeased, Kmeťko dropped him as secretary in 1923, but retained him as a Professor of Theology. In 1924, Tiso left Nitra to become dean of Bánovce nad Bebravou. He remained the dean of Bánovce for the rest of his political career, returning there regularly every weekend also as a Czechoslovak minister and as later as a president.
In the interwar period, Tiso profiled as a moderate politician and his ability to reach compromises made him respected mediator of the party. He used more radical rhetoric as a journalist, putting aside much of the anti-Jewish rhetoric of his earlier journalistic activities. He attacked his opponents and not always controlled his emotions. However, he usually returned to patient tone and rational argumentation in official political negotiations. Tiso sharply criticized the policy of the central government toward Slovaks and Slovakia, but firmly supported the existence of Czechoslovakia. While the party still operated withing a democratic framework, Tiso's colleague and political rival Vojtech Tuka formed two internal movements aimed against the state or its regime - the first one oriented on collaboration with the Hungarian irredentism and the second one grouped around pro-fascist Rodobrana. Tiso did not participate in any of them.
In the late 1920s, Tiso already belonged to the party's leaders. When the president of the party Andrej Hlinka traveled in 1926 to the Eucharistic Congress in the USA, he delegated Tiso to represent him in the presidium of the party. In his absence, Tiso led complicated negotiations about an entry of HSĽS into the government. He was successful and thus strengthened his position. In January 1927, he became the Czechoslovak Minister of Health and Physical Education. Since HSĽS previously operated as an opposition party and was not able to fulfill all of its promises, the participation in the government led to the loss of its preferences. Tiso again proved his speaker skills and advocated the decision. Minister Tiso successfully realized several important health service projects in Slovakia. Surprisingly, he refused the government ministry flat but stayed in one of Prague monasteries. In October 1929, HSĽS left the government after Tuka's affair. Tiso was more inclined than Hlinka to find compromises with other parties to form alliances, but for a decade after 1929 his initiatives were not successful. In 1930, he became the official vice president of the party and seemed destined to succeed Hlinka. He spent the 1930s competing for Hlinka's mantle with party radicals, most notably the rightist Karol Sidor – Tuka was in prison for much of this period for treason.
In 1930, Tiso published The Ideology of the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party explaining his views on the Czech-Slovak relationship. Notably, he claimed sovereignty of Slovak nation over the territory of Slovakia and indirectly suggested the right of Slovaks to adopt also a different solution than Czechoslovakia. He repeated the same idea also in his parliamentary speeches:
...we bow to the closest Slav, brother Czech, to apply our sovereignty as a small nation together with him in the common state. We are ready to stand guard over its life and to lay all the sacrifices on its altar. (...) However, we should be aware that our sovereignty is applied within the scope defined by the common agreement, otherwise, we have to apply a principle: a nation is more than a state.— Jozef Tiso, Czechoslovak parliament, 3 February 1933
By the middle 1930s, Tiso's views shifted toward authoritative and totalitarian ideas. He repeatedly declared that HSĽS is the only one party representing the Slovaks and the only one party which speaks about the Slovak nation. None of these claims were true but played a significant role in the later liquidation of the democratic regime. The party should cover all aspects of the life. "One nation, one party, one leader", Tiso declared at the party congress held in 1936.
In 1938, when the pressure of Nazi Germany and Hungary had increased, the representatives of HSĽS probed opinions of neighboring states on the future of Slovakia. In May 1938, Tiso held secret negotiation with Hungarian Foreign Minister Affairs Kálmán Kánya during a eucharistic congress in Budapest. Tiso declared that Slovakia is open to form a common state with Hungary in the case that Czechoslovakia ceases to exist. However, the meeting did not go well. Tiso was disappointed by Kánya's attitude and alleged Hungarian "historical claims" on Slovakia and perceived his behaviour as a lofty and arrogant. Also Hungary was not seriously interested in the common agreement and focused more on the breaking Czechoslovakia together with Nazi Germany. Tiso, well aware of the weak economic position of Slovakia, lack of qualified people and an unstable international situation, still preferred Czechoslovakia as the best solution. When Hlinka died in August 1938, Tiso quickly consolidated control of the Ľudák party. Tiso was also an official speaker of the party at Hlinka's funeral where he urged to national unity and loyalty to the Czechoslovak republic.} He continued in negotiations with the central government, explained the goals of potential autonomy and refused military solution of the Czechoslovak-German conflict.
Autonomous Slovak Region
In October 1938, following the Munich Agreement Germany annexed and occupied the Sudetenland, the main German-speaking parts of Czecho-Slovakia. On 6 October 1938, HSĽS took advantage of the weakening of the central government and declared the autonomy of Slovakia (some other parties in an unequal position were allowed to join). Next day, he became the prime minister of the Slovak Autonomous Region.
One of his first tasks was to lead the Czechoslovak delegation during negotiations with Hungary in Komárno proceeding the First Vienna Award. Tiso who had never led similar international negotiation found himself in a difficult position. Czechoslovakia acted under pressure of terrorist actions sponsored by the Hungarian government and the central government was overloaded by trials to stabilize the situation with Germany. Tiso had to oppose far better prepared Hungarian delegation but acted as a flexible and patient negotiator. When the Hungarian delegation refused further discussion, Tiso (probably under the influence of radicals) sought for a help of Nazi Germany . This was really promised by Ribbentrop. Later, Tiso was so shocked by the real result of the First Vienna Award that he originally refused to sign the protocol. In a radio speech to the citizens, Tiso did not mention Ribbentrop's promise, but blamed the central government and its "twenty years old policy". He quickly found also another scapegoat. The day before the award, police arrested several Jews at the demonstration of the Hungarian youth requesting cession of the town to Hungary. As several historians noted, the demonstration could not influence anything and Nazi Germany and fascist Italy obviously did not realize the wish of the Jewry but followed their own interests. Tiso who otherwise featured as a pragmatic politician adopted an unusually violent solution. On 4 November 1938, he ordered to deport the Jews without property and later those without the citizenship to the annexed territory.
In the same month, all Czech or Slovak political parties in Slovakia (except for the Communists) "voluntarily" joined forces and set up the "Party of Slovak National Unity", which created the basis for the future authoritarian regime in Slovakia. In January 1939, the Slovak government prohibited all parties apart from the Party of Slovak National Unity and two parties of minority populations, the "German Party" and the "Unified Hungarian Party".
In February 1939 Tiso entered into negotiations with Germany for fully independent Slovakia, separated from Czecho-Slovakia. He held direct meetings with the German representative Arthur Seyss-Inquart, in which Tiso initially expressed doubts as to whether an independent Slovakia would be a viable entity. Eventually Czech military units occupied Slovakia and forced Tiso out of office on 9 March 1939. However the Ruthenians, also resentful of the inclusion of their lands in Czecho-Slovakia, now also sought autonomy.
Tiso's Catholic-conservative feelings initially inhibited him from what appeared to be revolutionary instead of reform move. However, within a few days Hitler invited Tiso to Berlin, and offered assistance for Slovak nationhood. Hitler suggested that Slovakia should declare independence under German protection (i.e.: Protectorate status), and that if not Hungary might annex the remaining territory of Slovakia. Under these circumstances, Tiso denied any individual decision and requested the Czecho-Slovak President to call meeting of the Slovak Diet for the 14th March. During that session Tiso made a speech informing the Diet about his conversation with Hitler, confirming that he reserved any move for independence for a decision of the Slovak Diet. On the initiative of the President of the assembly, Martin Sokol (himself a strong proponent of the Czecho-Slovak state with guaranteed autonomy for Slovakia), endorsed a declaration of independence. On March 15, after Czech President Hacha requested German assistance, Germany occupied the remaining rump of Czecho-Slovakia.
Slovakia became the Slovak Republic, an independent state (under German protection) which was formally recognised by the Soviet Union and Germany, with de facto recognition by Great Britain and France (but not by the United States who were largely responsible, in 1919, for the new artificial state of Czecho-Slovakia). Czech émigrés and the United States considered Slovakia a puppet state of Germany. After recognition of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile by Great Britain, the British Foreign Office notified the Czech Foreign Ministry that Britain did not recognise any territorial claims of Czecho-Slovakia, nor could they commit to any fixed boundaries for the state, nor recognise the legal continuation of Czecho-Slovakia.
Tiso was initially Prime Minister from 14 March 1939 until 26 October 1939. On 1 October 1939 Tiso became official president of the Slovak People's Party. On 26 October he became President of Slovakia and appointed Tuka as Prime Minister. After 1942, Tiso was also styled Vodca ("Leader"), an imitation in the national language of Führer.
Anti-semitism and deportation of Jews
At a conference held in Salzburg, Austria on 28 July 1940, an agreement was reached to establish a National Socialist regime in Slovakia. Tuka attended the conference, as did Hitler, Tiso, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Alexander Mach (head of the Hlinka Guards), and Franz Karmasin, head of the local German minority. As a result of the conference, two state agencies were created to deal with "Jewish affairs". The "Salzburg Summit" resulted in closer collaboration with Germany, and in Tuka and other political leaders increasing their powers at the expense of Tiso's original concept of a Catholic corporate state. The agreement called for dual command by the Slovak People’s Party and the Hlinka Guard (HSĽS), and also an acceleration in Slovakia's anti-Jewish policies. The Reich appointed Sturmabteilung leader Manfred von Killinger as the German representative in Slovakia. Tiso however accepted these changes in subsequent conversation with Hitler. SS Officer Dieter Wisliceny was dispatched to Slovakia to act as an 'adviser' on Jewish issues. The Party under Tiso and Tuka's leadership aligned itself with Nazi policy by implementing anti-Semitic legislation in Slovakia. The main act was the Jewish Code, under which Jews in Slovakia could not own any real estate or luxury goods, were excluded from public office and free occupations, could not participate in sport or cultural events, were excluded from secondary schools and universities, and were required to wear the star of David in public. Tiso himself had anti-Semitic views (as his earlier journalism made clear) which were widespread in Slovakia. Although there are dissenting opinions by modern politicians on his role in the Jewish deportations from Slovakia, it is clear that, in line with German policy and "suggestions" as well as his earlier anti-semitism, he encouraged these actions, despite condemnation of the deportations from some Slovak bishops. In 1942 he gave a speech in Holíč in which he justified continuing deportations of Jews from Slovakia; Hitler commented after this speech "It is interesting how this little Catholic priest Tiso is sending us the Jews!".
In February 1942, Slovakia became the first Nazi ally to agree to deportations. The Nazis had asked for 20,000 young able-bodied Jews for labour duties. Tiso had hoped that compliance would aid in the return of 120,000 Slovak workers from Germany. Later in 1942, amid Vatican protests as news of the fate of the deportees filtered back, and the German advance into Russia was halted, Slovakia then became the first of Hitler's puppet states to shut down the deportations. One Jewish writer stated: "By the end of June 1942, some 52,000 Slovak Jews had been deported, mainly to Auschwitz and to their death. Then, however, the deportations slowed to a standstill. The intervention of the Vatican, followed by the bribing of Slovak officials upon the initiative of a group of local Jews ["Working Group"] did eventually play a role ... That bribing the Slovaks contributed to a halt in the deportations for two years is most likely ...". There are significant records showing that Slovak Jews originally were employed in the I.G. Buna plant at Auschwitz before their deaths.
Mazower wrote: "When the Vatican protested, the government responded with defiance: 'There is no foreign intervention which would stop us on the road to the liberation of Slovakia from Jewry', insisted President Tiso". Distressing scenes at railway yards of deportees being beaten by Hlinka guards had brought protests, including from leading churchmen such as Bishop Pavol Jantausch. The Vatican called in the Slovak ambassador twice to enquire as to what was happening in Slovakia. These interventions, wrote the left-wing historian Richard Evans, "caused Tiso, who after all was still a priest in holy orders, to have second thoughts about the programme". Giuseppe Burzio and others reported to Tiso that the Germans were murdering the deported Jews. Tiso hesitated and then refused to deport Slovakia's 24,000 remaining Jews. According to Mazower "Church pressure and public anger resulted in perhaps 20,000 Jews being granted exemptions, effectively bringing the deportations there to an end".
When in 1943 rumours of further deportations emerged, the Papal Nuncio in Istanbul, Msgr. Angelo Roncalli (later Pope John XXIII) and Burzio helped galvanize the Holy See into intervening in vigorous terms. On 7 April 1943, Burzio challenged Tuka over the rumours of extermination of Slovak Jews. The Vatican then condemned the renewal of the deportations on 5 May and the Slovakian episcopate issued a pastoral letter condemning totalitarianism and antisemitism on 8 May 1943. "Tuka", wrote Evans, was "forced to backtrack by public protests, especially from the Church, which by this time had been convinced of the fate that awaited the deportees. Pressure from the Germans, including a direct confrontation between Hitler and Tiso on 22 April 1943, remained without effect."
In August 1944, there was an antifascist partisan insurgency against the Tiso government. German troops were sent to quell this and with them came security police charged with rounding up Slovakia's remaining Jews. Burzio begged Tiso directly to at least spare Catholic Jews from transportation and delivered an admonition from the Pope: "the injustice wrought by his government is harmful to the prestige of his country and enemies will exploit it to discredit clergy and the Church the world over." Tiso ordered the deportation of the nation's remaining Jews, who were sent to the Concentration Camps - most to Auschwitz. Tiso remained in office during the German army's occupation, but his presidency was relegated to a mostly titular role as Slovakia lost whatever de facto independence it had. During the German occupation, another 13,500 Jews were deported and 5,000 imprisoned. Some were murdered in Slovakia itself, in particular at Kremnička and Nemecká.
Trial and death
Tiso lost all remnants of power when the Soviet Army conquered the last parts of western Slovakia in April 1945. He fled first to Austria, then to a Capuchin monastery in Altötting, Bavaria. In June 1945, he was arrested by the Americans and extradited to the reconstituted Czechoslovakia to stand trial in October 1945. On 15 April 1947, the Czechoslovak National Court (Národný súd) found him guilty of many (but not all) of the allegations against him, and sentenced him to death for "state treason, betrayal of the antifascist partisan insurrection and collaboration with Nazism". They concluded that Tiso's government had been responsible for the break-up of the Czechoslovak Republic; and that Tiso was found guilty of a more radical "solution" of the Jewish question; of establishing the totalitarian fascist regime under a slogan "One God, one nation, one organisation" by founding fascist organisations HSLS (Hlinka's Slovak People's Party), Hlinkova garda (Hlinka Guard) and Hlinkova mladez (Hlinka Youth), the last two with compulsory membership; of destruction of democracy; of awarding Karl Hermann Frank Grand Cross following Frank's involvement in Czech students' murders and Lidice massacre; of a military occupation of the west part of Slovakia by military forces of the Third Reich which seized state military assets valued 2 bilion Ks and transported them to the Third Reich; of persecuting and terrorizing the regime's 3000 opponents imprisoned, tortured and some of them slaughtered in Ilava concentration camp; of expropriation of assets of the Czechs and the Jews by Hlinka Guard; of damage to state finance in the amount of 8.6 bilions Ks due to clearing for the Third Reich, other 3-4 bilions Ks by supplying the Wehrmacht and other 7 bilion Ks by secretly supplying the German occupational forces; of incitement to hatred against the Jews, excluding them from public life and economy, and restricting their personal freedom; of approval with the Jewish Code, under which Jews in Slovakia were deprived of human rights, and were deported to Sereď concentration camp and in Nováky concentration camp while Tiso sold some Jews exceptions to the Code; of approval with deportation of 57 837 Jews to German concentration camps in 1942 who died there and Tiso paid for it 100 milion Ks to the Third Reich; of delivering POWs to the German occupation forces knowing they would be put to death; of allowing the Gestapo and Sicherheitsdienst to imprison, torture and abduct persons including Slovakians before the Slovak National Uprising; of ordering Hlinka Guard and other fascist organisatons to help the German occupational forces catch, imprison, torture and slaughter 4316 persons suspected of involvement in the Uprising and abduct 30 000 persons to German concentration camps; of tolerating destruction of numerous villages  (e.g. Kľak or Nemecká ) by German occupational forces (e.g. Edelweiss (anti-partisan unit)) and Hlinka Guard; of mobilisation for German occupation forces; of allowing German occupational forces to abduct Slovaks for forced labour in the Third Reich; of ordering civilians to take part in military fortification work for German occupational forces; of approval with declaring an eastern part of Slovakia an operational territory of German forces and subjecting the Slovak Army under the German military leadership; and of many other crimes. Tiso was sentenced to death, to deprivation of his civil rights, and to confiscation of all of his property. Tiso appealed to the Czech President Edvard Beneš and expected a reprieve; his prosecutor had recommended clemency. However no reprieve was forthcoming. Wearing his clerical outfit, Tiso was hanged in Bratislava on 18 April 1947. The Czechoslovak government buried him secretly to avoid having his grave become a shrine, but far right followers of Tiso soon identified the grave in Martinsky cemetery in Bratislava as his. After the DNA test decades later - in April 2008 - that confirmed it, the body of Tiso was exhumed and buried in a canonical tomb in Nitra. Far right Tiso's admirers created a highly controversial memorial grave in Martinsky cemetery that is ignored by the society - only a handful of ultranationalists or old persons commemorates Tiso. Ultranationalists' propaganda represents Tiso as a "martyr" who "sacrificed his life for his belief and nation" and by this it tries to make him an "innocent victim of communists" and "a saint". 
Under Communism, Tiso was formulaically denounced as a clerical Fascist. With the fall of Communism in 1989, and the subsequent independence of Slovakia, heated debate began again on his role. James Mace Ward writes: "At its worst, [the debate] was fuel for an ultranationalist attempt to reconstruct Slovak society, helping to destabilize Czechoslovakia. At its best, the debate inspired a thoughtful reassessment of Tiso and encouraged Slovaks to grapple with the legacy of collaboration."
- For Tiso's early years, see Ward (2013) chapters 1-3.
- Kamenec 2013, p. 22.
- Ward (2013) p. 21,
- Kamenec 2013, p. 26.
- Letz 1992, p. 53.
- Ward (2013) pp. 29-32.
- Kamenec 2013, p. 30.
- Kamenec & 2013 32.
- The Churches and the Deportation and Persecution of Jews in Slovakia; by Livia Rothkirchen; Vad Yashem.
- Kamenec 201, p. 42.
- Ward (2013) p. 74.
- Ward (2013) pp. 80-4.
- Kamenec & 2013 46.
- Kamenec 2013, p. 59.
- Rychlík 2015, p. 131.
- Fabricius & Suško 2002, p. 384.
- Kamenec 2013, p. 69.
- Segeš, Hertel & Bystrický 2012, p. 50.
- Deák 1991, pp. 99-100.
- Ward (2013) pp. 150-5. For Tiso's interwar political career, see also Felak (1995)
- Kamenec 2013, p. 74.
- Ward (2013) pp. 156-8
- Kamenec 2013, p. 82.
- Fabricius & Hradská 2007, p. 25.
- Nižňanský 2010, p. 45.
- Kamenec 2013, p. 83.
- Ward (2013) pp. 178-9.
- Ian Kershaw; Hitler a Biography; 2008 Edn; W.W. Norton & Co; London; p. 476
- Ward (2013) pp. 181-2.
- Evans (2009) p.395
- Birnbaum, Eli (2006). "Jewish History 1940–1949". The History of the Jewish People. Retrieved 2011-01-31.
- Bartl (2002) p. 142
- Ward (2013) pp. 211-213.
- Evans (2009) p.396
- See e.g. Ward (2013), pp. 271-280.
- Ward (2013) p. 8 and pp. 234-7.
- "The Holocaust in Slovakia". Ushmm.org. Retrieved 2013-08-18.
- Mazower (2008) p. 394.
- Mazower (2008) p.395
- Friedländer, S. "Nazi Germany and The Jews 1933–1945". Harper Perennial, 2009. p. 306.
- Borkin, Joseph, The Crime and Punishment of I.G.Farben, London, 1979, p.113 et al. ISBN 0-233-97126-2
- Mazower (2008) p.396
- Evans (2009) p. 396–397
- Evans (2009) p.397
- US Holocaust Museum: Holocaust in Slovakia
- Ward (2013) pp. 258-9.
- Ward (2013) pp. 264-5.
- Ward (2013), p. 266.
- Ward (2013) p. 267.
- Deák, Ladislav (1991). Hra o Slovensko [The Game for Slovakia] (in Slovak). Bratislava: Veda vydavateľstvo Slovenskej akadémie vied. ISBN 80-224-0370-9.
- Evans, Richard J. (2009). The Third Reich at War. New York: Penguin Press.
- Fabricius, Miroslav; Suško, Ladislav, eds. (2002). Jozef Tiso: Prejavy a články 1913 - 1938 [Jozef Tiso: Speeches and Articles 1913 - 1938] (in Slovak). Historický ústav SAV. ISBN 80-88880-45-9.
- Fabricius, Miroslav; Hradská, Katarína, eds. (2007). Jozef Tiso: Prejavy a články 1938 - 1944 [Jozef Tiso: Speeches and Articles 1938 - 1944] (in Slovak). Historický ústav SAV. ISBN 80-88880-46-7.
- Felak, James Ramon (1995). "At the Price of the Republic": Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, 1929–1938. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 9780822937791.
- Kamenec, Ivan (2013). Jozef Tiso: Tragédia politika, kňaza a človeka [Jozef Tiso: The Tragedy of a Politician, Priest and Man] (in Slovak). Premedia.
- Mazower, Mark (2008). Hitler's Empire - Nazi Rule in Occupied Europe. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-7139-9681-4.
- Nižňanský, Eduard (2010). Nacizmus, holokaust, slovenský štát [Nazism, holocaust, Slovak state] (in Slovak). Bratislava: Kalligram. ISBN 978-80-8101-396-6.
- Rychlík, Jan (2015). Česi a Slováci ve 20. století: Spolupráce a konflikty 1914 - 1992 [Czechs and Slovaks in the 20th Century: Cooperation and Conflicts] (in Czech). Vyšehrad. ISBN 978-80-7429-631-4.
- Segeš, Dušan; Hertel, Maroš; Bystrický, Valerián, eds. (2012). Slovensko a slovenská otázka v poľských a maďarských diplomatických dokumentoch v rokoch 1938-1939 [Slovakia and the Slovak Question in Polish and Hungarian Diplomatic Documents 1938-1939] (in Slovak, Polish, and Hungarian). Bratislava: Historický ústav SAV. ISBN 978-80-971247-1-7.
- Ward, James Mace (2013). Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4988-8.