Community-led total sanitation

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CLTS triggering process: Community members in Ghana are drawing a map of open defecation for their community

Community-led total sanitation (CLTS) is an approach used to improve sanitation and hygiene practices in a community. It focuses on behavior change of an entire community. Ending the practice of open defecation is the goal. The term "triggering" is central to the CLTS process. It refers to ways of initiating community interest in ending open defecation. Community-centered change that is spontaneous and long-term is the aim.

Around the year 2000, the concept was developed by Kamal Kar for rural areas in Bangladesh. CLTS became an established approach around 2011. Non-governmental organizations were often in the lead when CLTS was first introduced in a country. Many governments have since initiated CLTS processes or made it a matter of national policy.[citation needed]

Learnings about challenges associated with CLTS are ongoing in many countries.[1] Those challenges include the risk of human rights infringements within communities, low standards for toilets, and concerns about usage rates in the long-term. Some of the challenges have been counteracted by offering subsidies for a limited number of users and rewarding communities with "open defecation free" (ODF) status.[citation needed]

Definitions[edit]

Open defecation is the practice of defecating outside and not into a designated toilet.

"Open defecation free" (ODF) is a central term for community-led total sanitation (CLTS) programs and primarily means the eradication of open defecation in the entire community. However, it can also include the following additional criteria:[2]

  • Household latrines are hygienic, provide the safe containment of feces, offer privacy, have a lid on the defecation hole or a water seal and a roof to protect the user.
  • All household members and all members of the community use these toilets.
  • A handwashing facility is nearby with water, soap or ash, and is used regularly.

Even more stringent criteria which may be added to achieve "ODF status" for a community might include:[2]

Overview[edit]

A facilitator and the community during a triggering in Malda District, West Bengal, India
School-led total sanitation "triggering" event: These school children in West Bengal, India are looking at a glass of water and fresh feces. Flies will pass from the water to the feces and back, which demonstrates how water can get polluted with pathogens.
This is what CLTS tries to stop: Open defecation in rural Bihar, India

CLTS focuses on community-wide behavioural change, rather than merely toilet construction. The process raises the awareness that as long as even a minority continues to defecate in the open, everyone is at risk of disease. CLTS uses community-led methods, such as participatory mapping and analyzing pathways between feces and the mouth (fecal-oral transmission of disease), as a means of teaching the risks associated with OD.

A tool called "triggering" is used to propel people into taking action. This takes place over a day with a team of facilitators.[3] The team visits a community which is identified as practicing open defecation and encourages villagers to become aware of their own sanitation situation. This aims to cause disgust in participants, and the facilitators help participants to plan appropriate sanitation facilities.

Using the term "shit" (or other locally used crude words) during triggering events or presentations - rather than feces or excreta - is a deliberate aspect of the CLTS approach, as it is meant to be a practical, straight forward approach rather than a theoretical, academic conversation.[4][3]

Phases[edit]

Pre-triggering[edit]

Pre-triggering is the process by which communities are assessed to be suitable for CLTS intervention. This involves visits and a number of different criteria, which are used to identify communities likely to respond well to triggering.[3] During pre-triggering, facilitators introduce themselves to community members and begin to build a relationship.[3]

Triggering[edit]

The "CLTS Handbook" from 2008 states that there is no "one way" of doing triggering in CLTS.[3] A rough sequence of steps is given in this handbook which could be followed. Facilitators are encouraged to modify and change activities depending on the local situation.

The UNICEF manual approved for use of CLTS in Sierra Leone suggests the following steps for the triggering process:[5]

  • Visit the community, emphasising that it is for learning about their sanitation situation
  • Facilitate 'Kaka Mapping' - which involves drawing the main sites in the village then the main sites for defecation
  • Pretend to leave
  • Facilitate the 'Walk of Shame' - walking with community to the sites of Open Defecation
  • Take a piece of faeces in a bag
  • Put faeces on the floor in front of the community and discuss the way flies move between food and faeces
  • Wait for the shocked understanding that the community is 'eating' the faeces
  • Put some faeces into a water bottle and ask community if they would drink it
  • Calculate how much faeces is produced each day and ask where it goes
  • Ignition
  • Wait for the emergence of "Natural Leaders" to work with in order to develop a plan of action.

The idea of the triggering process is to stimulate disgust in the villagers by physical demonstration of the sanitation problems. At the 'ignition' phase, the villagers are expected to realise that there is a real sanitation problem and that they need to do something about it.[6] Natural Leaders are people from the community who are engaged by the process and who are seen to be people who can drive change.[7][8]

Post-triggering[edit]

After a positive response to the ignition phase, NGO facilitators work with communities to deliver sanitation services by providing information and guidance relevant to the local situation.

Subsidies[edit]

The original concept of CLTS did not include subsidies for toilets[4] CLTS proponents at that time believed that provoking behavior change in the people alone would be sufficient to lead them to take ownership of their own sanitation situation, including paying for and constructing their own toilets. This was not always the case.

Applications to urban situations, schools and other settings[edit]

More recently, CLTS has been adapted to the urban context[9] (for example in Kenya by the NGO Plan and Practical Action),[10] and has even been used in schools and the surrounding communities, which is referred to as "school-led total sanitation".[11] The school children act as messengers of change to households.[citation needed]

Increasingly, there is also discussion about how CLTS could be adapted to post-emergency settings. There has been some experience with this in Haiti, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Philippines and Indonesia. UNICEF has reported in 2014 positive outcomes with CLTS in "fragile and insecure contexts", namely in Somalia and South Sudan.[12]

CLTS was successfully included in sanitation marketing programs, where residents purchased or built basic toilets.

Outcomes and health aspects[edit]

Millions of people worldwide have benefitted from CLTS.[citation needed] A positive outcome is typically measured by the declarations of "ODF villages", where ODF stands for "open defecation free".

Reviews of effectiveness[edit]

There is currently a lack of scientific review about the effectiveness of CLTS, although this has been changing since 2015. A recent study looking at reports released by NGOs and practitioners[13] found that there was little review of the impact of local Natural Leaders, that anecdotes were used without assessing impacts, and that claims were made without supporting evidence. It concluded that these kinds of reports focus on the 'triggering' stage of CTLS instead of the measurable outcomes. A peer-reviewed article[4] considered the sustainability of CLTS in the longer term. It found that there was little monitoring or evaluation of the impacts of CLTS, even though large international organizations were involved in funding the process.

Reviews about the effectiveness of CLTS to eliminate open defecation, reduce diarrhea and other gastrointestinal diseases, and decrease stunting in children are currently underway.[14] In some cases, CLTS has been compared with India's Total Sanitation Campaign (TSC) when assessing the effectiveness of the approach.[15] However, this comparison may be invalid, as the presence of subsidies in the TSC process may fundamentally change the effectiveness of the CLTS process.[16]

Comparison of different CLTS programmes[edit]

One small study compared different CLTS programmes.[17] Participants from NGOs involved in delivering CLTS reported that although they included some of the activities described in the guidance materials, they often omitted some and included others depending on the local situation. Some reported that subsidies were included, and some offered specific design and construction options.

Health outcomes[edit]

A cluster-randomized controlled trial in rural Mali conducted during 2011 to 2013 found that CLTS with no monetary subsidies did not affect diarrhea incidences, but substantially increased child growth (thereby reducing stunting), particularly in children under two years of age.[18]

Challenges and difficulties[edit]

A health worker (centre) gets villagers to draw a map of the area, showing the main features like the road and the river (a village near Lake Malawi, Malawi).
Villagers go to the place where meals are prepared to observe how flies are attracted to human feces and carry diseases by landing on the food (village near Lake Malawi, Malawi)
Villagers making a transect walk or ‘walk of shame’ to the open defecation places, singing ‘let us end open defecation’ (village near Lake Malawi, Malawi)

Human rights[edit]

The CLTS behavioral change process is based on the use of shame. This is meant to promote collective consciousness-raising of the severe impacts of open defecation and trigger shock and self-awareness when participants realize the implications of their actions. The triggering process can however infringe the human rights of recipients, even if this was not intended by those promoting CLTS. There have been cases of fines (monetary and non-monetary), withholding of entitlements, public taunting, posting of humiliating pictures and even violence.[19][20] In some cases CLTS successes might be based on coercion only.[21] On the other hand, CLTS is in principle compatible with a human rights based approach to sanitation but there are bad practice examples in the name of CLTS.[22] More rigorous coaching of CLTS practitioners, government public health officials and local leaders on issues such as stigma, awareness of social norms and pre-existing inequalities are important.[22]

Catarina de Alburquerque, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Water and Sanitation, is quoted as saying that "Observers have also recognized that incentives for encouraging behavior change and the construction of latrines are sometimes unacceptable, and include public shaming, including photographing, of those who still practice open defecation."[4]

Toilet standards and toilet types[edit]

CLTS does not specify technical standards for toilets. This is a benefit in terms of keeping the costs of constructing toilets very low and allowing villagers to start building their own toilets immediately. However, it can produce two problems: first in flood plains or areas near water tables, poorly constructed latrines are likely to contaminate the water table and thus represent little improvement. Second, long-term use of sanitation facilities is related to the pleasantness of the facilities, but dirty overflowing pits are unlikely to be utilised in the longer term.[23] A related issue here is that CLTS does not address the issue of latrine emptying services or where they exist, how they dispose of waste. This has led some researchers to say that the success of CLTS is largely down to the cultural suitability of the way it is delivered and the degree to which supply-side constraints are addressed.[24]

If villagers do not know about alternative toilet options (like urine-diverting dry toilets or composting toilets), and are not told about these options by the facilitators of the CLTS process, they may opt for pour flush pit latrines even in situations where groundwater pollution is a significant problem.

Reuse of treated excreta as fertiliser[edit]

Feces are given a strong negative connotation in the CLTS approach. This can cause confusion for villagers who are already using treated human excreta as a fertiliser in agriculture and can, in fact, discourage the reuse of human excreta.[citation needed]

Long-term usage rates (sustainability)[edit]

There is also concern about the number of people who go back to open-defecation some months after having been through the CLTS process. A Plan Australia study from 2013 investigated that 116 villages were considered Open Defecation Free (ODF) following CLTS across several countries in Africa.[25] After two years, 87% of the 4960 households had fully functioning latrines - but these were considered the most basic and none of the communities had moved up the sanitation ladder. 89% of households had no visible excreta in the vicinity, but only 37% had handwashing facilities present. When broader criteria for declaring communities ODF was used, an overall "slippage rate" of 92% was found.[25] Some researchers suggest that this means support is needed to support communities to upgrade facilities in ODF villages which have been triggered by CLTS.[17]

History[edit]

Kamal Kar at 12th SuSanA Meeting (in Stockholm prior to World Water Week)
Kamal Kar presented information about CLTS at a meeting of the Sustainable Sanitation Alliance in Sweden in 2010

In 1999 and 2000, Kamal Kar was working in a village called Mosmoil in Rajshahi, Bangladesh, and decided that a system of attitudinal changes by villagers might have a longer-lasting effect than the existing top-down approach involving subsidies from NGOs and government.[26] The Bangladeshi government began a programme of installing expensive latrines in the 1970s, but the government decided this was too costly, and many of the original latrines were abandoned.[27] In the 1990s, a social mobilisation plan was begun to encourage people to demand and install better sanitation systems, but early success did not last, according to Kar. At that point Kar, a participatory development expert from India, was brought in by Wateraid and he concluded that the problem with previous approaches was that local people had not "internalised" the demand for sanitation. He suggested a new approach: abandoning subsidies and appealing to the better nature of villagers and their sense of self-disgust to bring about change. The CTLS Foundation is the organisation set up by Kar to promote these ideas. Kar and Robert Chambers stated in their 2008 CLTS Handbook:

It is fundamental that CLTS involves no individual house-hold hardware subsidy and does not prescribe latrine models.

— Kamal Kar, Robert Chambers, CLTS Foundation Handbook, 2008 page 8 [3]

In time, NGOs and governments began to see the value of the approach and ran their own schemes in various countries, some with less aversion to subsidies than Kamal Kar.[4] Community-led Total Sanitation as an idea had grown beyond its founder and is now often being run in slightly different ways, e.g. in India, Pakistan, Philippines, Nepal, Sierra Leone and Zambia.[28][29]

CLTS as an idea now has many supporters around the world, with Robert Chambers, co-writer of the CLTS Foundation Handbook, describing it this way:

"We have so many "revolutions" in development that only last a year or two and then fade into history. But this one is different. In all the years I have worked in development this is as thrilling and transformative as anything I have been involved in."

— Robert Chambers from Institute of Development Studies, The Guardian, 30 May 2011[30]

The Institute of Development Studies (IDS) coordinated research programme on CLTS since about 2007 and regards it as a "radically different approach to rural sanitation in developing countries which has shown promising successes where traditional rural sanitation programmes have failed".[31]

Today there are many NGOs and research institutes with an interest in CLTS, including for example the CLTS Knowledge Hub of the Institute of Development Studies, the CLTS Foundation led by Kamal Kar, The World Bank,[32] Wateraid,[33] Plan USA and the Water Institute at UNC,[34] SNV from the Netherlands and UNICEF.[35]

CLTS has spread throughout Bangladesh and to many other Asian and African countries with financial support from the Water and Sanitation Program of the World Bank, DFID, Plan International, WaterAid, CARE, UNICEF and SNV. Large INGOs and many national NGOs have also been involved.[26]

Lessons learned from large scale applications in different rural and urban settings resulted in further development of CLTS techniques.[citation needed]

The concept originally focused mainly on provoking shame and disgust about open defecation. It also involved actions leading to increased self-respect and pride in one's community. With time, CLTS evolved away from provoking negative emotions to educating people about how open defecation increases the risk of disease. Currently, CLTS triggering events focus more on promoting self-respect and pride.[citation needed]

Country examples[edit]

India[edit]

Non-governmental organizations were often in the lead when CLTS was first introduced in a country. India was an exception - here the government led the somewhat similar "Total Sanitation Campaign" which has been turned into the "Clean India Mission" or Swachh Bharat Abhiyan in 2014.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Lukenya Notes Taking Community Led Total Sanitation to Scale with Quality Outputs from a workshop in Nairobi, Kenya, 24th-27th July 2011" (PDF). wash-liberia.org/. September 2011. pp. 3–4. Retrieved 14 March 2015. 
  2. ^ a b Cavill, S. with Chambers, R. and Vernon, N. (2015) ‘Sustainability and CLTS: Taking Stock’, Frontiers of CLTS: Innovations and Insights Issue 4, Brighton: IDS, ISBN 978-1-78118-222-2, p. 18
  3. ^ a b c d e f Kal, K and Chambers, R (2008) Handbook on Community-led Total Sanitation Archived 10 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine., Plan UK Accessed 2015-2-26
  4. ^ a b c d e Galvin, M (2015). "Talking shit: is Community-Led Total Sanitation a radical and revolutionary approach to sanitation?". Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Water. 2: 9–20. doi:10.1002/wat2.1055. 
  5. ^ UNICEF (2010). CLTS Training manual for natural leaders - UNICEF and Sierra Leone Government, Freetown, Sierra Leone
  6. ^ Philip Vincent Otieno - Defecation mapping in progress CLTS FIRE IGNITED IN DRC Accessed 2015-02-16
  7. ^ Bongartz, Petra et al. (eds) (2010) "Tales of shit: Community-Led Total Sanitation in Africa. Vol. 61. IIED, 2010. Accessed 2015-02-26
  8. ^ Venkataramanan, V; Rowe, R (2014). "Research Summary of a Systematic Literature Review of Grey Literature Publications on Community-led Total Sanitation". The Water Institute at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Retrieved 2 January 2016. 
  9. ^ "The Addis Agreement: Using CLTS in urban and peri-urban areas" (PDF). 2016. 
  10. ^ Kath Pasteur and Preetha Prabhakaran (2014) Lessons in Urban Community Led Total Sanitation from Nakuru, Kenya, implemented by Practical Action and Umande Trust in collaboration with County Government of Nakuru, health services department, CLTS Foundation
  11. ^ ed. by James Wicken; et al. (2008). Beyond construction : use by all - a collection of case studies from sanitation and hygiene promotion practitioners in South Asia. Delft: IRC International Water and Sanitation Centre and WaterAid. p. 181. ISBN 978-9937-2-0472-9. 
  12. ^ UNICEF (2014) CLTS in Fragile and Insecure Contexts: Experience from Somalia and South Sudan, UNICEF WASH Field Note, Eastern and Southern Africa Sanitation and Hygiene Learning Series
  13. ^ Venkataramanan, V (2012) "Systematic Literature Review (Grey Literature) of Publications on Community-led Total Sanitation" The Water Institute at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Accessed 2015-02-16
  14. ^ "Research projects on CLTS". Projects. Sustainable Sanitation Alliance. Retrieved 18 June 2015. 
  15. ^ Patil, Sumeet; Arnold, Benjamin; Salvatore, Alicia; Briceno, Bertha; Ganguly, Sandipan; Colford Jr., John; Gertler, Paul (August 26, 2014). "The Effect of India's Total Sanitation Campaign on Defecation Behaviors and Child Health in Rural Madhya Pradesh: A Cluster Randomized Controlled Trial". PLOS Medicine. 11: e1001709. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001709. PMC 4144850Freely accessible. PMID 25157929. 
  16. ^ "An Open Letter in response to the World Development Report 2015". Retrieved 23 March 2015. 
  17. ^ a b Sigler, R; Mahmoudi, L; Graham JP. (2015). "Analysis of behavioral change techniques in community-led total sanitation programs". Health Promot Int. 30 (1): 16–28. doi:10.1093/heapro/dau073. 
  18. ^ Pickering, Amy J; Djebbari, Habiba; Lopez, Carolina; Coulibaly, Massa; Alzua, Maria Laura. "Effect of a community-led sanitation intervention on child diarrhoea and child growth in rural Mali: a cluster-randomised controlled trial". The Lancet Global Health. 3 (11): e701–e711. doi:10.1016/s2214-109x(15)00144-8. 
  19. ^ Engel, S; Susilo, A (2014). "Shaming and Sanitation in Indonesia: A Return to Colonial Public Health Practices?". Development and Change. 45 (1): 157–178. doi:10.1111/dech.12075. 
  20. ^ Bartram, J; Charles, K; Evans, B; O'Hanlon, L; Pedley, S (2012). "Commentary on community-led total sanitation and human rights: Should the right to community-wide health be won at the cost of individual rights?". Journal of Water and Health. 10 (4): 499–503. doi:10.2166/wh.2012.205. 
  21. ^ Time to Acknowledge the Dirty Truth Behind Community-led Sanitation by Liz Chatterjee in the Guardian
  22. ^ a b Musembi and Musyoki (2016). "CLTS and the Right to Sanitation, Frontiers of CLTS issue 8" (PDF). Brighton: IDS. 
  23. ^ Black, M. and B. Fawcett (2008) The Last Taboo: Opening the Door on the Global Sanitation Crisis. London: Earthscan
  24. ^ Mara, D; Lane, J; Scott, BA; Trouba, D (2010). "Sanitation and Health". PLOS Medicine. 7 (11): e1000363. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1000363. 
  25. ^ a b Tyndale-Biscoe, P, Bond, M, Kidd, R (2013) ODF Sustainability Study, Plan Australia
  26. ^ a b "The CLTS approach". Community-Led Total Sanitation. 2011. Retrieved 12 March 2015. 
  27. ^ Ahmed, SA (2008) "Community Led Total Sanitation in Bangladesh:Chronicles of a People’s Movement" Archived 27 February 2015 at the Wayback Machine. IDS Conference paper Accessed 2015-02-27
  28. ^ UNICEF (2008). "Field Notes: UNICEF Policy and Programming in Practice" (PDF). UNICEF. Retrieved 12 March 2015. 
  29. ^ "PHWash | PhaTS". www.phwashresources.com. Retrieved 2017-03-09. 
  30. ^ https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/may/30/mdg-sanitation-offtrack-but-community-led-approach-is-working by Robert Chambers Accessed 2015-02-27
  31. ^ 'Beyond Subsidies - Triggering a Revolution in Rural Sanitation' Institute of Development Studies (IDS) In Focus Policy Brief 10 July 2009.
  32. ^ WEPA (2013) Community-based Sanitation lessons learned from Sanimas Programme in Indonesia Accessed 2015-03-04
  33. ^ WaterAid (2011) Revitalising Community-led Total Sanitation: A process guide. Accessed 2015-03-04
  34. ^ Plan USA and The Water Institute at UNC (2014) Testing CLTS Approaches for Scalability Accessed 2015-03-04
  35. ^ UNICEF (2009) Field notes: UNICEF Policy and Programming in Practice - Community Approaches to Total Sanitation Accessed 2015-03-04

External links[edit]