Language and gender

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Research into the many possible relationships, intersections and tensions between language and gender is diverse. It crosses disciplinary boundaries, and, as a bare minimum, could be said to encompass work notionally housed within applied linguistics, linguistic anthropology, conversation analysis, cultural studies, feminist media studies, feminist psychology, gender studies, interactional sociolinguistics, linguistics, mediated stylistics, sociolinguistics and media studies.

In methodological terms, there is no single approach that could be said to 'hold the field'. Discursive, poststructural, ethnomethodological, ethnographic, phenomenological, positivist and experimental approaches can all be seen in action during the study of language and gender, producing and reproducing what Susan Speer has described as 'different, and often competing, theoretical and political assumptions about the way discourse, ideology and gender identity should be conceived and understood'.[1] As a result, research in this area can perhaps most usefully be divided into two main areas of study: first, there is a broad and sustained interest in the varieties of speech associated with a particular gender; also a related interest in the social norms and conventions that (re)produce gendered language use (a variety of speech, or sociolect associated with a particular gender which is sometimes called a genderlect).[2] Second, there are studies that focus on ways language can produce and maintain sexism and gender bias,[3] and studies that focus on the contextually specific and locally situated ways in which gender is constructed and operationalized.[2] In this sense, researchers try to understand how language affects the gender binary in society and how it helps to create and support the male-female division.[4]

The study of gender and language in sociolinguistics and gender studies is often said to have begun with Robin Lakoff's 1975 book, Language and Woman's Place, as well as some earlier studies by Lakoff.[5] The study of language and gender has developed greatly since the 1970s. Prominent scholars include Deborah Tannen, Penelope Eckert, Janet Holmes, Mary Bucholtz, Kira Hall, Deborah Cameron, Jane Sunderland and others. The 1995 edited volume Gender Articulated: Language and the Socially Constructed Self[6] is often referred to as a central text on language and gender.[7]


The early studies on the notion of language and gender are combined into the fields of linguistics, feminist theory, and political practice.[8] The feminist movement of the 1970s and 1980s started to research on the relationship between language and gender. These researches were related to the women's liberation movement, and their goal was to discover the linkage between language usage and gender asymmetries. Since, feminists have been working on the ways that language is maintaining the existing patriarchy and sexism.[3] There are two significant questions in the studies of language and gender. One of them is about the presence of gender bias in languages, and the other one is about the differences between genders while using the language. These two questions, however, have divided the field into two separate areas.[8]

One of the most outstanding sentiments in these studies is the concept of power. Researchers have been trying to understand the patterns of language to show how it can reflect the power imbalance in society. Some of them believe that men have social advantages which can be seen in the men's usage of language. Also, some of them think that there are women's disadvantages in society which are reflected in language.[8] Robin Lakoff, whose book Language and Woman's Place is the first official research in this field,[8] once argued that: "the marginality and powerlessness of women is reflected in both the ways men and women are expected to speak and the ways in which women are spoken of."[9] For example, some feminist language researchers have tried to find how the advantages of men had manifested in language. They argue how, in the past, philosophers, politicians, grammarians, linguists, and others were men who have had control over language, so they entered their sexist thoughts in it as a means to regulate their domination.[10] Therefore, this field is looking for the ways a language can contribute to inequality and sexism in society.[8]

Language and power[edit]

In the past, many feminist language researchers used to believe that power is something separate from the language, which helps powerful groups, for example, men, to dominate the way language is being produced and used in society.[8] Nowadays, some researchers consider that power is embedded in the language structures rather than being outside of it.[8] For instance, the language of science helps to regulate the ideas of the dominant groups in it, which can never be completely neutral.[11] Even in psychology, the interpretations of gender had always some benefits for the academics who were writing about it, so it was always important that who is using the language and how they are using it to explain something.[11]

The norms of appropriate ways of talking for different genders are an example of the concept of power in language.[8] There are many social forces to determine the ways different genders are supposed to communicate with each other.[8] As these norms are the results of the present hierarchy in society, doubting them leads to challenging the social orders which originate these patterns.[8] Many studies in this field presume that there are gender differences in language use; therefore, they examine how different genders vary in their speech styles. However, This approach does not incorporate the debate that who, initially, decided to set these differences and norms, and why these norms are generally accepted.[8] "Language is a complex and dynamic system that produces meaning about social categories such as gender".[8] In this sense, power is not something outside this system, but it is a part of it.[8]

The notion of gender is not static. Rather, this notion varies from culture to culture and time to time.[8] "Feminine" and "masculine" are socially constructed concepts that through a set of repeated acts, have become natural.[3] Simone de Beauvoir's famous dictum manifests this idea: "one is not born, but rather becomes a woman."[12] Accordingly, performing acts following social norms leads to the phenomenon of gendered speech. As femininity and masculinity are not fixed concepts, their style of talking can also be as a result of power relations in society regulating social standards.[3]

In each society, the notion of gender is being learned from early childhood through conversation, humor, parenting, institutions, media, and other ways of imparting knowledge. Hence, gender seems a natural and even scientific concept to all the individuals of a society. Many scholars have been trying to not only find the truth behind this common sense but also understand why this concept is taking for granted. This kind of research requires to question some underlying assumptions about gender, and approach this concept from a different point of view.[13] Gender is not something people born with, but people learn to perform and act based on the expected norms of it, which has nothing to do with physiology and hormones.[14]

In the matter of linguistic competence- the ability to produce knowledge and understand it via language-, sociolinguistics and linguist anthropologists believe that only knowledge of structure and morphology cannot help a person to communicate with others. Instead, they think that one needs to know the social norms people use in different languages in order to interact with them. People gradually learn how to use language in specific social situations and develop communicative competence. Therefore, language and social norms are dynamic and interconnected. As people use language in respect to these norms, it plays a vital role in manifesting and sustaining social standards[13] and can be a tool for reproducing power relations and gender oppression.[15] One of the examples to show this interconnection would be the fact that there is no equivalent for "sir" to use in addressing a female authority. This fact cannot be related to the language itself, but it is correlated to the perception that authorities have always been male.[13] The other example is the way women get addressed by Miss, Mrs., or Ms., while Men are only addressed by Mr., which is a term that shows their gender, not marital status. Unlike men, women's relationships can affect their social status, and they can be judged and qualified based on it.[3]

Linguistic variations[edit]

Early work on language and gender began by noticing ways in which women's language deviated from the presumed default, or men's, language practices. In 1975 Robin Lakoff identified a "women's register", which she argued served to maintain women's (inferior) role in society.[16] Lakoff argued that women tend to use linguistic forms that reflect and reinforce a subordinate role. These include tag questions, question intonation, and "weak" directives, among others (see also Speech practices associated with gender, below).[17] Not long after the publication of Language and Woman's Place, other scholars began to produce studies that both challenged Lakoff's arguments and expanded the field of language and gender studies.[18][17]

Jennifer Coates outlines the historical range of approaches to gendered speech in her book Women, Men and Language.[19] She contrasts the four approaches known as the deficit, dominance, difference, and dynamic approaches.

Deficit is an approach attributed to Jespersen that defines adult male language as the standard, and women's language as deficient.[20] This approach created a dichotomy between women's language and men's language. This triggered criticism to the approach in that highlighting issues in women's language by using men's as a benchmark. As such, women's language was considered to have something inherently 'wrong' with it. Studies such as Lakoff's Language and Woman's Place have been labeled the "deficit approach", since they posit that one gender is deficient in terms of the other. Descriptions of women's speech as deficient can actually be dated as far back as Otto Jespersen's "The Woman", a chapter in his 1922 book Language: Its Nature and Development, and Origin.[20] Jespersen's idea that women's speech is deficient relative to a male norm went largely unchallenged until Lakoff's work appeared fifty years later.[17] While later work has problematized Jespersen's view of women as inferior, of the chapter's language from a modern perspective, Jespersen's contributions about the prospect of language change based on social and gendered opportunity, lexical and phonological differences, and the idea of genderlects and gender roles influence language remain relevant.One refinement of the deficit argument is the so-called "dominance approach", which posits that gender differences in language reflect power differences in society.[21]

Difference is an approach of equality, differentiating men and women as belonging to different 'sub-cultures' as they have been socialized to do so since childhood. This then results in the varying communicative styles of men and women. Deborah Tannen is a major advocate of this position.[22] Tannen compares gender differences in language to cultural differences. Comparing conversational goals, she argues that men tend to use a "report style", aiming to communicate factual information, whereas women more often use a "rapport style", which is more concerned with building and maintaining relationships.[22] Scholars including Tannen and others argue that differences are pervasive across media, including face-to-face conversation,[23][24] written essays of primary school children,[25] email,[26] and even toilet graffiti.[27]

Dominance is an approach whereby women are seen as the subordinate group whose difference in style of speech results from male supremacy and also possibly an effect of patriarchy. This results in a primarily male-centered language. Scholars such as Dale Spender[28] and Don Zimmerman and Candace West[29] subscribe to this view.

Some scholars problematize both the dominance and the difference approach. Deborah Cameron notes that throughout the history of scholarship on language and gender male-associated forms have been seen as the unmarked norm from which the female deviates.[30] For example, the norm 'manager' becomes the marked form 'manageress' when referring to a female counterpart. On the other hand, Cameron argues that what the difference approach labels as different ways of using or understanding language are actually displays of differential power. Cameron suggests, "It is comforting to be told that nobody needs to 'feel awful': that there are no real conflicts, only misunderstandings. ... But the research evidence does not support the claims made by Tannen and others about the nature, the causes, and the prevalence of male-female miscommunication."[31] She argues that social differences between men's and women's roles are not clearly reflected in language use. One additional example is a study she has done on call center operators in the UK, where these operators are trained to be scripted in what they say and to perform the necessary 'emotional labor' (smiling, expressive intonation, showing rapport/empathy and giving minimal responses) for their customer-callers. This emotional labor is commonly associated with the feminine domain, and the call center service workers are also typically females. However, the male workers in this call center do not orient to the covertly gendered meanings when they are tasked to perform this emotional labor. While this does not mean that the 'woman's language' is revalued, nor does this necessarily call for a feminist celebration, Cameron highlights that it is possible that with time, more men may work in this service industry, and this may lead to a subsequent "de-gendering" of this linguistic style.[32]

The "dynamic" or "social constructionist" approach is, as Coates describes, the most current approach to language and gender. Instead of speech falling into a natural gendered category, the dynamic nature and multiple factors of an interaction help a socially appropriate gendered construct. As such, West and Zimmerman describe these constructs as "doing gender" instead of the speech itself necessarily being classified in a particular category.[33] This is to say that these social constructs, while affiliated with particular genders, can be utilized by speakers as they see fit.

Communication styles are always a product of context, and as such, gender differences tend to be most pronounced in single-gender groups. One explanation for this, is that people accommodate their language towards the style of the person they are interacting with. Thus, in a mixed-gender group, gender differences tend to be less pronounced. A similarly important observation is that this accommodation is usually towards the language style, not the gender of the person. That is, a polite and empathic male will tend to be accommodated to on the basis of their being polite and empathic, rather than their being male.[34]

However, Ochs argues that gender can be indexed directly and indirectly.[35] Direct indexicality is the primary relationship between linguistics resources (such as lexicon, morphology, syntax, phonology, dialect and language) and gender. For example, the pronouns "he" and "she" directly indexes "male" and "female". However, there can be a secondary relationship between linguistic resources and gender where the linguistic resources can index certain acts, activities or stances which then indirectly index gender. In other words, these linguistic resources help constitute gender. Examples include the Japanese particles "wa" and "ze". The former directly index delicate intensity, which then indirectly indexes the female "voice" while the latter directly indexes coarse intensity, which then indirectly indexes the male "voice".

Children's television[edit]

A specific area of study within the field of language and gender is the way in which it affects children's television. Mulac et al.'s "Male/Female Language Differences and Attributional Consequences in Children's Television" focuses on identifying differing speech patterns of male versus female characters in popular children's television programs at the time (the 1980s).[36] The data gathered by Mulac et al. comes from a two-week period in 1982 from three Public Broadcasting Service daytime programs and three categories from commercial network programs (action, comedy/adventure, and commercials) that aired on Saturdays. They analyzed randomly selected interactive dialogue taken once from every ten minutes of their tapes. Mulac et al. collected data for 37 language variables, from which they determined the thirteen that showed significant differences between usage by male and female characters. Mulac et al.'s definitions of these thirteen features are as follows:[36]

Vocalized Pauses Utterance without semantic meaning (uh, um, etc.)    
Verbs (See verb page)    
Uncertainty Verbs Verb phrase that shows some level of uncertainty ('I'm not sure if...', 'It might be', etc.)    
Action Verbs Verbs that specify physical action    
Present Tense Verbs Verb phrases in the present tense, including but not limited to habitual actions and historical present    
Adverbials Begin Sentence Tells how, when, or where a sentence or phrase takes place ('Yesterday, I went to Taco Bell')
Justifiers Gives reason/justification for a previous utterance or action    
Judgmental Adjectives Indicates a personal and subjective opinion/evaluation    
Concrete Nouns Nouns that can be perceived by one or more of the five senses 
Subordinating Conjunctions After, as soon as, until, etc. (See subordinating conjunctions)    
Grammatical Errors Utterances which are viewed incorrect by a prescriptivist grammar    
Polite Forms Utterances that express some degree of politeness    

The following tended to be higher in frequency for males: vocalized pauses, action verbs, present tense verbs, justifiers, subordinating conjunctions, and grammatical "errors". On the other hand, the following were found to occur more for females: total verbs, uncertainty verbs, adverbials beginning sentences, judgmental adjectives, concrete nouns, and polite forms. In addition, female characters had longer sentences on average.[36]

Another facet of Mulac et al.'s research was to gather participants' subjective ratings on characters' socio-intellectual status (high/low social status, white/blue collar, literate/illiterate, rich/poor), dynamism (aggressive/unaggressive, strong/weak, loud/soft, active/passive), and aesthetic quality (pleasing/displeasing, sweet/sour, nice/awful, beautiful/ugly), based on the transcripts from the shows' dialogue.[36]

Aubrey's 2004 study "The Gender-Role Content of Children's Favorite Television Programs and Its Links to Their Gender-Related Perceptions" identifies gender stereotypes in children’s television programs and evaluates the effects of these stereotypes on children’s personal gender-role values and interpersonal attraction.[37] Aubrey chose shows for the study based on children’s responses when asked to name their favorite television program (the top-named show was Rugrats, followed by Doug). Some of the stereotypes found in the study pertain to language/communication, but most are stereotypes or attributes of the characters such as assertiveness, aggression, emotionality, and cattiness.[37] In regards to language, the study found that male characters were more likely to ask questions, assert opinions, and direct others than female characters.[37] Female characters, on the other hand, were more likely to "receive or make comments about body or beauty" than their male counterparts.[37]

In general, Aubrey found less stereotypical content for female characters than for male, which they recognize to be a possible effect of either the higher presence of male characters or the difficulty of measuring passivity.[37]

Language practices associated with gender[edit]

Not all members of a particular gender may follow the specific gender roles that are prescribed by society.[38] Scholars of language and gender are often interested in patterns of gendered communication, and these patterns are described below, however, not every member of that gender may fit into those patterns.

Minimal responses[edit]

One of the ways in which the communicative behaviors of men and women differ is in their use of minimal responses, i.e., paralinguistic features such as 'mm' and 'yeah', which is behaviour associated with collaborative language use.[39] Men generally use them less frequently than women, and when they do, it is usually to show agreement, as Don Zimmerman and Candace West's study of turn-taking in conversation indicates.[40]

While the above can be true in some contexts and situations, studies that dichotomize the communicative behavior of men and women may run the risk of over-generalization. For example, "minimal responses appearing "throughout streams of talk", such as "mm" or "yeah", may only function to display active listening and interest and are not always signs of "support work", as Fishman claims. They can—as more detailed analysis of minimal responses show—signal understanding, demonstrate agreement, indicate scepticism or a critical attitude, demand clarification or show surprise.[41] In other words, both male and female participants in a conversation can employ these minimal responses for interactive functions, rather than gender-specific functions.


Men and women differ in their use of questions in conversations. For men, a question is usually a genuine request for information whereas with women it can often be a rhetorical means of engaging the other's conversational contribution or of acquiring attention from others conversationally involved, techniques associated with a collaborative approach to language use.[42] Therefore, women use questions more frequently.[23][43] However, a study carried out by Alice Freed and Alice Greenwood in 1996 showed that there was no significant difference in the use of questions, such as "you know?" between genders.[44] In writing, however, both genders use rhetorical questions as literary devices. For example, Mark Twain used them in "The War Prayer" to provoke the reader to question his actions and beliefs. Tag questions are frequently used to verify or confirm information, though in women's language they may also be used to avoid making strong statements.[16]


As the work of Victoria DeFrancisco shows, female linguistic behaviour characteristically encompasses a desire to take turns in conversation with others, which is opposed to men's tendency towards centering on their own point or remaining silent when presented with such implicit offers of conversational turn-taking as are provided by hedges such as "y' know" and "isn't it".[45] This desire for turn-taking gives rise to complex forms of interaction in relation to the more regimented form of turn-taking commonly exhibited by men.[46]

Changing the topic of conversation[edit]

According to Bruce Dorval in his study of same-sex friend interaction, males tend to change subject more frequently than females.[47] This difference may well be at the root of the conception that women chatter and talk too much. Goodwin observes that girls and women link their utterances to previous speakers and develop each other's topics, rather than introducing new topics.[48]

However, a study of young American couples and their interactions reveal that while women raise twice as many topics as men, it is the men's topics that are usually taken up and subsequently elaborated in the conversation.[41]


Female tendencies toward self-disclosure, i.e., sharing their problems and experiences with others, often to offer sympathy,[49] contrasts with male tendencies to non-self disclosure and professing advice or offering a solution when confronted with another's problems.[22]

Self-disclosure is not simply providing information to another person. Instead, scholars define self-disclosure as sharing information with others that they would not normally know or discover. Self-disclosure involves risk and vulnerability on the part of the person sharing the information.[50] When it comes to genderlect, self-disclosure is important because genderlect is defined as the differences in male and female communication. Men and women have completely different views of self-disclosure.[citation needed] Developing a close relationship with another person requires a certain level of intimacy, or self-disclosure. It typically is much easier to get to know a woman than it is to get to know a man.[citation needed] It has been proven[by whom?] that women get to know someone on a more personal level and they are more likely to desire to share their feelings.

It has also been said[by whom?] that people share more via technology. The phenomenon is known as Computer Mediated Communication, also known as CMC. This form of communication typically involves text only messages that tend to lose their nonverbal cues. Men and women are both more likely to self-disclose on the computer than they would be face to face. People are more confident when using Computer Mediated Communication because communication is faceless, which makes it easier to divulge information.[citation needed]

Research has been conducted to examine whether self-disclosure in adult friendship differs according to gender and marital status. Sixty-seven women and fifty-three men were asked about intimate and non-intimate self-disclosure to closest same-sex friends. Disclosure to spouse among married respondents was also assessed. The intimate disclosure of married men to friends was lower than that of unmarried men, married women and unmarried women; the intimate disclosure of these last three groups was similar. Married people's non-intimate disclosure to friends was lower than that of unmarried people, regardless of gender. Married people's intimate disclosure to their spouses was high regardless of gender; in comparison, married men's intimate disclosure to their friends was low, while married women's disclosure to their friends was moderate or even as high as disclosure to their spouses. The results suggest that sex roles are not the only determinant of gender differences in disclosure to friends. Marital status appears to have an important influence on disclosure in friendship for men but not for women. It was concluded that research on gender differences in self-disclosure and friendship has neglected an important variable, that of marital status."[51] This research goes to show that when a man is married he is less likely to have intimate self-disclosure. This could be because a man may feel he is betraying his wife's confidence by disclosing information that might be considered private. However, the research also showed that the married women didn't change much in either situation, because women tend to self disclose more than men.

Men tend to communicate differently with other men than they do with other women, while women tend to communicate the same with both men and women. "Male and female American students who differed in masculinity and in femininity self-disclosed to a same-sex stranger in contexts that made either social/expressive motives or instrumental motives salient. The results were consistent with the primary assertion that measures of sex role identity are better predictors of contextual variations in self-disclosure than is sex per se. Sex consistently failed to predict subjects' willingness to self-disclose, both within and across contexts, whereas femininity promoted self-disclosure in the context that was clearly social and expressive in character. Although masculinity failed to exert the expected facilitative impact on self-disclosure within the instrumental context, it nonetheless influenced the results; androgynous subjects, who scored high in both masculinity and femininity, were more self-revealing across contexts than was any other group."[52] This research shows that people have the ability to still self disclose very clearly regardless of masculine or feminine communication traits. Displaying strictly feminine or masculine traits will not be to one's advantage in communication, because it is important to be able to recognize and utilize these traits to be an effective communicator.[citation needed]

From a social skills perspective, gender, tunic, and cultural differences in relationships may stem, in part, from differences in communication. The influence of biological sex on communication values has received scholarly attention. In general, women value affectively oriented communication skills more than men, and men value instrumentally oriented communication skills more than women, although the effect size for these differences are generally small.[53]

Self-disclosure is also very important when it comes to a close dating relationship between men and women. Successful communication in relationships is one of the greatest difficulties most couples are forced to overcome. Men in relationships with women may practice self-disclosure more often than their female partner. Self-disclosure is considered to be a key factor in facilitating intimacy. For example, American heterosexual couples were studied using various measures twice a year. By using the average scores of both partners, they found that self-disclosure was higher in those couples who remained together at the second administration of the surveys than in those who broke up between two administrations. Similarly, researchers asked heterosexual couples who had just begun dating to complete a self-disclosure measure and to answer the same questionnaire four months later. They found that couples who were still dating four months later reported greater self-disclosure at the initial contact than did those who later broke up. This test shows self-disclosure can be beneficial to facilitating a positive relationship. Self-disclosure is a process which typically begins rapidly, but then plateaus as the couple gains more information. The initial self-disclosure is extremely important when first meeting someone. The first interactions between a potential couple could be deciding factors in the success or failure of the relationship.

Self-disclosure is difficult because not all women and men communicate the same.

Verbal aggression[edit]

Aggression can be defined by its three intersecting counterparts: indirect, relational and social. Indirect aggression occurs when the victim is attacked through covert and concealed attempts to cause social suffering. Examples are gossiping, exclusion or ignoring of the victim. Relational aggression, while similar to indirect, is more resolute in its attentions. It can be a threat to terminate a friendship or spreading false rumors. The third type of aggression, social aggression, "is directed toward damaging another's self-esteem, social status, or both, and may take direct forms such as verbal rejection, negative facial expressions or body movements, or more indirect forms such as slanderous rumors or social exclusion."[54] This third type has become more common in adolescent, both male and female, behavior.[55]

Dr. M.K. Underwood, leading researcher in child clinical psychology and developmental psychology, began using the term social aggression in several of her experiments.[56] In one study, Underwood followed 250 third-graders and their families in order to understand how anger is communicated in relationships, especially in face-to-face and behind-the-back situations. It was found that technology and electronic communication has become a key factor in social aggression. This discovery has been termed cyber-bullying. In another experiment, social aggression was used to see if verbal and nonverbal behaviors contributed to a person's social value.[54] It was found that those who communicated nonverbal signals were seen as angry and annoyed by their peers. In a third study, the experimenters determined that while socially aggressive students were vastly disliked, they were alleged to be the popular kids and had the highest marked social status. Most research has been based on teacher assessments, case studies and surveys.

For years, all research on aggression focused primarily on males because it was believed females were non-confrontational. Recently however, people have realized that while "boys tend to be more overtly and physically aggressive, girls are more indirectly, socially, and relationally aggressive."[55] In a study done measuring cartoon character's aggressive acts on television, these statistics were found:[57]

  • 76.9% of physical aggression was committed by male characters
  • 23.1% of physical aggression was committed by female characters
  • 37.2% of social aggression was committed by male characters
  • 62.8% of social aggression was committed by female characters

Physical and social aggression emerge at different points in life. Physical aggression occurs in a person's second year and continues till preschool. Toddlers use this aggression to obtain something they want that is otherwise denied or another has. In preschool, children become more socially aggressive and this progresses through adolescence and adulthood. Social aggression is not used to acquire materialistic things but to accomplish social goals.[58]

Starting in first grade, research has shown that young females are more disliked when they are socially aggressive than when young males are physically aggressive. However, until the fourth grade there is an overall negative correlation between aggression and popularity.[59] By the end of fifth grade, aggressive children, both male and female, are more popular than their non-aggressive counterparts. This popularity does not insinuate likeability.

In the seventh grade, social aggression seems to be at its peak. When eight-, eleven- and fifteen-year-olds were compared, there were high reports of social aggression but no apparent statistical differences between the age groups.[58]

Several studies have shown that social aggression and high academic performance are incompatible. In classrooms with a high achievement record, researchers were less likely to find social aggression. Vice versa can be found for classrooms with a low achievement record.[59]

In adolescence, social aggression boosts female's popularity by maintaining and controlling the social hierarchy. Furthermore, males are also ranked higher in popularity if they are physically aggressive. But, if males practice relational or social aggression then they are seen as unpopular among their peers.[54] When it comes to different forms social aggression, males are more prone to use direct measures and females indirect.

In addition to gender, the conditions in which a child grows up in also affects the likelihood of aggression.[58] Children raised in a divorced, never married or low-income family are more likely to show social aggression. This is speculated because of the higher rates of conflict and fighting already in the household. Parents who use an aversive style of parenting can also contribute to the social aggression in their children.[58] Researchers venture that "perhaps children who are treated harshly by parents have a higher baseline level of anger…and may lack the opportunities to practice more direct, assertive strategies for conflict resolution so may be prone to maligning others or lashing out when they are angry."[58]

Through the last couple decades, the media has increased its influence over America's youth. In a study done measuring the aggressive acts committed by cartoon characters on television, out of 8927 minutes of programming time 7856 aggressive acts took place. This is roughly .88 aggressive acts per minute.[57] Because television and cartoons are one of the main mediums for entertainment, these statistics can be troubling. If children relate to the characters, then they are more likely to commit similar acts of aggression. For teenagers, popular films and series such as Mean Girls (2004), Easy A (2010) and Gossip Girl (2007) have shown an exaggerated, damaging view of how society works. Already, latest studies have shown an increase of social aggression in girls. Other experiments, such as one done by Albert Bandura, the Bobo doll experiment, have shown similar results of society shaping your behavior because of the impact of a model.

The development of social aggression can be explained by the social identity theory and evolutionary perspective.[55]

The social identity theory categorizes people into two groups, in-groups and out-groups. You see yourself as part of the in-group and people who are dissimilar to you as part of the out-group. In middle and high school these groups are known as cliques and can have several names. In the popular 2004 teen drama Mean Girls, "varsity jocks", "desperate wannabes", "over-sexed band geeks", "girls who eat their feelings", "cool Asians" and "the Plastics" were several cliques from the movie.[55] Two common middle and high school cliques seen in everyday life are the popular crowd, in-group, and everyone else, out-group. The out-group has several other divisions but for the most part the in-group will categorize the out-groups all as one.

Around this time, it becomes important for a females social identity to be associated with the in-group. When a girl possess qualities that are valued in the in-group, then her social identity will increase. However, if her characteristics resemble those of the out-group, then she will be attack the out-group in order to keep her social standing within the in-group. This intergroup struggle, also known as social competition, mostly comes the in-group condemning the out-group, not the other way around.[55]

Moreover, social aggression can lead to intragroup competition. Inside the social groups there is also a hierarchal ranking, there are followers and there are leaders. When one's position in the group does not lead to positive self-identity, then the group members will feud with one another to increase status and power within the clique. Studies show that the closer a female is to her attacker, the less likely she is to forgive.[55]

Where the social identity theory explains direct social aggression, research done in the evolutionary perspective explains indirect social aggression. This aggression stemmed from "successful competition for scarce resources… and enables optimal growth and development."[55] Two tactics used are the coercive and prosocial strategies. The coercive strategies involve controlling and regulating all resources of the out-group through a monopoly. For this scheme, one must rely heavily on threats and aggression. The other strategy, prosocial, involves helping and sharing resources. This method shows complete dominance for the in-group, because in order for others to survive they must subordinate themselves to receive resources. Ability to control resources effectively results in higher-ranking in the in-group, popular crowd.

Social aggression can be detrimental for both ends of the spectrum, the out-group and in-group members. Longitudinal studies prove that aggression can lead to victims feeling lonely and socially isolated. In addition, targets report feeling depressed and affected by other health risks such as headaches, sleepiness, abdominal pain and bedwetting.[57] The aggressors on the other hand, were suggested to "encounter future problems in social relationships or emotional difficulties during early childhood."[57] In academics, victims were reported to having below average test scores and low achievement.

Studies that measure cross-gender differences show that females find social aggression to be more hurtful than males do. The results of the hurt and pain felt by female victims can be seen in all ages.[55] Pre-school teachers have reported several cases of female students feeling depressed. In high school, the female victims begin to slowly isolate themselves. A year later, this seclusion has led to social phobia. Furthermore, in college, pressure and aggression from Greek life has lowered life satisfaction and increased antisocial behavior in several female students.

While social aggression has several downfalls, it has also led to a mature social competence of males and females. Being part of an in-group can increase a person's self-worth and contribute to his or her personal identity. In terms of the evolutionary perspective, being able to control definite and indefinite resources can increase a person's social competence.[55] Some research argues that reports of social aggression and bullying can teach students in school what is considered unacceptable behavior. In a 1998 survey, 60% of students found that bullying "makes kids tougher."[55] However, there is additional need for support on this claim.

Since 1992, there have been nine school intervention and prevention programs, which have met the rigorous criteria of efficacy, to avert social aggression.[60] The programs include Early Childhood Friendship Project (2009), You Can't Say You Can't Play (1992), I Can Problem Solve (2008), Walk Away, Ignore, Talk, Seek Help (2003), Making Choices: Social Problem Skills for Children (2005), Friend to Friend (2009), Second Step (2002), Social Aggression Prevention Program (2006), Sisters of Nia (2004).

When designing a prevention program, it is important to remember to keep the program age and gender appropriate.[60] For example, Early Childhood Friendship Project and You Can't Say You Can't Play have visual activities for the preschoolers and integrate puppet shows into the lesson plan. In addition, because males and females approach aggression differently there must be personalized plans to fit both genders.

However, intervention programs even with the best intentions can be harmful.[55] For one, the progress of the intervention can be short lived. Studies have measured the effectiveness of intervention programs three separate times during the course of one year and no improvements were shown. Secondly, because social aggression is said to increase social identity and belonging to a group, many students have tried to disrupt the programs. A third implication is that the interventions need to study how adverse behaviors develop. Otherwise the solution might not fit the problem. Lastly, the programs must be designed to fit the needs of girls and boys and not the ones of the researchers. If the intervention program is designed to give insight for research rather than reducing and bettering aggression, then it can be detrimental to society.

Although a few forms of behavior may be sex-specific, in general they reflect patterns of power and control between the sexes, which are found in all human groups, regardless of sex composition. These modes of behaviors are perhaps more appropriately labeled 'powerlects' instead of 'genderlects'.[61]

Listening and attentiveness[edit]

In a conversation, meaning does not reside in the words spoken, but is filled in by the person listening. Each person decides if they think others are speaking in the spirit of differing status or symmetrical connection. The likelihood that individuals will tend to interpret someone else's words as one or the other depends more on the hearer's own focus, concerns, and habits than on the spirit in which the words were intended.[22]

It appears that women attach more weight than men to the importance of listening in conversation, with its connotations of power to the listener as confidant of the speaker. This attachment of import by women to listening is inferred by women's normally lower rate of interruption – i.e., disrupting the flow of conversation with a topic unrelated to the previous one[62] – and by their largely increased use of minimal responses in relation to men.[40] Men, however, interrupt far more frequently with non-related topics, especially in the mixed sex setting and, far from rendering a female speaker's responses minimal, are apt to greet her conversational spotlights with silence, as the work of Victoria DeFrancisco demonstrates.[45]

When men talk, women listen and agree. However men tend to misinterpret this agreement, which was intended in a spirit of connection, as a reflection of status and power. A man might conclude that a woman is indecisive or insecure as a result of her listening and attempts of acknowledgment. When in all actuality, a woman's reasons for behaving this way have nothing to do with her attitudes toward her knowledge, but are a result of her attitudes toward her relationships. The act of giving information frames the speaker with a higher status, while the act of listening frames the listener as lower. However, when women listen to men, they are not necessarily thinking in terms of status, but in terms of connection and support.[22]

Heterosexual relationships[edit]

As described above, there are certain stereotypes society places on the way men and women communicate. Men are stereotyped to be more of a public speaker and leader, while women are stereotyped to talk more in private among their family and friends. For women, society views their use of communication as a way to express feelings and emotions. For men, society views their use of communication as a way to express power and negotiate status among other individuals.[22] There are also certain societal stereotypes about how men and women communicate within a heterosexual marriage or relationship. When a man and a woman are communicating within their relationship, the traditional language roles are altered. The man becomes more passive and the woman becomes more active. A man's stereotypical silent communication style is often disappointing for women, while a woman's emotionally articulate communication style is often seen as aggravating for a man.[22] This creates the assumption that women and men have opposing communication styles, therefore creating society's cliche that men and women don't understand each other.

Dominance versus subjection[edit]

This, in turn, suggests a dichotomy between a male desire for conversational dominance – noted by Helena Leet-Pellegrini with reference to male experts speaking more verbosely than their female counterparts – and a female aspiration to group conversational participation.[63] One corollary of this is, according to Jennifer Coates, that males are afforded more attention in the context of the classroom and that this can lead to their gaining more attention in scientific and technical subjects, which in turn can lead to their achieving better success in those areas, ultimately leading to their having more power in a technocratic society.[64]

Conversation is not the only area where power is an important aspect of the male/female dynamic. Power is reflected in every aspect of communication from what the actual topic of the communication, to the ways in which it is communicated. Women are typically less concerned with power more concerned with forming and maintaining relationships, whereas men are more concerned with their status. Girls and women feel it is crucial that they be liked by their peers, a form of involvement that focuses on symmetrical connection. Boys and men feel it is crucial that they be respected by their peers, as form of involvement that focuses on asymmetrical status.[65] These differences in priorities are reflected in the ways in which men and women communicate. A woman's communication will tend to be more focused on building and maintaining relationships. Men on the other hand, will place a higher priority on power, their communication styles will reflect their desire to maintain their status in the relationship.

According to Tannen's research, men tend to tell stories as another way to maintain their status. Primarily, men tell jokes, or stories that focus on themselves. Women on the other hand, are less concerned with their own power, and therefore their stories revolve not around themselves, but around others. By putting themselves on the same level as those around them, women attempt to downplay their part in their own stories, which strengthens their connections to those around them.


Lakoff identified three forms of politeness: formal, deference, and camaraderie. Women's language is characterized by formal and deference politeness, whereas men's language is exemplified by camaraderie.[16]

There is a generalization about conservativeness and politeness in women's speech. It is commonly believed that women are gentle, while men are rough and rude. Since there is no evidence for the total accuracy of this perception, researchers have tried to examine the reasons behind it. Statistics show a pattern that women tend to use more "standard" variable of the language.[66] For example, in the case of negative concord, e.g., I didn't do anything vs. I didn't do nothing, women usually use the standard form.[3] Pierre Bourdieu introduced the concept of the linguistic marketplace. According to this concept, different varieties of language have different values. When people want to be accepted in a diplomatic organization, they need to have a range of knowledge to show their competency. Possessing the right language is as important as the right style of dress. Both of these manners have social values.[67] While Bourdieu focuses on the diplomatic corps, it would be true if people want to be accepted in other contexts such as an urban ghetto. The market that one wants to engage with has a profound effect on the value of the variation of language they may use.[68] The relations of each gender to linguistic markets are different. A research on the pronunciation of English in Norwich has shown that women's usage is considerably more conservative regarding the standard variation of the language they speak. This research provides the pieces of evidence that women's exclusion from the workplace has led to this variation.[69] As women in some cases have not had the same position as men and their opportunities to secure these positions have been fewer, they have tried to use more "valuable" variations of the language. It can be the standard one, or the polite version of it, or the so-called "right" one.[3]

Transgender linguistics[edit]

While much work on language and gender has focused on the differences between people of binary genders (men and women) and cisgender people, with the rise of social constructionist models of language and gender scholarship, there has been a turn towards explorations of how individuals of all genders perform masculinity and femininity (as well as other gendered identities) through language.[70] Within the context of US and English-speaking trans and gender diverse communities, linguistic features at various levels, whether phonetic features (e.g., pitch and /s/ production),[71][72][73] lexical items (e.g., body part names and pronouns),[74][75][76] and semiotic systems (e.g., linguistic and aesthetic style),[77] have been shown to be important resources for naming trans identities and for constructing and communicating these identities to the world. Sociophonetic research within trans communities has explored how the gendered voice is constructed, performed, and heard. Lexical analyses have shown how labels and pronouns have allowed non-normative gender individuals to claim linguistic agency over their own experience of gender as well as to challenge and reclaim pathological terminology ascribed by doctors and psychologists.[78] (See LGBT linguistics#Transgender linguistics).

Many transgender people also undergo specific voice therapies (voice feminization for transgender women and voice masculinization for transgender men) as part of their transition.[79]

Gender-specific vocabulary[edit]

Some natural languages have intricate systems of gender-specific vocabulary.

  • Irish Sign Language, due to single sex Deaf schools, developed separate male and female vocabularies which can still be seen today.
  • It is speculated that Sumerian women had a special language called Emesal, distinct from the main language, Emegir, which was spoken by both genders. The women's language had a distinct vocabulary, found in the records of religious rituals to be performed by women, also in the speech of goddesses in mythological texts. There has been some dispute about the role of Emesal, with suggestions by some scholars that Emegir was a dialect used by the public and more informally while Emesal was a literary language.[80]
  • For a significant period of time in the history of the ancient languages of India, after the formal language Sanskrit diverged from the popular Prakrit languages, some Sanskrit plays recorded the speech of women in Prakrit, distinct from the Sanskrit of male speakers. This convention was also used for illiterate and low-caste male speakers.[81]
  • Garifuna has a vocabulary split between terms used only by men and terms used only by women. This does not however affect the entire vocabulary but when it does, the terms used by men generally come from Carib and those used by women come from Arawak.[citation needed]
  • The indigenous Australian language Yanyuwa has separate dialects for men and women.[82]
  • In Ancient Greek, there is evidence for some difference between the speech of men and women, as evidenced for example in the comedies of Aristophanes.[citation needed]
  • In the Lakota language, a small number of enclitics (approximately eight) differ in form based on the gender of the speaker. While many native speakers and linguists agree that certain enclitics are associated with particular genders, such usage may not be exclusive. That is, individual men sometimes use enclitics associated with women, and vice versa.[83]

See also[edit]


  1. ^ Speer, Susan (2005). "Introduction: feminism, discourse and conversation analysis". In Speer, Susan A. (ed.). Gender talk: feminism, discourse and conversation analysis. London New York: Routledge. pp. 7–8. ISBN 9780415246446.
  2. ^ a b Attenborough, Frederick (2014-05-02). "Words, Contexts, Politics". Gender and Language. 8 (2): 137–146. doi:10.1558/genl.v8i2.137. ISSN 1747-6321.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Language and gender : a reader. Coates, Jennifer, 1942-, Pichler, Pia. (2nd ed.). Chichester, West Sussex, U.K.: Wiley-Blackwell. 2011. ISBN 9781405191449. OCLC 659305823.CS1 maint: others (link)
  4. ^ Gormley, Sarah (2015), "Language and Gender", International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, Elsevier, pp. 256–259, doi:10.1016/b978-0-08-097086-8.53055-4, ISBN 978-0-08-097087-5
  5. ^ Bucholtz, Mary (2004) [1975]. "Editor's introduction". In Lakoff, Robin (author); Bucholtz, Mary (eds.). Language and woman's place: text and commentaries. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 3–14. ISBN 9780195167573.
  6. ^ Hall, Kira; Bucholtz, Mary, eds. (1995). Gender articulated: language and the socially constructed self. New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781136045424.
  7. ^ Holmes, Janet; Meyerhoff, Miriam, eds. (2003). The handbook of language and gender. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Pub. ISBN 9780631225027.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Weatherall, Ann, 1964- (2002). Gender, language and discourse. Hove [England]: Routledge. ISBN 0203988817. OCLC 71813163.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  9. ^ Lakoff, Robin Tolmach. (2004). Language and woman's place : text and commentaries. Bucholtz, Mary, 1966- (Rev. and expanded ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195167589. OCLC 52706078.
  10. ^ Spender, Dale. (1985). Man made language (2nd ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN 0710203152. OCLC 12072141.
  11. ^ a b Henley, Nancy. (1977). Body politics : power, sex, and nonverbal communication. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0130796409. OCLC 2646276.
  12. ^ Beauvoir, Simone de, 1908-1986. (2009). The second sex. Borde, Constance., Malovany-Chevallier, Sheila. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 9780224078597. OCLC 429598256.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  13. ^ a b c Eckert, Penelope. (2003). Language and gender. McConnell-Ginet, Sally. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-511-07765-3. OCLC 57419689.
  14. ^ West, Candace; Zimmerman, Don H. (1987). "Doing Gender". Gender and Society. 1 (2): 125–151. doi:10.1177/0891243287001002002. ISSN 0891-2432. JSTOR 189945. S2CID 220519301.
  15. ^ "Introduction: Gender, language and translation at the crossroads of disciplines | Castro | Gender and Language". doi:10.1558/genl.v7i1.5. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  16. ^ a b c Lakoff, Robin (2004) [1975]. Language and woman's place: text and commentaries. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195167573.
  17. ^ a b c Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie, eds. (2006). American English: dialects and variation (2nd ed.). Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Pub. ISBN 9781405112666.
  18. ^ Bucholtz, Mary (2004) [1975]. "Editor's introduction". In Lakoff, Robin (author); Bucholtz, Mary (eds.). Language and woman's place: text and commentaries. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 3–14. ISBN 9780195167573.
  19. ^ Coates, Jennifer (2016). Women, men and language: a sociolinguistic account of gender differences in language (3rd ed.). Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon New York, NY: Routledge. ISBN 9781317292531.
  20. ^ a b Jespersen, Otto (2013) [1922]. "The woman". Language: its nature, development, and origin. Hamlin Press. ISBN 9781473302310.
  21. ^ O'Barr, William; Atkins, Bowman (1980). "'Women's language' or 'powerless language'". In Borker, Ruth; Furman, Nelly; MacConnel-Ginet, Sally (eds.). Women and language in literature and society. New York: Praeger. pp. 93–110. ISBN 9780030578939.
  22. ^ a b c d e f g Tannen, Deborah (1990). You just don't understand: women and men in conversation. New York, NY: Morrow. ISBN 9780060959623.
  23. ^ a b Fitzpatrick, Mary Anne; Mulac, Anthony; Dindia, Kathryn (March 1995). "Gender-preferential language use in spouse and stranger interaction". Journal of Language and Social Psychology. 14 (1–2): 18–39. doi:10.1177/0261927x95141002. S2CID 145296984.
  24. ^ Hannah, Annette; Murachver, Tamar (June 1999). "Gender and conversational style as predictors of conversational behavior". Journal of Language and Social Psychology. 18 (2): 153–174. doi:10.1177/0261927x99018002002. S2CID 146518770.
  25. ^ Mulac, Anthony; Studley, Lisa B.; Blau, Sheridan (November 1990). "The gender-linked language effect in primary and secondary students' impromptu essays". Sex Roles. 23 (9–10): 439–470. doi:10.1007/bf00289762. S2CID 144610138.
  26. ^ Thomson, Rob; Murachver, Tamar (June 2001). "Predicting gender from electronic discourse". British Journal of Social Psychology. 40 (2): 193–208. doi:10.1348/014466601164812. PMID 11446227.
  27. ^ Green, James A. (September 2003). "The writing on the stall: gender and graffiti". Journal of Language and Social Psychology. 22 (3): 282–296. doi:10.1177/0261927X03255380. S2CID 144331193.
  28. ^ Spender, Dale (1998). Man made language (2nd ed.). London New York New York: New York University Press. ISBN 9780863584015.
  29. ^ West, Candace; Zimmerman, Don H. (1983). "Small insults: a study of interruptions in conversations between unacquainted persons". In Thorne, Barrie; Kramarae, Cheris; Main Henley, Nancy (eds.). Language, gender, and society. Rowley, Massachusetts: Newbury House. pp. 102–117. ISBN 9780883772683.
  30. ^ Cameron, Deborah (2012). Verbal hygiene. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon New York: Routledge. ISBN 9786613954404.
  31. ^ Cameron, Deborah (2007). The myth of Mars and Venus: do men and women really speak different languages. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199214471.
  32. ^ Cameron, Deborah (August 2000). "Styling the worker: gender and the commodification of language in the globalized service economy". Journal of Sociolinguistics. 4 (3): 323–347. doi:10.1111/1467-9481.00119. Pdf.
  33. ^ West, Candace; Zimmerman, Don H. (June 1987). "Doing gender". Gender & Society. 1 (2): 125–151. doi:10.1177/0891243287001002002. JSTOR 189945. S2CID 220519301. Pdf.
  34. ^ Thomson, Rob; Murachver, Tamar; Green, James (March 2001). "Where Is the gender in gendered language?". Psychological Science. 12 (2): 171–175. doi:10.1111/1467-9280.00329. PMID 11340928. S2CID 44597261.
  35. ^ Ochs, Elinor (1992). "Indexing gender". In Duranti, Alessandro; Goodwin, Charles (eds.). Rethinking context : language as an interactive phenomenon. Cambridge England New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 335–357. ISBN 9780521422888.
  36. ^ a b c d Mulac, Anthony; Bradac, James J.; Karol Mann, Susan (June 1985). "Male/female language differences and attributional consequences in children's television". Human Communication Research. 11 (4): 481–506. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2958.1985.tb00057.x.
  37. ^ a b c d e Aubrey, Jennifer Stevens; Harrison, Kristen (2004). "The gender-role content of children's favorite television programs and its links to their gender-related perceptions". Media Psychology. 6 (2): 111–146. doi:10.1207/s1532785xmep0602_1. S2CID 144754474.
  38. ^ Tannen, Deborah (1996). Gender and discourse. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195101249.
  39. ^ Carli, Linda L. (November 1990). "Gender, language, and influence". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 59 (5): 941–951. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.59.5.941.
  40. ^ a b Zimmerman, Don H.; West, Candace (1975). "Sex roles, interruptions and silences in conversation". In Thorne, Barrie; West, Candace (eds.). Language and sex: difference and dominance. Rowley, Massachusetts: Newbury House Publishers. pp. 105–129. ISBN 9780883770436.
  41. ^ a b Fishman, Pamela (February 1977). "Interaction: The work women do". Social Problems. 24 (3): 387–400. doi:10.2307/800091. JSTOR 800091. PMC 7485939. PMID 32921838.
  42. ^ Barnes, Douglas (1971). "Language and learning in the classroom". Journal of Curriculum Studies. 3 (1): 27–38. doi:10.1080/0022027710030104.
  43. ^ Todd, Alexandra Dundas (1993). "A diagnosis of doctor-patient discourse in the prescription of contraception". In Fisher, Sue; Todd, Alexandra Dundas (eds.). The social organization of doctor-patient communication. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Pub. Corp. pp. 183–212. ISBN 9780893916992.
  44. ^ Freed, Alice F.; Greenwood, Alice (March 1996). "Women, men, and type of talk: What makes the difference?". Language in Society. 25 (1): 1–26. doi:10.1017/S0047404500020418.
  45. ^ a b DeFrancisco, Victoria Leto (October 1991). "The sounds of silence: how men silence women in marital relations". Discourse & Society. 2 (4): 413–423. doi:10.1177/0957926591002004003. S2CID 145790027.
  46. ^ Sacks, Harvey; Schegloff, Emanuel A.; Jefferson, Gail (December 1974). "A simple systematics for the organization of turn-taking for conversation". Language. 50 (4 (part 1)): 696–735. doi:10.1353/lan.1974.0010. hdl:11858/00-001M-0000-002C-4337-3. JSTOR 412243. S2CID 210072635.
  47. ^ Dorval, Bruce, ed. (1990). Conversational organization and its development. Advances in Discourse Processes. Volume XXXVIII. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex. ISBN 9780893916633. |volume= has extra text (help)
  48. ^ Goodwin, Majorie Harness (1990). He-said-she-said: talk as social organization among Black children. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 9780253206183.
  49. ^ Dindia, Kathryn; Allen, Mike (July 1992). "Sex differences in disclosure: A meta-analysis". Psychological Bulletin. 112 (1): 106–124. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.112.1.106. PMID 1388280.
  50. ^ Borchers, Tim (1999). "Interpersonal communication: self-disclosure". Allyn & Bacon. Archived from the original on 20 July 2012. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
  51. ^ Derlega, Valerian J.; Metts, Sandra; Petronio, Sandra; Margulis, Stephen T. (1993). Self-disclosure. Newbury Park: Sage Publications. ISBN 9780803939554.
  52. ^ Ashida, Sato; Koehly, Laura M.; Roberts, J. Scott; Chen, Clara A.; Hiraki, Susan; Green, Robert C. (December 2009). "Disclosing the disclosure: factors associated with communicating the results of genetic susceptibility testing for Alzheimer's disease". Journal of Health Communication. 14 (8): 768–784. doi:10.1080/10810730903295518. PMC 2801901. PMID 20029710.
  53. ^ Anuradha, M. (2012). "Gender stereotyping in television commercials aimed at children in India". Media Asia. 39 (4): 209–215. doi:10.1080/01296612.2012.11689939. S2CID 151411167.
  54. ^ a b c Blake, Jamilia J.; Kim, Eun Sook; Lease, A. Michele (July 2011). "Exploring the incremental validity of nonverbal social aggression: the utility of peer nominations". Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. 57 (3): 293–318. doi:10.1353/mpq.2011.0015. JSTOR 23098048. S2CID 146188437. Pdf.
  55. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Willer, Erin K.; Cupach, William R. (2011). "The meaning of girls' social aggression: nasty or mastery?". In Cupach, William R.; Spitzberg, Brian H. (eds.). The dark side of close relationships II. New York London: Routledge. pp. 297–316. ISBN 9780415804585.
  56. ^ Underwood, M.K. (2011). Speech | Keynote Speaker. Collin College Interdisciplinary Undergraduate Student Research Conference. Retrieved 1 December 2011.
  57. ^ a b c d Luther, Catherine A.; Legg Jr., J. Robert (2010). "Gender differences in depictions of social and physical aggression in children's television cartoons in the US". Journal of Children & Media. 4 (2): 191–205. doi:10.1080/17482791003629651. S2CID 145582028.
  58. ^ a b c d e Rosen, Lisa H.; Underwood, Marion K.; Beron, Kurt J. (July 2011). "Peer victimization as a mediator of the relation between facial attractiveness and internalizing problems". Merrill-Palmer Quarterly. 57 (3): 319–347. doi:10.1353/mpq.2011.0016. JSTOR 23098049. PMC 3186210. PMID 21984861. Pdf.
  59. ^ a b Garandeau, Claire F.; Ahn, Hai-Jeong; Rodkin, Philip C. (November 2011). "The social status of aggressive students across contexts: The role of classroom status hierarchy, academicachievement, and grade". Developmental Psychology. 47 (6): 1699–1710. doi:10.1037/a0025271. PMID 21875183.
  60. ^ a b Leff, Stephen S.; Waasdorp, Tracy Evian; Crick, Nicki R. (2010). "A review of existing relational aggression programs: strengths, limitations, and future directions". School Psychology Review. 39 (4): 508–535. doi:10.1080/02796015.2010.12087739. PMC 3111222. PMID 21666876.
  61. ^ Lamb, Theodore A. (March 1981). "Nonverbal and paraverbal control in Dyads and Triads: sex or power differences?". Social Psychology Quarterly. 44 (1): 49–53. doi:10.2307/3033863. JSTOR 3033863.
  62. ^ Fishman, Pamela (May 1977). "Interactional shitwork" (PDF). Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics. 1 (2). pp. 99–101. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 March 2017.
  63. ^ Leet-Pellegrini, Helena M. (1980). "Conversational dominance as a function of gender and expertise". In Giles, Howard; Robinson, W. Peters; Smith, Philip M. (eds.). Language: social psychological perspectives: selected papers from the first International Conference on Social Psychology and Language held at the University of Bristol, England, July 1979. Oxford New York: Pergamon Press. pp. 97–104. ISBN 9780080246963.
  64. ^ Coates, Jennifer (2016). Women, men and language : a sociolinguistic account of gender differences in language (3rd ed.). Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon New York, NY: Routledge. ISBN 9781315645612.
  65. ^ Tannen, Deborah (2003). I only say this because I love you. London: Virago. ISBN 9781860499814.
  66. ^ Eckert, Penelope; McConnell-Ginet, Sally (1992). "Think Practically and Look Locally: Language and Gender as Community- Based Practice". Annual Review of Anthropology. 21: 461–490. ISSN 0084-6570.
  67. ^ Bourdieu, Pierre (1977-12-01). "The economics of linguistic exchanges". Information (International Social Science Council). 16 (6): 645–668. doi:10.1177/053901847701600601. S2CID 144528140.
  68. ^ Woolard, Kathryn A. (1985). "Language Variation and Cultural Hegemony: Toward an Integration of Sociolinguistic and Social Theory". American Ethnologist. 12 (4): 738–748. doi:10.1525/ae.1985.12.4.02a00090. ISSN 0094-0496. JSTOR 644180.
  69. ^ Trudgill, Peter (1972). "Sex, Covert Prestige and Linguistic Change in the Urban British English of Norwich". Language in Society. 1 (2): 179–195. doi:10.1017/S0047404500000488. ISSN 0047-4045. JSTOR 4166683.
  70. ^ Zimman, Lal (2020-09-02), Hall, Kira; Barrett, Rusty (eds.), "Transgender Language, Transgender Moment: Toward a Trans Linguistics", The Oxford Handbook of Language and Sexuality, Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190212926.013.45, ISBN 978-0-19-021292-6, retrieved 2021-06-12
  71. ^ Zimman, Lal (2013-01-01). "Hegemonic masculinity and the variability of gay-sounding speech: The perceived sexuality of transgender men". Journal of Language and Sexuality. 2 (1): 1–39. doi:10.1075/jls.2.1.01zim. ISSN 2211-3770.
  72. ^ Zimman, Lal (June 2017). "Gender as stylistic bricolage: Transmasculine voices and the relationship between fundamental frequency and /s/". Language in Society. 46 (3): 339–370. doi:10.1017/S0047404517000070. ISSN 0047-4045. S2CID 151829941.
  73. ^ Calder, Jeremy (2019). "From Sissy to Sickening: The Indexical Landscape of /s/ in SoMa, San Francisco". Journal of Linguistic Anthropology. 29 (3): 332–358. doi:10.1111/jola.12218. ISSN 1548-1395.
  74. ^ Edelman, Elijah Adiv; Zimman, Lal (2014-05-04). "Boycunts and Bonus Holes: Trans Men's Bodies, Neoliberalism, and the Sexual Productivity of Genitals". Journal of Homosexuality. 61 (5): 673–690. doi:10.1080/00918369.2014.870438. ISSN 0091-8369. PMID 24294971. S2CID 31263792.
  75. ^ Conrod, Kirby (2020-09-02), Hall, Kira; Barrett, Rusty (eds.), "Pronouns and Gender in Language", The Oxford Handbook of Language and Sexuality, Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190212926.013.63, ISBN 978-0-19-021292-6, retrieved 2021-06-12
  76. ^ Konnelly, Lex; Cowper, Elizabeth (2020-04-29). "Gender diversity and morphosyntax: An account of singular they". Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics. 5 (1): 40. doi:10.5334/gjgl.1000. ISSN 2397-1835.
  77. ^ Corwin, Anna I. (2017-06-20). "Emerging genders: semiotic agency and the performance of gender among genderqueer individuals". Gender and Language. 11 (2): 255–277–255–277. doi:10.1558/genl.27552. ISSN 1747-633X.
  78. ^ Konnelly, Lex (2021-02-15). "Nuance and normativity in trans linguistic research". Journal of Language and Sexuality. 10 (1): 71–82. doi:10.1075/jls.00016.kon. ISSN 2211-3770.
  79. ^ Shelagh, Davies; Goldberg, Joshua M. (2006-09-01). "Clinical Aspects of Transgender Speech Feminization and Masculinization". International Journal of Transgenderism. 9 (3–4): 167–196. doi:10.1300/J485v09n03_08. ISSN 1553-2739. S2CID 143007221.
  80. ^ Whittaker, Gordon (2002). "Linguistic anthropology and the study of Emesal as (a) women's language". In Parpola, Simo; Whiting, Robert M. (eds.). Sex and gender in the ancient Near East: proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2-6, 2001. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. pp. 633–644. ISBN 9789514590542.
  81. ^ Halder, Shashwati (2012). "Prakrit". In Islam, Sirajul; Jamal, Shashwati (eds.). Banglapedia: national encyclopedia of Bangladesh (2nd ed.). Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. ISBN 9789845120364.
  82. ^ Kirton, Jean F. (1988). "Yanyuwa, a dying language". In Ray, Michael J. (ed.). Aboriginal language use in the Northern Territory: 5 reports: Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Darwin: Summer Institute of Linguistics. pp. 1–18.
  83. ^ Trechter, Sarah (1999). "Contextualizing the exotic few: gender dichotomies in Lakhota". In Bucholtz, Mary; Liang, A.C.; Sutton, Laurel A. (eds.). Reinventing identities: the gendered self in discourse. New York London: Oxford University Press. pp. 101–122. ISBN 978-0195126297.

Further reading[edit]