Law and Justice

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Law and Justice
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
Chairman Jarosław Kaczyński
Founder Lech Kaczyński
Jarosław Kaczyński
Founded 13 June 2001; 16 years ago (2001-06-13)
Headquarters ul. Nowogrodzka 84/86 02-018 Warsaw
Youth wing Law and Justice Youth Forum
Membership (2015) 30,000[1]
Ideology Polish nationalism[2][3][4]
National conservatism[5][6]
Social conservatism[6][7]
Anti-immigration[8]
Economic nationalism[9][10][11]
State interventionism[9][10][11]
Christian democracy[12][13]
Right-wing populism[14]
Centralisation[15]
Euroscepticism[16][17]

Political position Right-wing[18][19][20][21]
European affiliation Alliance of Conservatives and Reformists in Europe
International affiliation None
European Parliament group European Conservatives and Reformists
Colours      Navy blue      Red[22]
Sejm
237 / 460
Senate
66 / 100
European Parliament
16 / 51
Regional assemblies
142 / 555
Website
www.pis.org.pl

Law and Justice (Polish: About this sound Prawo i Sprawiedliwość ), abbreviated to PiS, is a right-wing populist,[14][23][24][25] national-conservative,[5][6] and Christian democratic[12][13] political party in Poland. With 237 seats in the Sejm and 66 in the Senate, it is currently the largest party in the Polish parliament.

The party was founded in 2001 by the Kaczyński twins, Lech and Jarosław. It was formed from part of the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), with the Christian democratic Centre Agreement forming the new party's core.[26] The party won the 2005 election, while Lech Kaczyński won the presidency. Jarosław served as Prime Minister, before calling elections in 2007, in which the party came second to Civic Platform (PO). Several leading members, including sitting president Lech Kaczyński, died in a plane crash in 2010.

The party programme is dominated by the Kaczyńskis' conservative and law and order agenda.[26] It has embraced economic interventionism, while maintaining a socially conservative stance that in 2005 moved towards the Catholic Church;[26] the party's Catholic-nationalist wing split off in 2011 to form Solidary Poland. The party is solidarist and mildly Eurosceptic.

PiS is a member of the Alliance of Conservatives and Reformists in Europe (ACRE) European political party. The current sixteen PiS MEPs sit, as well as three other people elected from the PiS register, in the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament.

History[edit]

Formation[edit]

The party was created on a wave of popularity gained by late president of Poland Lech Kaczyński while heading the Polish Ministry of Justice (June 2000 to July 2001) in the AWS-led government, although local committees began appearing from 22 March 2001. The AWS itself was created from a diverse array of many small right-wing political parties.

In the 2001 general election PiS gained 44 (of 460) seats in the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) with 9.5% of votes. In 2002, Lech Kaczyński was elected mayor of Warsaw. He handed the party leadership to his twin brother in 2003.

In government[edit]

In the 2005 general election, PiS took first place with 27.0% of votes, which gave it 155 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 49 out of 100 seats in the Senate. It was almost universally expected that the two largest parties, PiS and Civic Platform (PO), would form a coalition government.[26] The putative coalition parties had a falling out, however, related to a fierce contest for the Polish presidency. In the end, Lech Kaczyński won the second round of the presidential election on 23 October 2005 with 54.0% of the vote, ahead of Donald Tusk, the PO candidate.

After the 2005 elections, Jarosław should have become Prime Minister. However, in order to improve his brother's chances of winning the presidential election (the first round of which was scheduled two weeks after the parliamentary election), PiS formed a minority government headed by Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz as prime minister, an arrangement that eventually turned out to be unworkable. In July 2006 PiS formed a right-wing coalition government with the agrarian populist Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland and nationalist League of Polish Families, headed by Jarosław Kaczyński. Association with these parties, on the margins of Polish politics, severely affected the reputation of PiS. When accusations of corruption and sexual harassment against Andrzej Lepper, the leader of Self Defense, surfaced, PiS chose to end the coalition and called for new elections.

In opposition[edit]

In the 2007 general election PiS managed to secure 32.1% of votes. Although an improvement over its showing from 2005, the results were nevertheless a defeat for the party, as Civic Platform (PO) gathered 41.5%. The party won 166 out of 460 seats in the Sejm and 39 seats in Poland's Senate.

On 10 April 2010, its former leader Lech Kaczyński died in the 2010 Polish Air Force Tu-154 crash.

In government again[edit]

A KOD demonstration in Warsaw against the ruling Law and Justice party, on 7 May 2016

The party won the 2015 parliamentary election, this time with an outright majority—something no Polish party had done since the fall of Communism. In the normal course of events, this should have made Jarosław Kaczyński prime minister for a second time. However, Beata Szydło, perceived as being somewhat more moderate than Kaczyński, had been tapped as PiS' candidate for prime minister.[27][28]

The Law and Justice government has been accused of posing a threat to the Polish liberal democratic system.[29][30][31][32][33][34][35] PiS' 2015 victory prompted creation of a cross-party opposition movement, the Committee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD). Law and Justice has supported controversial reforms carried out by the Hungarian Fidesz party, with Jarosław Kaczyński declaring in 2011 that a day will come when we have a Budapest in Warsaw.[36] Proposed 2017 judicial reforms, which according to the party were meant to improve efficiency of the justice system, sparked protest as they were seen as undermining judicial independence.[37][38][39][40][41] As of December 2017, the draft bill is being amended following a veto from President Andrzej Duda.

Breakaways[edit]

In January 2010, a breakaway faction led by Jerzy Polaczek split from the party to form Poland Plus. Its seven members of the Sejm came from the centrist, economically liberal wing of the party. On 24 September 2010, the group was disbanded, with most of its Sejm members, including Polaczek, returning to Law and Justice.

On 16 November 2010, MPs Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska, Elżbieta Jakubiak and Paweł Poncyljusz, and MEPs Adam Bielan and Michał Kamiński formed a new political group, Poland Comes First (Polska jest Najważniejsza).[42] Kamiński said that the Law and Justice party had been taken over by far-right extremists. The breakaway party formed following dissatisfaction with the direction and leadership of Kaczyński.[43]

On 4 November 2011, MEPs Zbigniew Ziobro, Jacek Kurski, and Tadeusz Cymański were ejected from the party, after Ziobro urged the party to split further into two separate parties – centrist and nationalist – with the three representing the nationalist faction.[44] Ziobro's supporters, most of whom on the right-wing of the party, formed a new group in Parliament called Solidary Poland,[45] leading to their expulsion, too.[46] United Poland was formed as a formally separate party in March 2012, but hasn't threatened Law and Justice in opinion polls.[47]

Ideology[edit]

Initially the party was broadly pro-market, although less so than the Civic Platform.[48] It has adopted the social market economy rhetoric similar to that of western European Christian democratic parties.[26] In the 2005 election, the party shifted to the protectionist left on economics.[48] As Prime Minister, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz was more economically liberal than the Kaczyńskis, advocating a position closer to Civic Platform.[49] However, unlike Civic Platform, whose emphasis is the economy, Law and Justice's focus during their first term in power was fighting corruption.[48]

On foreign policy, PiS is Atlanticist and less supportive of European integration than Civic Platform.[48] The party is soft eurosceptic,[16][17] and opposes a federal Europe. In its campaigns, it emphasises that the European Union should 'benefit Poland and not the other way around'.[50] It is a member of the anti-federalist Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists, having previously been a part of the Alliance for Europe of the Nations and, before that, the European People's Party.[26][51]

Election results[edit]

Sejm[edit]

Election year # of
votes
 % of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/– Govt?
2001 1,236,787 9.5 (#4)
44 / 460
Opposition
2005 3,185,714 27.0 (#1)
155 / 460
Increase 111 Coalition
2007 5,183,477 32.1 (#2)
166 / 460
Increase 11 Opposition
2011 4,295,016 29.9 (#2)
157 / 460
Decrease 9 Opposition
2015 5,711,687 37.6 (#1)
235 / 460
*
Increase 78 Majority

*Only 217 of those were actually from the party. 9 of the elected were members of Solidarity for Poland, 8 were members of Poland Together and Jan Klawiter was a member of Right Wing of the Republic. Under an agreement between the two parties he is an independent in the Sejm (not affiliated to any parliamentary faction).[52]

Senate[edit]

Election year # of
overall seats won
+/–
2001
0 / 100
As part of the Senate 2001 coalition, which won 15 seats.
2005
49 / 100
Increase 49
2007
39 / 100
Decrease 10
2011
31 / 100
Decrease 8
2015
61 / 100
Increase 30

European Parliament[edit]

Election year # of
votes
 % of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/–
2004 771,858 12.7 (#3)
7 / 54
2009 2,017,607 27.4 (#2)
15 / 50
Increase 8
2014 2,246,870 31.8 (#2)
19 / 51
*
Increase 4

*Currently 16: Zdzisław Krasnodębski is elected from the PiS register, but not a member of the party, Mirosław Piotrowski left PiS (08.10.2014), Marek Jurek is a member of Right Wing of the Republic.

Presidential[edit]

Election year Candidate 1st round 2nd round
# of overall votes  % of overall vote # of overall votes  % of overall vote
2005 Lech Kaczyński 4,947,927 33.1 (#2) 8,257,468 54.0 (#1)
2010 Jarosław Kaczyński 6,128,255 36.5 (#2) 7,919,134 47.0 (#2)
2015 Andrzej Duda 5,179,092 34.8 (#1) 8,719,281 51.5 (#1)

Regional assemblies[edit]

Election year  % of
vote
# of
overall seats won
+/–
2002 15.6 (#3)
97 / 561
In coalition with Civic Platform.
2006 25.1 (#2)
170 / 561
2010 23.1 (#2)
141 / 561
Decrease 29
2014 26.9 (#1)
171 / 555
Increase 30

Presidents of the Republic of Poland from PiS[edit]

Name Imamge From To
Lech Kaczyński Lech Kaczyński.jpg 23 December 2005 10 April 2010 (died in plane crash)
Andrzej Duda Andrzej Duda portret.JPG 6 August 2015 incumbent

Prime Ministers of the Republic of Poland from PiS[edit]

Name Imamge From To
Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz (1118622297) cropped.jpg 31 October 2005 14 July 2006
Jarosław Kaczyński Jarosław Kaczyński Sejm 2016a.JPG 14 July 2006 16 November 2007
Beata Szydło Beata Szydlo 2015.jpg 16 November 2015 11 December 2017
Mateusz Morawiecki Mateusz Morawiecki (cropped).jpg 11 December 2017 incumbent

Base of support[edit]

Law and Justice's support is concentrated in the east of the country. Areas voting for Jarosław Kaczyński in 2010 are shaded blue above.

Like Civic Platform, but unlike the fringe parties to the right, Law and Justice originated from the secular, anti-communist Solidarity trade union (which is a major cleavage in Polish politics).[53] Solidarity's leadership wanted to back Law and Justice in 2005, but was held back by the union's last experience of party politics, in backing Solidarity Electoral Action.[26]

Today, the party enjoys great support among working class constituencies and union members. Groups that vote for the party are miners, farmers, shopkeepers, unskilled workers, unemployed and pensioners. With its left-wing approach toward economics, the party attracts these voters who didn't benefit from economic liberalisation and European integration [48] and their economic situation didn't improve significantly since 1989. The strongest voting block are older, religious people who value the conservative principles the party represents and patriotism. PiS voters are usually located in rural areas and small towns. The strongest region is southern-eastern part of the country. People without university degree prefer the party more than more educated ones. From sometime, younger voters support PiS more than in the previous years.

Regionally, it has more support in regions of Poland that were historically part of western Galicia-Lodomeria and Congress Poland.[54] Since 2015, the borders of support are not as clear as before and party enjoys support in western parts of country, especially these deprived ones. Large cities in all regions are more likely to vote for more liberal party like PO or .N. Still PiS receives good support from poor and working class areas in large cities.

Based on this voter profile, Law and Justice form the core of the conservative post-Solidarity bloc, along with the League of Polish Families and Solidarity Electoral Action, as opposed to liberal conservative post-Solidarity bloc of Civic Platform.[55] The most prominent feature of PiS voters was their emphasis on decommunisation.[56]

Platform[edit]

Beata Szydło - Narodowe Święto Niepodległości

Economy[edit]

The party supports a state-guaranteed minimum social safety net and state intervention in the economy within market economy bounds. During the election campaign[when?] it proposed tax decrease to two personal tax rates (18% and 32%) and tax rebates related to the number of children in a family, as well as a reduction of the VAT rate (while keeping a variation between individual types of VAT rates). 18% and 32% tax rates were eventually implemented. Also: a continuation of privatisation with the exclusion of several dozen state companies deemed to be of strategic importance for the country. PiS opposes cutting social welfare spending, and also proposed the introduction of a system of state-guaranteed housing loans.

Decommunization[edit]

PiS is a strong supporter of lustration (lustracja), a verification system created ostensibly to combat the influence of the Communist era security apparatus in Polish society. While current lustration laws require the verification of those who serve in public offices, PiS wants to expand the process to include university professors, lawyers, journalists, managers of large companies, and others performing "public functions". Those found to have collaborated with the security service, according to the party, should be forbidden to practice in their professions.

PiS also supports revealing the names of all secret agents from the time of the communist regime.

Crime and corruption[edit]

PiS advocates increased criminal penalties. It postulates aggressive anti-corruption measures (including creation of an Anti-Corruption Bureau (CBA), open disclosure of the assets of politicians and important public servants), as well as broad and various measures to smooth the working of public institutions.

Constitution, power structures[edit]

PiS meeting on National Independence Day

PiS has presented a project for constitutional reform including, among others: allowing the president the right to pass laws by decree (when prompted to do so by the Cabinet), a reduction of the number of members of the Sejm and Senat, and removal of constitutional bodies overseeing the media and monetary policy.

Defence policy[edit]

The party is in favour of strengthening the Polish Army through diminishing bureaucracy and raising military expenditures, especially for modernization of army equipment. PiS planned to introduce a fully professional army and end conscription by 2012 (in August 2008, compulsory military service was abolished in Poland). It is also in favor of participation of Poland in foreign military missions led by the United Nations, NATO and United States, in countries like Afghanistan and Iraq.

Foreign affairs[edit]

Visegrád Group leaders' meeting in Prague, 2015

The party supports integration with the European Union on terms beneficial for Poland. It supports economic integration and tightening the cooperation in areas of energetic security and military, but is skeptical about closer political integration. It is against formation of European superstate or federation. PiS is in favor of strong political and military alliance of Poland with the United States.

In the European Parliament it is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists, a group founded in 2009 to challenge the prevailing pro-federalist ethos of the European Parliament and address the perceived democratic deficit existing at a European level.

Health care[edit]

PiS supports state provided universal health care.[57]

Social issues[edit]

The party's views on social issues are much more traditionalist than those of conservative parties in other European countries. The vast majority of members of the party favors restrictions on abortion in most cases including fetal defects, rape or incest, which is already illegal in extraordinary circumstances. It is also against euthanasia, sexual education and in the past the party proposed complete ban of in-vitro fertilisation. It opposes same-sex marriages or any other form of legal recognition of homosexual couples. The PiS are highly critical of homosexuality, sex and violence in the media.

PiS strongly promotes itself as a pro-family party. Prior to 2005 elections, it promised to build 3 million inexpensive housing units as a way to help young couples get married. Once in government, it passed legislation lengthening maternal leaves and offered qualified support to the idea of giving parents a grant for every newly-born child. It favors shutting down large supermarkets on Sundays and holidays, so their workers can spend more time with their families.[citation needed]

Gay rights[edit]

On 21 September 2005, Jarosław Kaczyński said that "homosexuals should not be isolated, however they should not be school teachers for example. Active homosexuals surely not, in any case", but that homosexuals "should not be discriminated otherwise".[58] He has also stated, "The affirmation of homosexuality will lead to the downfall of civilization. We can't agree to it".[59] Lech Kaczynski, while mayor of Warsaw, refused authorization for a gay pride march; declaring that it would be obscene and offensive to other people's religious beliefs. A Warsaw court later ruled that Kaczynski's actions were illegal.[60] Kaczyński was quoted as saying, "I am not willing to meet perverts."[61]

In 2013, Krystyna Pawłowicz, a Law and Justice member of the Polish parliament said "homosexuals are socially useless",[62] and that "the society cannot offer a sweet life to unstable, infertile relationships of people, from whom the society gets no benefit, only because of their sexual bonds". She also spoke against homosexuals raising children: "Children like these are not brought up correctly, cannot establish a family, commit suicides more often and are frequently sexually abused".[63]

Nationalism[edit]

Despite being labeled by many former Western Bloc States as a "nationalist" party, PiS' leadership constantly criticizes being offered such label. During the 2008 Polish Independence Day celebrations, Lech Kaczyński said in his speech during the visit to the city of Elbląg that "the state is a great value, and attachment to the state, to one's fatherland, we call patriotism - beware of the word nationalism, as nationalism is evil!"[64] On the same day during the celebrations in Warsaw, L. Kaczyński again stated: "patriotism doesn't equal nationalism."[65] In 2011, Jarosław Kaczyński criticized pre-war Polish nationalism for "its intelectuall, political and moral failure" by emphasising that the movement "did not know how to deal with and solve the problems of Polish minorities."[66] Both Kaczyńskis twins look up for inspirations to the pre-war Sanacja movement with its leader Józef Piłsudski, in contrast to the nationalist Endecja that was led by the Piłsudski's political archrival, Roman Dmowski. In February 2016, politician Paweł Kowal called Jarosław Kaczyński a "centre-right politician" who "just like Piłsudski before the war, he stopped the raise of nationalism in Poland at the time when such ideology clearly gains politically in Western Europe."[67] Polish nationalist and far-right organizations and parties such as National Revival of Poland, National Movement and Autonomous Nationalists regularly criticize PiS' "right-wing populism" (neoconservative and atlanticist foreign policy, soft euroscepticism, waving on the issues of abortion and euthanasy, support for Israel instead of Palestine) and its politicians for "monopolizing" official political scene by playing on the popular patriotic and religious feelings.[68][69][70]

Refugees[edit]

PiS opposes relocation of any refugees to Poland. Party politicians have made disparaging comments about Islam and Muslims,[71] PiS' politicians have also made anti-immigration and anti-Muslim comments when discussing European migrant crisis;[72] in 2015, Jarosław Kaczyński claimed that Poland "can't" accept any refugees because "they could spread infectious diseases."[73] In 2017, the First Deputy Minister of Justice Patryk Jaki stated that "stopping islamization is his Westerplatte".[74] In 2017, Interior minister of Poland Mariusz Błaszczak stated that he would like to be like "Charles the Hammer who stopped the Muslim invasion of Europe in VIII century". In 2017, vice-marshal of the Sejm Joachim Brudziński stated during the pro-party rally in Siedlce; "if not for us (PiS), they (Muslims) would have built mosques in here (Poland)"[75], despite the fact that Poland is constitutionally a secular country with separation of religion and state.

Leadership[edit]

Party chairmen[edit]

See also[edit]

Footnotes[edit]

  1. ^ Skomra, Sławomir. "Jak wstąpić do PiS? Coraz więcej chętnych by stać się członkiem partii rządzącej". Kurier Lubelski. Retrieved 30 June 2016. 
  2. ^ Traub, James (2 November 2016). "The Party That Wants to Make Poland Great Again". New York Times. 
  3. ^ Adekoya, Remi (25 October 2016). "Xenophobic, authoritarian – and generous on welfare: how Poland's right rules". The Guardian. 
  4. ^ "Protests grow against Poland's nationalist government". The Economist. 20 December 2016. 
  5. ^ a b Hloušek, Vít; Kopeček, Lubomír (2010), Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared, Ashgate, p. 196 
  6. ^ a b c Nodsieck, Wolfram, "Poland", Parties and Elections in Europe, retrieved 28 March 2012 
  7. ^ Why is Poland’s government worrying the EU? The Economist. Published 12 January 2016. Retrieved 22 July 2017.
  8. ^ https://www.economist.com/news/europe/21724760-when-jaroslaw-kaczynski-tells-joke-you-laugh
  9. ^ a b "Program działań Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Tworzenie szans dla wszystkich - Instytut Sobieskiego". www.sobieski.org.pl. 
  10. ^ a b https://www.politykainsight.pl/_resource/multimedium/20078722
  11. ^ a b http://blogs.reuters.com/breakingviews/2015/10/26/polands-tilt-to-nationalism-is-bad-for-investment/
  12. ^ a b Dominik Hierlemann, ed. (2005). Lobbying der katholischen Kirche: Das Einflussnetz des Klerus in Polen. Springer-Verlag. p. 131. ISBN 978-3531146607. 
  13. ^ a b "Unentschlossene als Zünglein an der Waage". News ORF. Retrieved 24 May 2015. 
  14. ^ a b "After Loss in Austria, a Look at Europe's Right-wing Parties". Haaretz. May 24, 2016. 
  15. ^ "Konstytucja PiS czyli centralizm demokratyczny". 15 January 2010. 
  16. ^ a b Myant et al. (2008), p. 88
  17. ^ a b Szczerbiak, Aleks; Taggart, Paul A. (2008). Opposing Europe?. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 224. ISBN 978-0-19-925830-7. 
  18. ^ Szczerbiak, Aleks (2012), Poland Within the European Union: New awkward partner or new heart of Europe?, Routledge, pp. 1, 13 
  19. ^ Porter-Szűcs, Brian (2011), Faith and Fatherland: Catholicism, Modernity, and Poland, Oxford University Press, p. 201 
  20. ^ Minkenberg, Michael (2007), "Between Tradition and Transition: the Central European Radical Right and the New European Order", Europe for the Europeans: The Foreign and Security Policy of the Populist Radical Right, Ashgate, p. 261 
  21. ^ Jennifer Lees-Marshment (2 July 2009). Political Marketing: Principles and Applications. Routledge. pp. 103–. ISBN 978-1-134-08411-1. 
  22. ^ Fijołek, Marcin (2012). "Republikańska symbolika w logotypie partii politycznej Prawo i Sprawiedliwość". Ekonomia i Nauki Humanistyczne (19): 9–17. doi:10.7862/rz.2012.einh.23. 
  23. ^ Gwiazda, Anna. Democracy in Poland: Representation, Participation, Competition and Accountability Since 1989. Routledge, 2015, p. 63
  24. ^ Poland turns right: A conservative enigma. The Economist, October 31st 2015.
  25. ^ The Polish Threat To Europe. By Sławomir Sierakowski. Social Europe, 20 January 2016.
  26. ^ a b c d e f g Bale, Tim; Szczerbiak, Aleks (December 2006). "Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?". SEI Working Paper (91). Sussex European Institute. 
  27. ^ "Poland Ousts Government as Law & Justice Gains Historic Majority". Bloomberg. 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015. 
  28. ^ "Poland elections: Conservatives secure decisive win". 25 October 2015. Retrieved 25 October 2015. 
  29. ^ Tworzecki, Hubert; Markowski, Radosław (26 July 2017). "Why is Poland's Law and Justice Party trying to rein in the judiciary?". Washington Post. 
  30. ^ "Is Poland a failing democracy?". POLITICO. 13 January 2016. 
  31. ^ "Stawką tych wyborów jest sama demokracja". wyborcza.pl. Retrieved 2 December 2017. 
  32. ^ Klich, Bogdan. "Jak PiS demontuje polską Demokrację". www.klich.pl. 
  33. ^ Węglarczyk, Bartosz (20 July 2017). "Już nie jesteśmy demokracją zachodnioeuropejską [KOMENTARZ]". Onet Wiadomości (in Polish). 
  34. ^ Malinowski, Przemysław. "Nocna ofensywa PiS przeciwko demokracji". Rzeczpospolita (in Polish). 
  35. ^ Kokot, Michał. "Polska na drodze ku demokracji nieliberalnej". wyborcza.pl (in Polish). 
  36. ^ ""Przyjdzie dzień, że w Warszawie będzie Budapeszt&quote;". TVN24.pl. 
  37. ^ "EU and Poland edge closer to showdown over judicial reform". Financial Times. 
  38. ^ Koper, Pawel; Sobczak, Anna. "Polish president backs down in judicial reform spat". Reuters. 
  39. ^ "The Observer view on Poland's assault on law and the judiciary". The Guardian. 22 July 2017. 
  40. ^ "How Poland's government is weakening democracy". The Economist. 
  41. ^ Marcinkiewicz, Kamil; Stegmaier, Mary (21 July 2017). "Poland appears to be dismantling its own hard-won democracy". Washington Post. 
  42. ^ Law and Justice breakaway politicians form new ‘association’, thenews.pl
  43. ^ Conservatives' EU alliance in turmoil as Michał Kamiński leaves 'far right' party, The Guardian, 22 November 2010
  44. ^ "Opposition party Law and Justice expels critics". Polskie Radio. 4 November 2011. Retrieved 6 November 2011. 
  45. ^ "Conservative MPs form 'Poland United' breakaway group after dismissals". TheNews.pl. 8 November 2011. Retrieved 31 May 2012. 
  46. ^ "MPs axed by Law and Justice opposition". TheNews.pl. 15 November 2011. Retrieved 31 May 2012. 
  47. ^ "New Polish conservative party launched". TheNews.pl. 26 March 2012. Retrieved 31 May 2012. 
  48. ^ a b c d e Tiersky, Ronald; Jones, Erik (2007). Europe Today: a Twenty-first Century Introduction. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 392. ISBN 978-0-7425-5501-3. 
  49. ^ Myant et al. (2008), pp. 67–68
  50. ^ Maier et al. (2006), p. 374
  51. ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 100
  52. ^ Prawapolityka.pl Energetyka, samorządy, demografia – WYWIAD z dr Janem Klawiterem http://prawapolityka.pl/2015/11/energetyka-samorzady-demografia-wywiad-z-dr-janem-klawiterem/
  53. ^ Myant et al. (2008), p. 3
  54. ^ Zombie Borders by Frank Jacobs, The New York Times, 12 December 2011
  55. ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 104
  56. ^ Jungerstam-Mulders (2006), p. 103
  57. ^ "PiS wygrywa: koniec NFZ, system budżetowy i sieć szpitali? - Polityka zdrowotna". www.rynekzdrowia.pl. 
  58. ^ Wiadomosci, PL .
  59. ^ "Polish election", Gay mundo, The gully .
  60. ^ "Poland: LGBT rights under attack". Amnesty International. Retrieved on 19 July 2009.
  61. ^ "Poland: Official Homophobia Threatens Basic Freedoms". Human Rights Watch. 4 June 2006.
  62. ^ "Pawłowicz: Homoseksualiści nieużyteczni społecznie", "TVN 24", 25 January 2013. Retrieved on 26 May 2013
  63. ^ 'Krystyna Pawłowicz w SE: "Dzieci wychowywane przez homoseksualistów nie są w stanie założyć rodziny, częściej popełniają samobójstwa"', "wPolityce.pl", 30 January 2013. Retrieved on 26 May 2013
  64. ^ S.A., Wirtualna Polska Media (30 September 2008). "Prezydent L. Kaczyński: nacjonalizm jest złem". 
  65. ^ IAR. "Lech Kaczyński: Patriotyzm nie oznacza nacjonalizmu". 
  66. ^ "Jarosław Kaczyński z Romana Dmowskiego - Rzecz o polityce - rp.pl". 
  67. ^ "Kowal: Kaczyński powstrzymuje w Polsce nacjonalizm - Kresy - Portal Społeczności Kresowej". kresy.pl. 
  68. ^ http://autonom.pl/?s=%22Prawo+i+Sprawiedliwość%22
  69. ^ http://www.nacjonalista.pl/?s=%22Prawo+i+Sprawiedliwość%22
  70. ^ http://xportal.pl/?s=%22Prawo+i+Sprawiedliwość%22
  71. ^ Hume, Tim (9 May 2017). "Poland's populist government let far-right extremism explode into mainstream" – via news.vice.com. 
  72. ^ Wyborcza, Adam Leszczyński of Gazeta (2 July 2015). "'Poles don't want immigrants. They don't understand them, don't like them'" – via The Guardian. 
  73. ^ "Polish opposition warns refugees could spread infectious diseases". 15 October 2015 – via Reuters. 
  74. ^ "Kto chce zakazać Koranu w Polsce - Polityka - rp.pl". 
  75. ^ https://warszawa.onet.pl/w-siedlcach-wiec-poparcia-dla-rzadu-pis/5bmyl5f

References[edit]

External links[edit]