|Before 971 AD–After 1339 AD|
(last historical reference)
|Status||Sovereign state which conducted trade with Brunei, and with the Song and Yuan Dynasties|
Possibilities include Bay, Laguna or somewhere on the island of Mindoro
|Before 971 AD|
• Mentioned in a Song Dynasty list of states conducting trade in the south seas
• Noted by Song Dynasty records as having brought trade goods to the southern chinese coast
• Described in detail in an account of countries couducting trade with the Tang Dynasty
|After 1339 AD|
(last historical reference)
|Currency||Barter ("caldrons, pieces of iron, red cloth or taffetas of various color stripes, ivory, and "tint or the like"")|
|Today part of||Philippines|
Part of a series on the
|History of the Philippines|
Ma-i or Maidh (also spelled Ma'I, Mai, Ma-yi or Mayi; Baybayin: ; Chinese: 麻逸; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: má it) was an ancient sovereign state located in what is now the Philippines, notable in Philippine historiography for being the first place in the Philippines ever to be mentioned in any foreign account.(p119)
Its existence was first documented in 971 AD, in the Song Dynasty documents known as the History of Song, and it was also mentioned in the 10th century records of the Sultanate of Brunei. Based on these and other mentions until the early 14th century, contemporary scholars believe Ma-i was located either in Bay, Laguna or on the island of Mindoro.
- 1 Possible sites
- 2 Documentary sources
- 3 Physical Description
- 4 Economic activities and trade practices
- 5 Culture
- 6 Diplomatic relations
- 7 Ma-i after the Yuan Dynasty records
- 8 Presumed Rulers of Ma-i
- 9 Associated Filipino Family Names
- 10 See also
- 11 Notes
- 12 References
- 13 Sources
For many years, scholars believed that Ma-i was likely to have been on the island of Mindoro within the Municipality of Bulalacao as there is an old settlement there named Mait. But recent scholarship casts doubt on this theory, arguing that historical descriptions better match Bay, Laguna (whose name is pronounced Ba-i), which once occupied a large territory on the eastern coasts of Laguna de Bay.
The Chinese and Bruneian records both describe trade relations with Ma-i.
Ma-i is first mentioned in Volume 186 of official history of the Song Dynasty, which lists Ma-i among the southern sea nations with whom Chinese merchants traded in the year 971 AD (the fourth year of Kai Bao of Song).(p119) The document describes the government's efforts to regulate and tax this "luxurious" trade.(p119) Historian W.H. Scott describes this entry as "the first positive reference to political states in or near the Philippines."
In 1980, historian Robert Nicholl argued that the nation of "Maidh", referred to in the tenth century records of the Sultanate of Brunei, refer to Ma-i, although Scott does not recognize this as a positive identification.
Later references to Ma-i, all describing trade, include:
- another mention (in Volume 489) in the History of Song,
- the 1225 AD Song Dynasty Document Zhu Fan Zhi (Chinese: 諸番志; literally: "Account of the Various Barbarians"),
- the 1317 AD Yuan Dynasty document Wenxian Tongkao (Chinese: 文献通考; pinyin: Wénxiàn Tōngkǎo; Wade–Giles: Wenhsien T'ungk'ao; literally: "Comprehensive Examination of Literature"), and
- the 1349 AD Yuan Dynasty document Daoyi Zhilüe (simplified Chinese: 岛夷志略; traditional Chinese: 島夷誌略; pinyin: Dǎo Yí Zhì Lüè; literally: "A Brief Account of Island Barbarians").
The majority of these sources only mention Ma-i briefly, either affirming that Ma-i was one of the nations conducting trade in the "south seas" area, or repeating hearsay about the supposed location of Ma-i. W.H. Scott notes that of the documents describing Ma-i, only the Zu Fan Zhi and the Daoyi Zhilüe provide substantial details. Filipino Chinese historian Bon Juan Go, in turn, notes that only the Wenxian Tongkao and Volumes 186 and 489 of the History of Song provide definitive dates.
Villanueva 2009 notes:
These tenth to fifteenth century tributary records provide significant information on the Chinese perceptions of how Philippine local polities were governed, the political landscape of the time, and the trade goods offered and desired by Philippine polities. Chinese travellers' accounts from the early second millenium AD are considered rich sources of information on the political economy of the early polities. However, they are heavily biased because of the traditional worldview of the Chinese Empire as the center of the universe, where all non-Chinese people are considered to be "barbarians" (Junker 1998). The context of these Chinese sources about the nature of Philippine polities must be analyzed carefully. 
In 1225, the Zhu Fan Zhi noted that "the country of Ma-i is to the north of Borneo" and added that few pirates reach these shores. It also noted that "the people of Ma-i live in large villages (literally "settlements of more than a thousand households") on the opposite banks of a stream."
The 1349 document Daoyi Zhilüe also noted that the settlement of Ma-i consisted of houses arranged on the two banks of a stream. It also noted that "its mountain range is flat and broad", "the fields are fertile," and "the climate is rather hot."
|Pre-Colonial History of the Philippines|
|Ten datus of Borneo|
|States in Luzon|
|Rajahnate of Maynila|
|States in the Visayas|
|Kedatuan of Madja-as|
|Kedatuan of Dapitan|
|Rajahnate of Cebu|
|States in Mindanao|
|Rajahnate of Butuan|
|Sultanate of Sulu|
|Sultanate of Maguindanao|
|Sultanates of Lanao|
|History of the Philippines|
Economic activities and trade practices
Because all the documents describing Ma-I were primarily concerned with trade, this is the most documented aspect of Ma-I culture.
Both the Song Dynasty records (specifically the Zhu Fan Zhi), and Yuan Dynasty records (specifically the Daoyi Zhilüe) describe the local products as "kapok cotton, yellow bees-wax, tortoise shell, medicinal betel nuts and cloth of various patterns." (The 1225 Zhu Fan Zhi lists "yuta cloth" while the 1349 Daoyi Zhilüe lists "cloth of various patterns.")
Barter items accepted as exchange
The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that in exchange, the locals accepted products such as "porcelain, trade gold, iron pots, lead, colored glass beads, and iron needles." The Daoyi Zhilüe later lists "caldrons, pieces of iron, red cloth or taffetas of various color stripes, ivory, and 'tint or the like'" as accepted items of exchange.
Administration of trade
The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that Ma-I's official plaza is its official venue for barter and trade, and note that officials have to be presented with white parasols as gifts:
"When trading ships enter the harbor, they stop in front of the official plaza, for the official plaza is that country's place for barter and trade and once the ship is registered, they mix freely. Since the local officials make a habit of using white umbrellas, the merchants must present them as gifts."
The Zhu Fan Zhi further describes the process of transaction as follows:
The method of transacting business is for the savage traders to come all in a crowd and immediately transfer the merchandise into baskets and go off with it. If at first they can't tell who they are, gradually they come to know those who remove the goods so in the end nothing is actually lost. The savage traders then take the goods around to the other islands for barter and generally don't start coming back until September or October to repay the ship's merchants with what they have got. Indeed, there are some who don't come back even then, so ships trading with Mai are the last to reach home.
The Daoyi Zhilüe similarly describes it:
"After agreeing on prices, the barbarian traders carry off the goods for bartering the native products and bring these products back to the Chinese in the amount agreed on. The Chinese vessels' traders (Filipinos) are trustworthy. They never fail to keep the agreement of their bargains."
Possible use of trade gold
The discovery of small gold ingots (referred to by modern numismatists as Piloncitos), presumed to have been used as currency and "stamped with what looks like the pre-Spanish Baybayin character 'ma'", have led some historians such as Ambeth Ocampo theorize that the writing may be a reference to Ma-i, although numerous other interpretations have also been suggested.
While documents did not definitively describe the religious beliefs of the people of Ma-i, the Zhu Fan Zhi did note the presence of unspecified religious artifacts in Mayi, supposedly as of 1225 AD:
Contemporary historiographers do not draw conclusions about the religion of Ma-i's residents based on this text. In his book "Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History", W.H. Scott notes that a literal translation of the Zhu Fan Zhi text describes "metal buddhas." However, he and Chinese Scholar I-hsiung Ju translate this in 1968 as "metal images" to correct for the linguistic bias of the text.
In his seminal 1984 book Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History, Scott particularly questioned whether the presence of these images reflect actual beliefs by the people of Ma-i:
"The people in Ma-I sound like newcomers [to this port] since they don't know where those metal statues in the jungle come from."
Earlier writers, including Jose Rizal and Ferdinand Blumentritt, accepted the "buddhist connection" more readily. For example, in supporting Blumentritt's proposition that Ma-i was somewhere on Luzon Island, Rizal cites the Zhu Fan Zhi's use of the word "Buddhas" as evidence:
"The gentleness of Tagalog customs that the first Spaniards found, very different from those of other provinces of the same race and in Luzon itself, can very well be the effect of Buddhism."(There are copper Buddha's images)."
The Chinese records made no specific note of the solid food the people of Ma-i ate, but the Daoyi Zhilüe did describe their process for making alcoholic beverages:
"The people boil seawater to make salt and ferment treacle (molasses) to make liquor."
The Zhu Fan Zhi describes the people of Ma-i as covering themselves "with a cloth like a sheet or hide their bodies with a loin cloth." And the Daoyi Zhilüe, written a century later, describes the clothing and coiffure of the people of Ma-i, saying "In their customs they esteem the quality of chastity and uprightness. Both men and women do up their hair in a mallet-like tress. They wear a blue cotton shirt."
In 1349, the Daoyi Zhilüe also made observations of funerary practices, describing them thus:
When any woman is burying her husband, she shaves her hair and fasts for seven days, lying beside her dead husband. Most of them nearly die. If after seven days they are not dead, their relatives urge them to eat. Should they get quite well they cherish their chastity by not marrylng again during their whole lives. There are some even, who, when the body of their dead husband is burning, get into the funeral pyre and die.
At the burial of a great chief, two or three thousand (sic. could be twenty or thlrty) male or female slaves are put to death for burying with him.
Relationship with China and Brunei
Scott 1989 notes that Ma-i's relationship with Song and Yuan Dynasty was defined by trade, not by diplomacy:
Ma-i never sent a tribute mission to China and probably never needed to: it flourished during the Sung Dynasty when the imperial government was encouraging Chinese merchants to carry their goods abroad in their own ships.(p63)"
The nature of Ma-i's relationship with Brunei is less clear because of scant documentation, but there is no indication of any relationship other than possible trade.
Relationship with nearby territories
The Zhu Fan Zhi mentions a number of territories in its account of Ma-i, saying:
"San-hsu, Pai-p'u-yen, P'u-li-lu, Li-yin-tung, Liu-hsin, Li-han, etc., are all the same sort of place as Ma-i(p68)"
Contemporary scholars believe that these are the Baipuyan (Babuyan Islands), Bajinong (Busuanga), Liyin (Lingayen) and Lihan (present day Malolos City). Malolos is a coastal town and one of the ancient settlement around Manila Bay near Tondo.
While the phrase "subordinates" has sometimes been interpreted to mean that these places are territories of Ma-I, Scott clarifies that:
"The text says, not that these places belong to Ma-i, but they are of Ma-i's 'shu', a word that means type or class as a noun, and subordinate (e.g. shu kuo, tributary state"), as an adjective, being used elsewhere in the Chu Fan Chih in these two senses"
Ma-i after the Yuan Dynasty records
No mentions of the country of Ma-i have been found after 1349 (or 1339 depending on the source). However, historians generally believe that Ma-i continued to exist under a different name. Early theories for the location of Ma-i include locations in Central Luzon, or the Southern Tagalog area. Many 20th Century Scholars came to accept the idea that Ma-i was located on the island of Mindoro, based on the name of Mait, a place on the island. However, this has been questioned on the basis of physical evidence and an analysis of Chinese orthography, and Bay (pronounced "Ba-i" or "Ba-e" by locals) has once again been suggested as a likely location of Ma-i.
Bay, Laguna as Ma-i
The idea that Ma-i was located somewhere in the Tagalog region was proposed early on by scholars such as Blumentritt and Rizal. Eventually, though, it became popular during the middle and late 20th century to believe that it had become "Mait", a place now located in Mindoro.
In 2004, Chinese Filipino scholar Bon Juan Go questioned this common belief, citing the lack of physical evidence for a large, prosperous settlement on the island of Mindoro. He suggested that Chinese orthogoraphy equally allows for the possibility that Ma-i became Bay, Laguna, whose name is pronounced "Ba-eh" by locals. He notes that Bay is also a match for the physical characteristics of Ma-i, and that numerous artifacts found in the area (including the nearby towns of Victoria Pila and Lumban, Laguna) suggest the presence of a prosperous pre-colonial settlement. Grace P. Odal-Devora notes that this region was the place of the taga-ilaya, whereas the taga-laud who settled downstream on the banks of the Pasig River.
Go suggests that Ma-i, as Ba-e, became less important as the riverine settlements of Namayan, Tondo, and Maynila rose to power, but also noted that Ba-i still nonetheless served as the capital for the province of Laguna de Bay, which would later be split into the provinces of Laguna and Morong (modern day Rizal Province, including coastal towns now administered by the National Capital Region).
Mindoro as Ma-i
Philippine historians of the middle and late 20th century widely believed Ma-i could be equated with "Mait", a place now located in Mindoro. Writing in 1984, Scott says "there is no reason to doubt that Mai- or "Ma-yit"- is Mindoro, for Mait was the old name of the island when the Spaniards arrived, and that name is still known to its hill tribes and Fishermen."
Later events on the island of Mindoro
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If, even though it had disappeared from historical writings, Ma-i really was located in Mindoro and it continued to exist until 1500, some believe by it would have been affected by the raids conducted by the Sultanate of Brunei around the year 1498-99, which included a series of raids against the Kingdom of Taytay in Palawan and the island of Mindoro.
If Ma-i continued to exist until the 1570s, then it must have been affected by the arrival of the Spanish conquerors. As described in an anonymous account translated in Blair and Robertson's The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898, Miguel López de Legazpi sent Captain Martin de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo on an expedition to Mindoro in May 1570, to counteract Muslim pirates based on the island who were attacking their new headquarters on nearby Panay Island. Legazpi himself would arrive on Mindoro the next year, 1571. The Spanish conquered and burned two square forts on Lubang Island, each with earthen embankments 2 meters high and a surrounding moat two and a half fathoms wide. Each fort, moreover, had 10 to 12 lantakas, not counting several smaller guns. After destroying these Muslim forts, they despoiled the town of Mamburao while they were at Mindoro.
The Spanish Advent
Whatever happened to Ma-i between the last time it was mentioned by documents at the end of the Tang Dynasty in the 1300s and the beginning of Philippines Spanish in the 1570s, both Mindoro and Bay eventually became part of the Philippine Islands under the dominion of Spain.
Presumed Rulers of Ma-i
|Unnamed ruler||described in the Zhu Fan Zhi as "王" Wang (King)||ca. 1225||implied by the text's description as a "country", which in the Chinese worldview of the time should be ruled by a king|
|Unnamed ruler||implied by the description in the Daoyi Zhilüe)||ca. 1339||presumably a different ruler from the one described in the Zhu Fan Zhi|
Associated Filipino Family Names
- Gatmaitan - Ferdinand Blumentritt believed that Ma-i may have been the origin of the Filipino Family name Gatmaitan, which can be broken down into "Gat", meaning leader or lord; the word Mait; and the suffix "-an", which indicates a place name. The ancestor which gave the Gatmaitan family its name was lord of a place named "Mait" or "Maitan"
- Gatchalian - Misinterpretations of the word "Shi" in the Song dynasty records have led to the family name Gatchalian also being associated with Ma-i. The name can be broken down as "Gat Sa Li-han" (Lord at Li-han), and the records list Li-han as one of the palaces "of Ma-i's Shi." Scott debunks the perception that Li-han is a place ruled by Ma-i, and suggests instead that Li-han is a place "of the same kind" (but of lesser rank) as Ma-i. Also, instead of equating Li-han with Malolos, Scott suggested that Li-han may be Lumban, Laguna.
- History of the Philippines (900-1521)
- Prehistory of Laguna (province)
- Mindoro (province)
- History of Song
- Zhu Fan Zhi
- Wenxian Tongkao
- Daoyi Zhilüe
- William Henry Scott (historian)
- [lit. "Buddhas"], annotation by Scott 1984
- Go 2005.
- Scott 1989.
- Scott 1989, pp. 63, 68.
- Jocano 1998.
- The Daoyi Zhilüe as translated by Gregorio Zaide and cited by Go, Bon Juan. 2004.
- Scott 1989, p. 65.
- Scott 1989, p. 79.
- Scott 1989, p. 70.
- Patanñe 1996.
- Wolters 1999, p. 33.
- Jocano 1973.
- Malolos Historical Digest, March 2000, Marcial C. Aniag, editor
- Nicholl 1980; Nicholl 1983.
- Wang 2008.
- Scott 1989, p. 68.
- Scott 1989, p. 73.
- Villanueva 2009.
- Junker 1998.
- Scott 1989, p. 147.
- Philippine Daily Inquirer 2016.
- The Zhu Fan Zhi as translated by Scott, William Henry and I-hsiung Ju in "Prehispanic Source Materials: for the study of Philippine History" (Published by New Day Publishers, Copyright 1984
- Ocampo, Ambeth R. "'Piloncitos' and the 'Philippine golden age'". opinion.inquirer.net. Retrieved 2017-04-28.
- Scott 1989, pp. 68, 71.
- Scott 1989, p. 71.
- Rizal, Jose (2000). Political and Historical Writings (Vol. 7). Manila: National Historical Institute.
- Wang Zhenping (2008). "Reading Song-Ming Records on the Pre-colonial History of the Philippines" (PDF). Journal of East Asian Cultural Interaction Studies. 1: 249–260. ISSN 1882-7756.
- de Mas y Sans 1843, p. 164.
- Scott 1997.
- Craig 1914.
- Odal-Devora 2000.
- Rees 2016.
- Blair et al., pp. 122–126.
- Blair, Emma Helen & Robertson, James Alexander, eds. (1903). 1569–1576. The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803. 3. Historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne. Cleveland, Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Company.
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century.
- Craig, Austin (1914). A Thousand Years Of Philippine History Before The Coming Of The Spaniards. Manila.
- Go, Bon Juan (2005). "Ma'I in Chinese Records - Mindoro or Bai? An Examination of a Historical Puzzle". Philippine Studies. Ateneo de Manila UP. 53 (1): 119–138. Archived from the original on 21 October 2013.
- Jocano, F. Landa (1973). Folk Medicine in a Philippine Community. Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc. ISBN 9716220154.
- Jocano, F. Landa (1998). Filipino Prehistory: Rediscovering Precolonial Heritage (2001 ed.). Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc. ISBN 971-622-006-5.
- Junker, Laura Lee (1998). "Integrating History and Archaeology in the Study of Contact Period Philippine Chiefdoms". Int. J. Hist. Archaeol. 2 (4): 291–320. JSTOR 20852912.
- de Mas y Sans, Sinibaldo (1843). Informe sobre el estado de las islas Filipinas en 1842 (in Spanish). Tomo I. Madrid.
- Nicholl, Robert (1980). Brunei Rediscovered: A Survey of Early Times. Eighth Conference of the International Association of Historians of Asia. 4. Kuala Lumpur: Brunei Museum Journal. pp. 52–74.
Nicholl, Robert (1983). "Brunei Rediscovered: A Survey of Early Times". 14 (1). J. Southeast Asian Stud.: 32–45. JSTOR 20174317.
- Odal-Devora, Grace P. (2000). "The River Dwellers". In Alejandro, Reynaldo Gamboa. Pasig: River of Life. Water Series Trilogy. Unilever Philippines. ISBN 978-9719227205.
- Patanñe, E. P. (1996). The Philippines in the 6th to 16th Centuries. San Juan, Metro Manila: LSA. ISBN 978-9719166603.
- Philippine Daily Inquirer, Ambeth R. Ocampo (26 October 2016). "A relationship of 1,000 years". Archived from the original on 27 October 2016.
- Rees, Colin (2016). The Philippines: A Natural History. Quezon City: Ateneo De Manila University Press. ISBN 978-971-550-753-0.
- Scott, William Henry (1989). "Societies in Prehispanic Philippines". Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. ISBN 978-9711002268.
- Scott, William Henry (1997). Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Society. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila UP. ISBN 978-9715501354.
- Villanueva, Zandro Vasquez (2009). Cultural Encounters and Transformation of Early Historical Polities on Lubang Island, the Philippines, ca. AD 1200-1800 (Ph. D. thesis). U Arizona.
- Wang, Zhenping (2008). "Reading Song-Ming Records on the Pre-colonial History of the Philippines". Journal of East Asian Cultural Interaction Studies. Kansai U. 1: 249–260. ISSN 1882-7748.
- Wolters, Oliver W. (1999). History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives. Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program. ISBN 978-0877277255.