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Macedonia (ancient kingdom)

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Macedonia
Μακεδονία
808 BC–168 BC
150–148 BC


Vergina Sun

The Kingdom of Macedonia in 336 BC (orange)
Capital Aigai (Vergina)[1]
(808–399 BC)
Pella[2]
(399–167 BC)
Languages Ancient Macedonian,
Attic Greek, Koine Greek
Religion Greek Polytheism, Hellenistic religion
Government Monarchy
King
 •  808–778 BC Caranus (first)
 •  179–168 BC Perseus (last)
Legislature Synedrion
Historical era Classical Antiquity
 •  Founded by Caranus 808 BC
 •  Vassal of Persia[3] 512/511–493 BC
 •  Incorporated into the Persian Empire[3] 492–479 BC
 •  Rise of Macedon 359–336 BC
 •  Conquest of Persia 335–323 BC
 •  Partition of Babylon 323 BC
 •  Battle of Pydna 168 BC
Currency Tetradrachm
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Greek Dark Ages
Kingdom of Pergamon
Seleucid Empire
Ptolemaic Kingdom
Macedonia (Roman province)

Macedonia or Macedon (/ˈmæsɪˌdɒn/; Greek: Μακεδονία, Makedonía; Ancient: [ma͜akedoní.a͜a]) was an ancient kingdom on the periphery of Archaic and Classical Greece,[4] and later the dominant state of Hellenistic Greece.[5] It was ruled during most of its existence initially by the founding dynasty of the Argeads, then by the Antipatrids and finally by the Antigonids. Home to the Ancient Macedonians, the earliest kingdom was centered on the northeastern part of the Greek peninsula,[6] bordered by Epirus to the west, Paeonia to the north, Thrace to the east and Thessaly to the south.

Before the 4th century BC, Macedonia was a small kingdom outside the areas dominated by the great city-states of Athens, Sparta and Thebes, and at one time was briefly subordinate to Achaemenid Persia.[3] The reign of Philip II (359–336 BC) saw the rise of Macedonia, during which the kingdom rose to control the entire Greek world. With a reformed army containing phalanxes wielding the sarissa pike, Philip defeated the old powers of Athens and Thebes in the decisive Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC and subdued them. Sparta was kept isolated and was occupied a century later by Antigonus III Doson. Philip II's son Alexander the Great continued his effort to command the whole of Greece by leading a federation of Greek states, a feat he finally accomplished after destroying Thebes for their insurrection. Alexander then led a roughly decade-long campaign of conquest against the Achaemenid Empire, in retaliation for the Persian invasion of Greece in the 5th century BC.

In the ensuing wars of Alexander the Great, Alexander overthrew the Achaemenid Empire and conquered a territory that stretched as far as the Indus River. For a brief period, his Macedonian empire was the most powerful in the world, the definitive Hellenistic state, inaugurating the transition to this new period of Ancient Greek civilization. Greek arts and literature flourished in the new conquered lands and advances in philosophy, engineering, and science were spread throughout the ancient world. Of particular importance were the contributions of Aristotle, who had been imported as tutor to Alexander and whose writings became a keystone of Western philosophy. The Macedonian kings, who wielded absolute power and commanded state resources such as gold and silver, facilitated mining operations to mint currency, finance their armies and, by the reign of Philip II, a Macedonian navy. Unlike the other diadochi successor states, the imperial cult fostered by Alexander was never adopted in Macedonia, yet Macedonian rulers nevertheless assumed roles as high priests of the kingdom and leading patrons of domestic and international cults of the Hellenistic religion. The authority of Macedonian kings was theoretically limited by the institution of the army, while a few local governments within the Macedonian commonwealth enjoyed a high degree of autonomy and even possessed democratic municipal governments with popular assemblies.

After Alexander's death in 323 BC, the ensuing wars of the Diadochi and the partitioning of his short-lived empire, Macedonia proper carried on as a Greek cultural and political center in the Mediterranean region along with Ptolemaic Egypt, the Seleucid Empire and the Kingdom of Pergamon. Important cities such as Pella, Pydna, and Amphipolis were involved in power struggles for control of the territory. New cities were also founded, such as Thessalonica by the usurper Cassander (after his wife Thessalonike of Macedon).[7] Macedonia's decline began with the Macedonian Wars and the rise of Rome as the leading Mediterranean power. At the end of the Second Macedonian War in 168 BC, the Macedonian monarchy was abolished and replaced by Roman client states. A short-lived revival of the monarchy during the Third Macedonian War in 150–148 BC ended with the establishment of the Roman province of Macedonia.

Etymology

The name Macedonia (Greek: Μακεδονία, Makedonía) comes from the Greek Μακεδόνες (Makedónes), which itself is derived from the ancient Greek adjective μακεδνός (makednós), meaning "tall", possibly descriptive of the people.[8] It also shares the same root as the noun μάκρος (mákros), meaning "length" in both ancient and modern Greek.[9] The name is originally believed to have meant either "highlanders", "the tall ones", or "high grown men".[10] However, according to modern research by Robert S. P. Beekes, both terms are of Pre-Greek substrate origin and cannot be explained in terms of Indo-European morphology.[11]

History

Early history and legend

The entrance to one of the royal tombs at Vergina, a UNESCO World Heritage site.

The Greek historians Herodotus and Thucydides report the legend that the Macedonian kings of the Argead dynasty were descendants of Temenus of Argos, the latter believed to have had the mythical Heracles as one of his ancestors.[12] The legend states that three brothers and descendants of Temenus wandered from Illyria to Upper Macedonia, where a local king nearly had them killed and forced into exile due to an omen that the youngest, Perdiccas, would become king. The latter eventually obtained the title after settling near the alleged gardens of Midas next to Mount Bermius in Lower Macedonia.[12] Another legend, propagated by the Roman historian Justin, stated that Caranus of Macedon was the first Macedonian king and he was succeeded by Perdiccas I.[13] Greeks of the Classical period generally accepted the origin story provided by Herodotus, or another involving lineage from Zeus, chief god of the Greek pantheon, lending credence to the idea that the Macedonian ruling house possessed the divine right of kings.[14] Herodotus wrote that Alexander I of Macedon (r. 498–454 BC) convinced the Hellanodikai authorities of the Ancient Olympic games that his Argive lineage could be traced back to Temenus and thus his perceived Greek identity permitted him to enter the Olympic competitions.[15]

Very little is known about the first five kings of Macedonia (or the first eight kings depending on which royal chronology is accepted).[16] There is much greater evidence for the reigns of Amyntas I of Macedon (r. 547–498 BC) and his successor Alexander I, especially due to the aid given by the latter to the Persian commander Mardonius at the Battle of Platea in 479 BC, during the Greco-Persian Wars.[17] Although stating that the first several kings listed by Herodotus were most likely legendary figures, Malcolm Errington uses the rough estimate of twenty-five years for the reign of each of these kings to assume that the capital Aigai (modern Vergina) could have been under their rule since roughly the mid-7th century BC during the Archaic period.[18]

A silver oktadrachm of Alexander I of Macedon (r. 498–454 BC), minted c. 465–460 BC, showing an equestrian figure wearing a chlamys (short cloak) and petasos (head cap) while holding two spears and leading a horse

The kingdom was situated in the fertile alluvial plain, watered by the rivers Haliacmon and Axius, called Lower Macedonia, north of the mountain Olympus. Around the time of Alexander I, the Argead Macedonians started to expand into Upper Macedonia, lands inhabited by independent Greek tribes like the Lyncestae and the Elimiotae, and to the west, beyond the Axius river, into the Emathia, Eordaia, Bottiaea, Mygdonia, Crestonia and Almopia regions settled by, among others, many Thracian tribes.[19] To the north of Macedonia lay various non-Greek peoples such as the Paeonians due north, the Thracians to the northeast, and the Illyrians, with whom the Macedonians were frequently in conflict, to the northwest.[20] To the south lay Thessaly, with whose inhabitants the Macedonians had much in common both culturally and politically, while to the west lay Epirus, with whom the Macedonians had a peaceful relationship and in the 4th century BC formed an alliance against Illyrian raids.[21] Prior to the 4th century BC, the kingdom covered a region approximately corresponding to the Western and Central parts of the province of Macedonia in modern Greece.[22]

After Darius I of Persia launched a military campaign launched against the Scythians in Europe in 513 BC, he left behind his general Megabazus to quell the Paeonians, Thracians, and coastal Greek city-states of the Balkans.[23] In 512/511 BC Megabazus sent envoys demanding Macedonian submission as a vassal state to the Achaemenid Empire of ancient Persia, to which Amyntas I responded by formally accepting the hegemony of the Persian king of kings.[24] This began the period of Achaemenid Macedonia, which lasted for roughly three decades, in which the Macedonian kingdom was largely autonomous yet was expected to provide troops and provisions for the Achaemenid army.[25] Amyntas II, son of Amyntas I's daughter Gygaea of Macedon and her husband Bubares, son of Megabazus, was given the Phrygian city of Alabanda as an appanage by Xerxes I, to secure the Persian-Macedonian marriage alliance.[26] Persian authority over Macedonia was interrupted by the Ionian Revolt (499–493 BC), yet the Persian general Mardonius was able to subjugate Macedonia, bringing it under Persian rule.[27] It is doubtful, though, that Macedonia was ever officially included within a Persian satrapy (i.e. province).[28] The Macedonian king Alexander I must have viewed his subordination as an opportunity to aggrandize his own position, since he used Persian military support to extend his own borders.[29] The Macedonians provided military aid to Xerxes I during the Second Persian invasion of Greece in 480–479, which saw Macedonians and Persians fighting against a Greek coalition led by Athens and Sparta.[30] Following the Athenian victory at Salamis, the Persians sent Alexander I as an envoy to Athens, hoping to strike an alliance with their erstwhile foe, yet his diplomatic mission was rebuffed.[31] Achaemenid control over Macedonia ceased when the Persians were ultimately defeated by the Greeks and fled the Greek mainland in Europe.[32]

Involvement in the Classical Greek world

Silver tetrobol coins issued during the reign of Perdiccas II (r. 454–413 BC)
Macedon (orange) during the Peloponnesian War around 431 BC, with Athens and the Delian League (yellow), Sparta and Peloponnesian League (red), independent states (blue), and the Persian Achaemenid Empire (purple).

Alexander I, who Herodotus claimed was entitled proxenos and euergetes ('benefactor') by the Athenians, cultivated a close relationship with the Greeks following the Persian defeat and withdrawal, sponsoring the erection of statues at both Delphi and Olympia.[33] After his death in 454 BC, he was granted the posthumous title Alexander I 'the Philhellene' ('friend of the Greeks'), perhaps designated by later Hellenistic Alexandrian scholars, most certainly preserved by the Greco-Roman historian Dio Chrysostom, and most likely influenced by Macedonian propaganda of the 4th century BC that emphasized the positive role the ancestors of Philip II had in Greek affairs.[34] Alexander I's successor Perdiccas II of Macedon (r. 454–413 BC) was not only saddled with internal revolt by the petty kings of Upper Macedonia, but also faced serious challenges to Macedonian territorial integrity by Sitalces, a ruler in Thrace, and the Athenian city-state that fought four separate wars against Macedonia under Perdiccas II.[35] During his reign, Athenian settlers began to encroach upon his coastal territories in Lower Macedonia to gather resources such as timber and pitch in support of their navy, a practice that was actively encouraged by Pericles when he had colonists settle among the Bisaltae along the Strymon River.[36] From 176 BC onward, the Athenians coerced some of the coastal towns of Macedonia along the Aegean Sea to join the Athenian-led Delian League as tributary states and in 437/436 BC founded the city of Amphipolis at the mouth of the Strymon River for access to timber as well as gold and silver from the Pangaion Hills.[37]

War broke out in 433 BC when Athens, perhaps seeking additional cavalry and resources in anticipation of the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC), allied with a brother and cousin of Perdiccas II who were in open rebellion against him.[38] This led Perdiccas to seek alliances with Sparta and Corinth, yet when his efforts were rejected he instead promoted the rebellion of nearby nominal Athenian allies in Chalcidice, winning over the important city of Potidaea.[39] Athens responded by sending a naval invasion force that captured Therma and laid siege to Pydna.[40] However, they were unsuccessful in retaking Chalcidice and Potidaea due to stretching their forces thin by fighting the Macedonians and their allies on multiple fronts, and therefore sued for peace with Macedonia.[40] War resumed shortly after with the Athenian capture of Beroea and Macedonian aid given to the Potidaeans during an Athenian siege, yet by 431 BC, the Athenians and Macedonians concluded a peace treaty and alliance orchestrated by the Thracian ruler Sitalces of the Odrysian kingdom.[41] The Athenians had hoped to use Sitalces against the Macedonians, but due to Sitalces' desire to focus on acquiring more Thracian allies, he convinced Athens to make peace with Macedonia on the condition that he provide cavalry and peltasts for the Athenian army in Chalcidice.[42] Under this arrangement, Perdiccas II was given back Therma and no longer had to contend with his rebellious brother, Athens, and Sitacles all at once; in exchange he aided the Athenians in their subjugation of settlements in Chalcidice.[43]

In 429 BC, Perdiccas II sent aid to the Spartan commander Cnemus in Acarnania, but the Macedonian forces arrived too late to enter the Battle of Naupactus, which ended in an Athenian victory.[44] In that same year, Sitalces, according to Thucydides, invaded Macedonia at the behest of Athens to aid them in subduing Chalcidice and punish Perdiccas II for violating the terms of their peace treaty.[45] However, given Sitalces' huge Thracian invading force (allegedly 150,000 soldiers) and a nephew of Perdiccas II that he intended to place on the Macedonian throne after toppling the latter's regime, Athens must have become wary of acting on their supposed alliance since they failed to provide him with promised naval support.[46] Sitalces eventually retreated from Macedonia, perhaps due to logistical concerns: a shortage of provisions and harsh winter conditions.[47]

In 424 BC, Perdiccas began to play a prominent role in the Peloponnesian War by aiding the Spartan general Brasidas in convincing Athenian allies in Thrace to defect and ally with Sparta.[48] After failing to convince Perdiccas II to make peace with Arrhabaeus of Lynkestis (a small region of Upper Macedonia), Brasidas agreed to aid the Macedonian fight against Arrhabaeus, although he expressed his concerns about leaving his Chalcidian allies to their own devices against Athens, as well as the fearsome Illyrian reinforcements arriving on the side of Arrhabaeus.[49] The massive combined force commanded by Arrhabaeus apparently caused the army of Perdiccas II to flee in haste before the battle began, which enraged the Spartans under Brasidas who proceeded to snatch pieces of the Macedonian baggage train left unprotected.[50] Subsequently, Perdiccas II not only made peace with Athens but switched sides, blocking Peloponnesian reinforcements from reaching Brasidas via Thessaly.[51] The treaty offered Athens economic concessions, but it also guaranteed internal stability in Macedonia since Arrhabaeus and other domestic detractors were convinced to lay down their arms and accept Perdiccas II as their suzerain lord.[52]

A Macedonian didrachm minted during the reign of Archelaus I of Macedon (r. 413–399 BC)

Perdiccas II was obliged to aid to the Athenian general Cleon, but he and Brasidas died in 422 BC, and the Peace of Nicias struck in the following year between Athens and Sparta nullified the Macedonian king's responsibilities as an erstwhile Athenian ally.[53] After the Battle of Mantinea in 418 BC, Sparta and Argos formed a new alliance, which, alongside the threat of neighboring poleis in Chalcidice who were aligned with Sparta, induced Perdiccas II to abandon his Athenian alliance in favor of Sparta once again.[54] This proved to be a strategic error, since Argos quickly switched sides as a pro-Athenian democracy, allowing Athens to punish Macedonia with a naval blockade in 417 BC along with the resumption of military activity in Chalcidice.[55] Perdiccas II agreed to a peace settlement and alliance with Athens once more in 414 BC and, on his death a year later, was succeeded by his son Archelaus I of Macedon (r. 413–399 BC).[56]

Archelaus I maintained good relations with Athens throughout his reign, relying on Athens to provide naval support in his 410 BC siege of Pydna, and in exchange providing Athens with timber and naval equipment.[57] With improvements to military organization and building of new infrastructure such as fortresses, Archelaus was able to strengthen Macedonia and project his power into Thessaly where he aided his allies, yet he faced some internal revolt as well as problems fending off Illyrian incursions led by Sirras.[58] Although he retained Aigai as a ceremonial and religious center, Archelaus I moved the capital of the kingdom north to Pella, which was then positioned by a lake with a river connecting it to the Aegean Sea.[59] He improved Macedonia's currency by minting coins with a higher silver content as well as issuing separate copper coinage.[60] His royal court attracted the presence of well-known intellectuals such as the Athenian playwright Euripides.[61]

A silver stater of Amyntas III of Macedon (r. 393–370 BC)
A stater of Perdiccas III of Macedon (r. 368–359 BC)

Historical sources offer wildly different and confused accounts as to who assassinated Archelaus I, although it likely involved a homosexual love affair with royal pages at his court.[62] What ensued was a power struggle lasting from 399 to 393 BC of four different monarchs claiming the throne: Orestes of Macedon, son of Archelaus I; Aeropus II of Macedon, uncle, regent, and murderer of Orestes; Pausanias of Macedon, son of Aeropus II; and Amyntas II of Macedon, who was married to the youngest daughter of Archelaus I.[63] Very little is known about this period, although each of these monarchs aside from Orestes managed to mint debased currency imitating that of Archelaus I.[64] Amyntas III of Macedon (r. 393–370 BC), son of Arrhidaeus and grandson of Amyntas I, succeeded to the throne by killing Pausanias.[63]

The Greek historian Diodorus Siculus provided a seemingly conflicting account about Illyrian invasions occurring in 393 BC and 383 BC, which may have been representative of a single invasion led by Bardylis of the Dardani.[65] In this event, Amyntas III is said to have fled his own kingdom and returned with the support of Thessalian allies, while a possible pretender to the throne named Argaeus had ruled temporarily in Amyntas III's absence.[66] When the powerful Chalcidian city of Olynthos was allegedly poised to overthrow Amyntas III and conquer the Macedonian kingdom, Teleutias, brother of the Spartan king Agesilaus II, sailed to Macedonia with a large Spartan force to provide critical aid to Amyntas III.[67] The result of this campaign in 379 BC was the surrender of Olynthos and the abolition of the Chalcidian League.[68]

Amyntas III had children with two wives, but it was his eldest son by his marriage with Eurydice I of Macedon who succeeded him as Alexander II of Macedon (r. 370–368 BC).[69] When Alexander II invaded Thessaly and occupied Larissa and Crannon as a challenge to the suzerainty of the tagus (i.e. military leader) Alexander of Pherae, the Thessalians appealed to Pelopidas of Thebes for help to expel both of these rival overlords.[70] After Pelopidas captured Larissa, Alexander II made peace and allied with Thebes, handing over noble hostages including his brother and future king Philip II.[71] Afterwards, Ptolemy of Aloros assassinated his brother-in-law Alexander II and acted as regent for the latter's younger brother Perdiccas III of Macedon (r. 368–359 BC).[72] Ptolemy's intervention in Thessaly in 367 BC provoked another Theban invasion by Pelopidas, who was undermined when Ptolemy bribed his mercenaries not to fight, thus leading to a newly proposed alliance between Macedonia and Thebes, but only on the condition that more hostages, including one of his Ptolemy's sons, were to be handed over to Thebes.[73] By 365 BC, Perdiccas III had reached the age of majority and took the opportunity to kill his regent Ptolemy, initiating a sole reign marked by internal stability, financial recovery, fostering of Greek intellectualism at his court, and the return of his brother Philip II from Thebes.[73] However, Perdiccas III also dealt with an Athenian invasion by Timotheus, son of Conon, that led to the loss of Methone and Pydna, while an invasion of Illyrians led by Bardylis succeeded in killing Perdiccas III and 4,000 Macedonian troops in battle.[74]

Rise of Macedon

Main article: Rise of Macedon
Left: a bust of Philip II of Macedon (r. 359–336 BC) from the Hellenistic period, located at Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek
Right: another bust of Philip II, a 1st-century AD Roman copy of a Hellenistic Greek original, now in the Vatican Museums

Philip II of Macedon (r. 359–336 BC), who spent much of his adolescence as a political hostage in Thebes, was twenty-four years old when he acceded to the throne and immediately faced crises that threatened to topple his leadership.[75] However, with the use of deft diplomacy, he was able to convince the Thracians under Berisades to cease their support of Pausanias, a pretender to the throne, and the Athenians to halt their backing of another pretender named Argaeus (perhaps the same who had caused trouble for Amyntas III).[76] He achieved these by bribing the Thracians and their Paeonian allies and removing a garrison of Macedonian troops from Amphipolis, establishing a treaty with Athens that relinquished his claims to that city.[77] He was also able to make peace with the Illyrians who had threatened his borders.[78]

Map of the Kingdom of Macedon at the death of Philip II in 336 BC (light blue), with the original territory that existed in 431 BC (red outline), and dependent states (yellow)

The exact date in which Philip II initiated reforms to radically transform the Macedonian army's organization, equipment, and training is unknown, including the formation of the Macedonian phalanx armed with long pikes (i.e. the sarissa). The reforms took place over a period of several years and proved immediately successful against his Illyrian and Paeonian enemies.[79] Confusing accounts in ancient sources have led modern scholars to debate how much Philip II's royal predecessors may have contributed to these military reforms. It is perhaps more likely that his years of captivity in Thebes during the Theban hegemony influenced his ideas, especially after meeting with the renowned general Epaminondas.[80]

Although Macedonia and the rest of Greece traditionally practiced monogamy in marriage, Philip II divulged in the 'barbarian' practice of polygamy, marrying seven different wives with perhaps only one that didn't involve the loyalty of his aristocratic subjects or the affirmation of a new alliance.[81] For instance, his first marriages were to Phila of Elimeia of the Upper Macedonian aristocracy as well as the Illyrian princess Audata, granddaughter(?) of Bardylis, to ensure a marriage alliance with their people.[82] To establish an alliance with Larissa in Thessaly, he married the Thessalian noblewoman Philinna in 358 BC, who bore him a son who would later rule as Philip III Arrhidaeus.[83] In 357 BC, he married Olympias in order to secure an alliance with Arybbas of Epirus, the King of Epirus and the Molossians. This marriage would bear a son who would later rule as Alexander III of Macedon (better known as Alexander the Great) and claim descent from the legendary Achilles by way of his dynastic heritage from Epirus.[84] It has been argued whether or not the Achaemenid Persian kings influenced Philip's practice of polygamy, although it seems to have been practiced by Amyntas III who had three sons with a possible second wife Gygaea: Archelaus, Arrhidaeus, and Menelaus.[85] Philip II had Archelaus put to death in 359 BC, while Philip's other two half brothers fled to Olynthos, serving as a casus belli for the Olynthian War (349–348 BC) against the Chalcidian League.[86]

While Athens was preoccupied with the Social War (357–355 BC), Philip took this opportunity to retake Amphipolis in 357 BC, for which the Athenians later declared war on him, and by 356 BC, recaptured Pydna and Potidaea, the latter of which he handed over to the Chalcidian League as promised in a treaty of 357/356 BC.[87] In this year, he was also able to take Crenides, later refounded as Philippi and providing much wealth in gold, while his general Parmenion was victorious against the Illyrian king Grabos of the Grabaei.[88] During the siege of Methone from 355 to 354 BC, Philip lost his right eye to an arrow wound, but was able to capture the city and was even cordial to the defeated inhabitants (unlike the Potidaeans, who had been sold into slavery).[89]

It was at this stage when Philip II involved Macedonia in the Third Sacred War (356–346 BC). The conflict began when Phocis captured and plundered the temple of Apollo at Delphi as a response to Thebes' demand that they submit unpaid fines, causing the Amphictyonic League to declare war on Phocis and a civil war among the members of the Thessalian League aligned with either Phocis or Thebes.[90] Philip II's initial campaign against Pherae in Thessaly in 353 BC at the behest of Larissa ended in two disastrous defeats by the Phocian general Onomarchus.[91] However, he returned the following year and defeated Onomarchus at the Battle of Crocus Field, which led to his election as leader (archon) of the Thessalian League, ability to recruit Thessalian cavalry, provided him a seat on the Amphictyonic Council and a marriage alliance with Pherae by wedding Nicesipolis, niece of the tyrant Jason of Pherae.[92]

Niketerion (victory medallion) bearing the effigy of king Philip II of Macedon, 3rd century AD, probably minted during the reign of Roman Emperor Alexander Severus.

After campaigning against the Thracian ruler Cersobleptes, Philip II began his war against the Chalcidian League in 349 BC.[93] Despite an Athenian intervention by Charidemos,[94] Olynthos was captured by Philip II in 348 BC, whereupon he sold its inhabitants into slavery, bringing back some Athenian citizens to Macedonia as slaves as well.[95] The Athenians, especially in a series of speeches by Demosthenes known as the Olynthiacs, were unsuccessful in persuading their allies to counterattack, so in 346 BC, they concluded a treaty with Macedonia known as the Peace of Philocrates.[96] The treaty stipulated that Athens would relinquish Macedonian coastal claims and Amphipolis in return for the enslaved Athenians as well as guarantees that Philip would not attack Athenian settlements in the Thracian Chersonese.[97] Meanwhile, Phocis and Thermopylae were captured, the Delphic temple robbers executed, and Philip II was awarded the two Phocian seats on the Amphictyonic Council as well as the position of master of ceremonies over the Pythian Games.[98] Athens initially opposed his membership on the council and refused to attend the games in protest, but they were eventually swayed to accept these conditions, partially due to the oration On the Peace by Demosthenes.[99]

For the next few years Philip II was occupied with reorganizing the administrative system of Thessaly, campaigning against the Illyrian ruler Pleuratus I, deposing Arybbas in Epirus in favor of his brother-in-law Alexander I of Epirus (through Philip II's marriage with Olympias), and defeating Cersebleptes in Thrace. This allowed him to extend Macedonian control over the Hellespont in anticipation of an invasion into Achaemenid Asia.[100] In what is now Bulgaria, Philip II conquered the Thracian city of Panegyreis in 342 BC and reestablished it as Philippopolis (modern Plovdiv, Roman-era Trimontium).[101] War broke out with Athens in 340 BC while Philip II was engaged in two ultimately unsuccessful sieges of Perinthus and Byzantion, followed by a successful campaign against the Scythians along the Danube and Macedonia's involvement in the Fourth Sacred War against Amphissa in 339 BC.[102] Hostilities between Thebes and Macedonia began when Thebes ousted a Macedonian garrison from Nicaea (near Thermopylae), leading Thebes to join Athens, Megara, Corinth, Achaea, and Euboea in a final confrontation against Macedonia at the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC.[103] After the Macedonian victory there, Philip II imposed harsh conditions on Thebes, imposing an oligarchy there, yet was lenient to Athens due to his desire to utilize their navy in a planned invasion of the Persian Empire.[104] He was then chiefly responsible for the formation of the League of Corinth that included the major Greek city-states minus Sparta, being elected as the leader (hegemon) of its council (synedrion) by the spring of 337 BC despite the Kingdom of Macedonia being excluded as an official member of the league.[105]

Coronation of Alexander the Great, from a 15th-century Flemish illuminated manuscript on parchment

After his election by the League of Corinth as their commander-in-chief (strategos) of a forthcoming campaign to invade the Achaemenid Empire of Persia, Philip II sought to shore up further Macedonian support by marrying Cleopatra Eurydice of Macedon, niece of Attalus.[106] Yet talk of providing new potential heirs infuriated Philip II's son Alexander (already a veteran of the Battle of Chaeronea) and his mother Olympias, who fled together to Epirus before Alexander was recalled to Pella.[106] Further tensions arose when Philip II offered his son Arrhidaeus's hand in marriage to Ada of Caria, daughter of Pixodarus, Persian satrap of Caria. When Alexander intervened and proposed to marry Ada instead, Philip cancelled the wedding arrangements altogether and exiled Alexander's advisors Ptolemy, Nearchus, and Harpalus.[107] To reconcile with Olympias, Philip II had their daughter Cleopatra of Macedon marry Olympias' brother (and Cleopatra's uncle) Alexander I of Epirus, yet Philip II was assassinated by his bodyguard Pausanias of Orestis during their wedding feast and succeeded by his son Alexander III, later known as Alexander the Great (r. 336–323 BC).[108]

Empire

Left: Bust of Alexander the Great by the Athenian sculptor Leochares, 330 BC, Acropolis Museum, Athens
Right: Bust of Alexander the Great, a Roman copy of the Imperial Era (1st or 2nd century AD) after an original bronze sculpture made by the Greek sculptor Lysippos, Louvre, Paris
The empire of Alexander the Great at the time of its maximum expansion.

Before Philip II was assassinated in the summer of 336 BC, relations with his son Alexander III had degenerated to the point where he excluded him entirely from his planned invasion of Asia, relegating him instead to the position as regent of Greece and deputy hegemon of the League of Corinth.[109] This, alongside his mother Olympias' apparent concern over Philip II bearing another potential heir with his new wife Cleopatra Eurydice of Macedon have led scholars to wrangle over the idea of her and Alexander III's possible roles in Philip's murder.[110] Nonetheless, Alexander III was immediately proclaimed king by an assembly of the army and leading aristocrats, chief among them being Antipater and Parmenion.[111] By the end of his reign and military career in 323 BC, Alexander III would rule over an empire consisting of mainland Greece, Asia Minor, the Levant, ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia, and much of Central and South Asia (i.e. modern Pakistan).[112] His first pressing concerns, however, would be to bury his father at Aigai (Vergina) and to pursue a campaign of suppression closer to home in the Balkans.[113] The members of the League of Corinth revolted, yet were soon quelled by military force alongside persuasive diplomacy, Alexander III forcing them to rejoin the league and elect him as hegemon to carry out the invasion of Achaemenid Persia.[114] Alexander III also took the opportunity to settle the score he had with his rival Attalus (who had taunted him during the wedding feast of Cleopatra Eurydice and Philip II) by having him executed.[115]

In 335 BC, Alexander III led a campaign against the Thracian tribe of the Triballi at Haemus Mons, fighting them along the Danube and forcing their surrender on Peuce Island.[116] Shortly thereafter, the Illyrian king Cleitus of the Dardani threatened to attack Macedonia, yet Alexander III took the initiative and besieged them at Pelion (in modern Albania).[117] When Alexander III was given news that Thebes had once again revolted from the League of Corinth and were besieging the Macedonian garrison in Cadmea, Alexander III left the Illyrian front and marched to Thebes, which he placed under siege.[118] After breaching the walls, Alexander III's forces killed 6,000 Thebans, took 30,000 inhabitants as prisoners of war, and burned the city to the ground as a warning to others, which proved effective since no other Greek state aside from Sparta dared to challenge Alexander III for the remainder of his reign.[119]

Throughout his military career and kingship, Alexander III won every battle that he personally commanded.[120] His first victory against the Persians in Asia Minor at the Battle of the Granicus in 334 BC utilized a small cavalry contingent that successfully distracted the Persians, allowed his infantry to cross the river, and his companions to drive them from the battle with a cavalry charge.[121] Following the tradition of Macedonian warrior kings, Alexander III personally led the cavalry charge at the Battle of Issus in 333 BC, forcing Darius III and his army to flee.[121] Darius III, despite having superior numbers, was again forced to flee the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC.[121] The Persian king was later captured and executed by his own satrap of Bactria and kinsman Bessus in 330 BC, who the Macedonian king subsequently hunted down and executed in what is now Afghanistan, securing the region of Sogdia in the process.[122] At the 326 BC Battle of the Hydaspes (modern-day Punjab), when the war elephants of King Porus of the Pauravas threatened Alexander III's troops, he had them form open ranks to surround the elephants and dislodge their handlers by using their sarissa pikes.[123] When his Macedonian troops threatened mutiny at Opis, Babylonia (near modern Baghdad, Iraq) in 324 BC, Alexander III offered Macedonian military titles and greater responsibilities to Persian officers and units instead, forcing his troops to seek forgiveness, which the king offered at a banquet urging reconciliation between Persians and Macedonians.[124]

The Stag Hunt Mosaic, c. 300 BC, from Pella; the figure on the right is possibly Alexander the Great due to the date of the mosaic along with the depicted upsweep of his centrally-parted hair (anastole); the figure on the left wielding a double-edged axe (associated with Hephaistos) is perhaps Hephaestion, one of Alexander's loyal companions.[125]

Despite his skills as a commander, Alexander III perhaps undercut his own rule by demonstrating signs of megalomania.[126] While utilizing effective propaganda such as the cutting of the Gordian Knot, he also attempted to portray himself as a living god and son of Zeus following his visit to the oracle at Siwah in the Libyan Desert (in modern-day Egypt) in 331 BC.[127] When he attempted to have his men prostrate before him at Bactra in 327 BC in an act of proskynesis (borrowed from the Persian kings), the Macedonians and Greeks considered this blasphemy and usurpation of the authority of the gods. Alexander III's court historian Callisthenes refused to perform this ritual there and the others took his example, an act of protest that led Alexander III to abandon the practice.[126] When Alexander III had Parmenion murdered at Ecbatana in 330 BC, this was "symptomatic of the growing gulf between the king's interests and those of his country and people," according to Errington.[128] His murder of Cleitus the Black in 328 BC is described as "vengeful and reckless" by Dawn L. Gilley and Ian Worthington.[129] He also pursued the polygamous habits of his father Philip II and encouraged his men to marry native women in Asia, leading by example when he wed Roxana, a Sogdian princess of Bactria.[130] He then married Stateira II, eldest daughter of Darius III, and Parysatis II, youngest daughter of Artaxerxes III, at the Susa weddings in 324 BC.[131]

Meanwhile, in Greece the only disturbance to Macedonian rule was the attempt by the Spartan king Agis III to lead a rebellion of the Greeks against the Macedonians.[132] However, he was defeated in 331 BC at the Battle of Megalopolis by Antipater, who was serving as regent of Macedonia and deputy hegemon of the League of Corinth in Alexander's stead.[133] Although the governor of Thrace, Memnon, had threatened to rebel, it appears that Antipater dissuaded him with diplomacy before campaigning against Agis III in the Peloponnese.[134] Antipater deferred the punishment of Sparta to the League of Corinth headed by Alexander III, who ultimately pardoned the Spartans on the condition that they submit fifty nobles as hostages.[135] Antipater's hegemony was somewhat unpopular in Greece due to his practice of exiling malcontents and garrisoning cities with Macedonian troops, yet in 330 BC, Alexander III declared that the tyrannies installed in Greece were to be abolished and Greek freedom restored (despite the possibility that the Macedonian king most likely had Antipater install them in the first place).[136]

A golden stater of Philip III Arrhidaeus (r. 323–317 BC) bearing images of Athena (left) and Nike (right)

When Alexander III died at Babylon in 323 BC, his mother Olympias immediately accused Antipater and his faction with poisoning him, although there is no evidence to confirm this.[137] With no official heir apparent, the loyalties of the Macedonian military command became split between one side proclaiming Alexander III's half-brother Philip III of Macedon (r. 323–317 BC) as king and another siding with Alexander IV of Macedon (r. 323–309 BC), son of Alexander III and Roxana.[138] Aside from the Euboeans and Boeotians, the Greeks also immediately rose up in a rebellion against Antipater known as the Lamian War (323–322 BC).[139] When Antipater was defeated at the 323 BC Battle of Thermopylae, he fled to Lamia where he was besieged by the Athenian commander Leosthenes, who died in the fighting as well as Leonnatus who came to rescue Antipater by lifting the siege.[140] Although Antipater ultimately subdued the rebellion, he died in 319 BC and left a vacuum of power wherein the two proclaimed kings of Macedonia became pawns in a power struggle between the diadochi, the former generals of Alexander's army who were now carving up his empire.[141]

Kingdoms of the diadochi c. 301 BC, after the Battle of Ipsus
  Kingdom of Ptolemy I Soter
  Kingdom of Cassander
  Kingdom of Lysimachus
  Kingdom of Seleucus I Nicator
  Epirus
Other

A council of the army convened immediately after Alexander's death in Babylon, naming Philip III as king and the chiliarch Perdiccas as his regent.[142] However, Antipater, Antigonus Monophthalmus, Craterus, and Ptolemy Soter, concerned about Perdiccas' increasing signs of self-aggrandizement, formed a coalition against him in open civil war that began with Ptolemy's seizure of the hearse of Alexander the Great.[143] When Perdiccas invaded Egypt in the summer of 321 BC to assault Ptolemy, he marched along the Nile River where 2,000 of his men drowned, leading the officers under his command to conspire against him and assassinate him.[144] Although Eumenes of Cardia managed to kill Craterus in battle, this had no grand effect on the course of events now that the victorious coalition convened in Syria to settle the issue of a new regency and territorial rights in the 321 BC Partition of Triparadisus.[145] The council appointed Antipater as regent over the two kings, after which Antipater delegated authority to the leading generals. However, before Antipater died in 319 BC, he named the staunch Argead loyalist Polyperchon as the regent to succeed him, passing over his own son Cassander, ignoring the right of the king to choose a regent (since Philip III was considered mentally unstable), and bypassing the council of the army as well.[146]

Forming an alliance with Ptolemy, Antigonus, and Lysimachus, Cassander had his officer Nicanor capture the Munichia fortress of Athen's port town Piraeus in defiance of Polyperchon's decree that Greek cities should be free of Macedonian garrisons, sparking the Second War of the Diadochi (319–315 BC).[147] Given a string of military failures by Polyperchon, in 317 BC Philip III, by way of his politically-engaged wife Eurydice II of Macedon, officially replaced him as regent with Cassander.[148] Afterwards Polyperchon desperately sought the aid of Olympias, mother of Alexander III who still resided in Epirus.[148] A joint force of Epirotes, Aetolians, and Polyperchon's troops invaded Macedonia and forced the surrender of Philip III and Eurydice's army, allowing Olympias to execute the king and force his queen to commit suicide.[149] Olympias then had Nicanor killed along with dozens of leading Macedonian nobles, yet by the spring of 316 BC Cassander defeated her forces, captured her, and placed her on trial for murder before sentencing her to death.[150]

Cassander married Philip II's daughter Thessalonike of Macedon, inducting him into the Argead dynastic house, and briefly extended Macedonian control into Illyria as far as Epidamnos, although by 313 BC, it was retaken by the Illyrian king Glaucias of Taulanti.[151] By 316 BC, Antigonus had taken the territory of Eumenes and managed to eject Seleucus Nicator from his satrapy of Babylonia; in reaction to this a coalition of Cassander, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus issued an ultimatum to Antigonus in 315 BC for him to surrender various territories in Asia.[7] Antigonus promptly allied with Polyperchon, now based in Corinth, and issued an ultimatum of his own to Cassander, charging him with murder for executing Olympias and demanding that he hand over the royal family, king Alexander IV and the queen mother Roxana.[152] The conflict that followed lasted until the winter of 312/311 BC, when a new peace settlement recognized Cassander as general of Europe, Antigonus as 'first in Asia', Ptolemy as general of Egypt, and Lysimachus as general of Thrace.[153] Cassander had Alexander IV and Roxana put to death in the winter of 311/310 BC, had Heracles of Macedon executed in 309 BC as part of a peace settlement with Polyperchon, and by 306–305 BC the diadochi were declared kings of their respective territories.[154]

Hellenistic era

The beginning of Hellenistic Greece was defined by the struggle between the Antipatrid dynasty, led first by Cassander (r. 305–297 BC), son of Antipater, and the Antigonid dynasty, led by Antigonus I of Macedon (r. 306–301 BC) and his son, the future king Demetrius I of Macedon (r. 294–288 BC). While Cassander was besieging Athens in 303 BC, Demetrius invaded Boeotia in order to sever Cassander's path of retreat back to Macedonia, although Cassander managed to hastily abandon the siege and march back to Macedonia.[155] While Antigonus and Demetrius attempted to recreate Philip II's Hellenic league with themselves as dual hegemons, a revived coalition of Cassander, Ptolemy I Soter (r. 305–283 BC) of Egypt's Ptolemaic dynasty, Seleucus I Nicator (305–281 BC) of the Seleucid Empire, and Lysimachus (306–281 BC), King of Thrace decisively defeated the Antigonids at the Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC, killing Antigonus and forcing Demetrius into flight.[156]

Cassander died in 297 BC and his sickly son Philip IV of Macedon died the same year, being succeeded by Cassander's other sons Alexander V of Macedon (r. 297–294 BC) and Antipater II of Macedon (r. 297–294 BC), with their mother Thessalonike of Macedon acting as regent.[157] While Demetrius fought against the Antipatrid forces in Greece, Antipater II killed his own mother and regent to obtain power.[157] His desperate brother Alexander V then requested aid from Pyrrhus of Epirus (r. 297–272 BC),[157] who had fought alongside Demetrius at the Battle of Ipsus, yet spent time as a hostage in Egypt as stipulated in an alliance treaty between Demetrius and Ptolemy I.[158] In exchange for defeating the forces of Antipater II and forcing him to flee to the court of Lysimachus in Thrace, Pyrrhus was awarded the westernmost portions of the Macedonian kingdom.[159] Demetrius marched north and invited his nephew Alexander V into his camp for a banquet on friendly pretenses, yet had him assassinated as he attempted to leave. Demetrius was then proclaimed king in Macedonia, yet his subjects became increasingly concerned by his conduct as a seemingly aloof monarch and Eastern-style autocrat.[157]

War broke out between Pyrrhus and Demetrius in 290 BC when Lanassa, wife of Pyrrhus, daughter of Agathocles of Syracuse, left him for Demetrius and offered him her dowry of Corcyra.[160] The war dragged on until 288 BC, when Demetrius lost the support of the Macedonians and fled the country. Macedonia was then divided between Pyrrhus and Lysimachus, the former taking western Macedonia and the latter eastern Macedonia.[160]

By 286 BC, Lysimachus was able to expel Pyrrhus and his forces from Macedonia altogether, yet in 282 BC, a new war erupted between Lysimachus and Seleucus I.[161] The conflict came to a head at the Battle of Corupedion where Lysimachus was killed, allowing Seleucus I to claim both Thrace and Macedonia.[162] In yet another reversal of fortunes, Seleucus I was then assassinated in 281 BC by his officer Ptolemy Keraunos, son of Ptolemy I and grandson of Antipater, who was then proclaimed king of Macedonia.[162] There was little respite from the political chaos in Macedonia, though, since Ptolemy Keraunos was killed in battle in 279 BC by Celtic invaders in the Gallic invasion of Greece.[163] The Macedonian army proclaimed the general Sosthenes of Macedon as king, although he apparently refused the title.[164] After defeating the Gallic ruler Bolgios and driving out the raiding party of Brennus, Sosthenes died and left a chaotic situation in Macedonia.[165] The Gallic warbands ravaged Macedonia until the arrival of Antigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius, who defeated them in Thrace at the Battle of Lysimachia in 277 BC. He was then proclaimed king Antigonus II of Macedon (r. 277–274 BC; 272–239 BC).[166]

Beginning in 280 BC, Pyrrus embarked on a campaign in Magna Graecia (i.e. southern Italy) against the Roman Republic known as the Pyrrhic War, followed by his invasion of Sicily.[167] Ptolemy Keraunos had secured his position on the Macedonian throne by gifting Pyrrhus five-thousand soldiers and twenty war elephants for this endeavor.[158] Pyrrhus returned to Epirus in 275 BC after the stalemate and ultimate failure of both campaigns, which contributed to the rise of Rome now that Greek cities in southern Italy such as Tarentum became Roman allies.[167] Despite having a depleted treasury, Pyrrhus decided to invade Macedonia in 274 BC, due to the perceived political instability of Antigonus II's regime. After defeating the largely mercenary army of Antigonus II at the 274 BC Battle of Aous, Pyrrhus was able to drive him out of Macedonia and force him to take refuge with his naval fleet.[168]

Ancient Macedonian paintings of Hellenistic-era military arms and armor from a tomb in ancient Mieza (modern-day Lefkadia), Imathia, Central Macedonia, Greece, 2nd century BC

Pyrrhus lost much of his support among the Macedonians in 273 BC when his unruly Gallic mercenaries plundered the royal cemetery of Aigai.[169] Pyrrhus pursued Demetrius in Greece, yet while he was occupied with the war in the Peloponnese, Demetrius was able to recapture Macedonia.[170] While battling over control over Argos in 272 BC, Pyrrhus was killed while fighting in the city's streets, allowing Antigonus II to reclaim Greece as well.[171] He then restored the Argead dynastic graves at Aigai by constructing a massive tumulus.[172] Antigonus II also secured the Illyrian front and annexed Paeonia.[170]

The Antigonid naval fleets docked at Corinth and Chalkis during the reign of Antigonus II also proved instrumental in the maintenance of Antigonid-imposed local regimes in various Greek cities.[173] However, the Aetolian League proved to be a perennial problem for Antigonus II's ambitions in controlling central Greece, while the formation of the Achaean League in 251 BC pushed Macedonian forces out of much of the Peloponnese and at times incorporated Athens and Sparta.[174] While the Seleucid Empire aligned with Antigonid Macedonia during the Syrian Wars against Ptolemaic Egypt, the latter used its powerful navy to disrupt Antigonus II's efforts in controlling mainland Greece.[175] With the aid of the Ptolemaic navy, the Athenian statesman Chremonides led a revolt against Macedonian authority known as the Chremonidean War (267–261 BC).[176] However, by 265 BC, Athens was surrounded and besieged by Antigonus II's forces, a Ptolemaic fleet was defeated in the Battle of Cos, and Athens finally surrenderd in 261 BC.[177] After Macedonia formed an alliance with the Seleucid ruler Antiochus II, a peace settlement between Antigonus II and Ptolemy II Philadelphus of Egypt was finally struck in 255 BC.[178]

The Temple of Apollo at Corinth, built c. 540 BC, with the Acrocorinth (i.e. the acropolis of Corinth that once held a Macedonian garrison)[179] seen in the background

However, in 251 BC, Aratus of Sicyon led a rebellion against Antigonus II and in 250 BC, Ptolemy II openly threw his support behind the self-proclaimed king Alexander of Corinth.[180] Although Alexander died in 246 BC and Antigonus was able to score a naval victory against the Ptolemies at the Battle of Andros, the Macedonians lost the Acrocorinth to the forces of Aratus in 243 BC, followed by the induction of Corinth into the Achaean League.[181] Antigonus II finally made peace with the Achaean League in a treaty of 240 BC, ceding the territories that he had lost in Greece.[182] Antigonus II died in 239 BC and was succeeded by his son Demetrius II of Macedon (r. 239–229 BC). Seeking an alliance with Macedonia to defend against the Aetolians, the queen mother and regent Olympias II of Epirus offered her daughter Phthia of Macedon to Demetrius II in marriage, which he accepted yet damaged relations with the Seleucids by divorcing Stratonice of Macedon.[183] Although the Aetolians formed an alliance with the Achaean League as a result, Demetrius II was able to invade Boeotia and capture it from the Aetolians by 236 BC.[179]

Demetrius II's control of Greece diminished by the end of his reign, though, when he lost Megalopolis in 235 BC and most of the Peloponnese except Argos to the Achaean League.[184] He also was denied an ally in Epirus when the monarchy was toppled in a republican revolution.[185] Demetrius II's struggle to defend Acarnania against Aetolia became so desperate that he enlisted the aid of the Illyrian king Agron, whose Illyrian pirates raided the coasts of western Greece and even defeated the combined navies of the Aetolian and Achaean Leagues at the Battle of Paxos in 229 BC.[185] Yet another Illyrian ruler Longarus of the Dardanian Kingdom invaded Macedonia and defeated an army of Demetrius II shortly before his death in 229 BC.[186] Although his child son, Philip immediately inherited the throne, his regent Antigonus III Doson (r. 229–221 BC), nephew of Antigonus II, was proclaimed king by the army and Philip as his heir following a string of military victories against the Illyrians in the north and the Aetolians in Thessaly.[187]

A tetradrachm minted during the reign of Antigonus III Doson (r. 229–221 BC), possibly at Amphipolis, bearing the portrait image of Poseidon on the obverse and a scene on the reverse depicting Apollo sitting on the prow of a ship

Although the Achaean League had been fighting Macedonia for decades, Aratus sent an embassy to Antigonus III in 226 BC seeking an unexpected alliance now that the reformist king Cleomenes III of Sparta was threatening the rest of Greece in the Cleomenean War (229–222 BC).[188] In exchange for military aid, Antigonus III demanded the return of Corinth to Macedonian control, which Aratus finally agreed to in 225 BC.[189] Antigonus III's first move against Sparta was to capture Arcadia in the spring of 224 BC.[190] After reforming a Hellenic league in the same vein as Philip II's League of Corinth and hiring Illyrian mercenaries for additional support, Antigonus III managed to defeat Sparta at the Battle of Sellasia in 222 BC.[191] For the first time in Sparta's history, their city was then occupied by a foreign power, restoring Macedonia's position as the leading power in Greece.[192] Antigonus died a year later, perhaps from tuberculosis, leaving behind a strong Hellenistic kingdom for his successor Philip V.[193]

Philip V of Macedon (r. 221–179 BC) was only 17 when he acceded to the throne and, despite the successes of his predecessor Antigonus III, faced immediate challenges to his authority by the Illyrian Dardani and Aetolian League.[194] Philip V and his allies were successful against the Aetolians and their allies in the Social War (220–217 BC), yet Philip V pursued a peace settlement with the Aetolians once he heard of a renewed presence of the Dardani in the north and the Carthaginian victory over the Romans at the Battle of Lake Trasimene in 217 BC.[195] Demetrius of Pharos is alleged to have convinced Philip V to first secure Illyria in advance of an invasion of the Italian peninsula.[196] In 216 BC, Philip V sent a hundred light warships into the Adriatic Sea to attack Illyria, a motion that did not go unnoticed by Rome when Scerdilaidas of the Ardiaean Kingdom appealed to the Romans for aid.[197] Rome responded by sending ten heavy quinquiremes from Roman Sicily to patrol the Illyrian coasts, causing Philip V to reverse course and order his fleet to retreat, averting open conflict for the time being.[198]

Conflict with Rome

Main article: Macedonian Wars
The Kingdom of Macedonia (orange) under Philip V (r. 221–179 BC), with Macedonian dependent states (dark yellow), the Seleucid Empire (bright yellow), Roman protectorates (dark green), the Kingdom of Pergamon (light green), independent states (light purple), and possessions of the Ptolemaic Empire (violet purple)

In 215 BC, at the height of the Second Punic War with the Carthaginian Empire, Roman authorities intercepted a ship off the Calabrian coast holding both a Macedonian envoy and a Carthaginian ambassador to Macedonia, who possessed a Punic document (later translated into Greek and preserved by Polybius) of Hannibal Barca declaring an alliance with Philip V of Macedon.[199] The treaty stipulated that Carthage had the sole right to negotiate terms with Rome after its hypothetical surrender, yet it deferred to the Macedonian interests in the Adriatic Sea and promised mutual aid in the event that a resurgent Rome, after losing its allies in northern and southern Italy, should lash out at either Macedonia or Carthage in revenge.[200] Although the Macedonians were perhaps only interested in safeguarding their conquered territories in Illyria,[201] the Romans were nevertheless able to thwart Philip V's ambitions in the Adriatic during the First Macedonian War (214–205 BC). In 214 BC, Rome positioned a naval fleet at Oricus when it along with Apollonia were assaulted by Macedonian forces.[202] When the Macedonians captured Lissus in 212 BC and potentially threatened southern Italy in support of Hannibal, the Roman Senate responded by inciting the Aetolian League, as well as Attalus I (r. 241–197 BC) of Pergamon, Sparta, Elis, and Messenia to wage war against Philip V, keeping him occupied and away from the Italian peninsula.[203]

A year after the Aetolian League concluded a peace agreement with Philip V in 206 BC, the Roman Republic negotiated the Treaty of Phoenice, which ended the war and allowed the Macedonians to retain the settlements they had captured in Illyria.[204] Although the Romans rejected an Aetolian request in 202 BC for Rome to declare war on Macedonia once again, the Roman Senate gave serious consideration to the similar offer made by Pergamon and its ally Rhodes in 201 BC.[205] These states grew increasingly concerned once Philip V formed an alliance with Antiochus III the Great of the Seleucid Empire, which invaded the war-weary and financially exhausted Ptolemaic Empire in the Fifth Syrian War (202–195 BC), while Philip V captured Ptolemaic settlements in the Aegean Sea.[206] Although Rome's envoys played a critical role in convincing Athens to join the anti-Macedonian alliance with Pergamon and Rhodes in 200 BC, the comitia centuriata (i.e. people's assembly) rejected the Roman Senate's proposal for a declaration of war on Macedonia.[207] Meanwhile, Philip V conquered vital territories in the Hellespont and Bosporus as well as Ptolemaic Samos, which led Rhodes to form an alliance with Pergamon, Byzantium, Cyzicus, and Chios against Macedonia.[208] Despite Philip V's nominal alliance with the Seleucid king, he lost the naval Battle of Chios in 201 BC and was subsequently blockaded at Bargylia by a combined fleet of the victorious Rhodian and Pergamene navies.[209]

A tetradrachm of Philip V of Macedon (r. 221–179 BC), with the king's portrait on the obverse and Athena Alkidemos brandishing a thunderbolt on the reverse

While Philip V was ensnared in a conflict with several Greek maritime powers, Rome viewed these unfolding events as an opportunity to punish a former ally of Hannibal, come to the aid of its Greek allies, and commit to a war that perhaps required a limited amount of resources in order to achieve victory.[210] With Carthage finally subdued following the Second Punic War, Bringmann contends that the Roman strategy changed from protecting southern Italy from Macedonia, to exacting revenge on Philip V for allying with Hannibal.[211] However, Arthur M. Eckstein stresses that the Roman Senate "did not plot long range-strategies" and instead "lurched from crisis to crisis" while allowing itself to become involved in the Hellenistic east only at the strong urging of its allies and despite its own exhausted and war-weary populace.[212] The Roman Senate demanded that Philip V cease hostilities against neighboring Greek powers and defer to an international arbitration committee for any and all grievances. Seeking either war or humiliation for the Macedonian king, his predictable rejection of their proposal served as a useful tool of propaganda demonstrating the honorable and philhellenic intentions of the Romans contrasted with the combative and antagonistic Macedonian response.[213] When the comitia centuriata finally voted in approval of the Roman Senate's declaration of war and handed their ultimatum to Philip V by the summer of 200 BC, demanding that a tribunal assess the damages owed to Rhodes and Pergamon, the Macedonian king rejected it outright. This marked the beginning of the Second Macedonian War (200–197 BC), with Publius Sulpicius Galba Maximus spearheading military operations by landing at Apollonia along the coast of Illyria with two Roman legions.[214]

Although the Macedonians were able to successfully defend their territory for roughly two years,[215] the Roman consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus managed to expel Philip V from Macedonia in 198 BC with him and his forces taking refuge in Thessaly.[216] When the Achaean League abandoned Philip V to join the Roman-led coalition, the Macedonian king sued for peace, but the terms offered were considered too stringent and so the war continued.[216] In June 197 BC, the Macedonians were defeated at the Battle of Cynoscephalae.[217] Rome, dismissing the Aetolian League's demands to dismantle the Macedonian monarchy altogether, ratified a treaty that forced Macedonia to relinquish control of much of its Greek possessions, including Corinth, while allowing it to preserve its core territory, if only to act as a buffer against Illyrian and Thracian incursions into Greece.[218] Although the Greeks, especially the Aetolians, suspected Roman intentions of supplanting Macedonia as the new hegemonic power in Greece, Flaminius announced at the Isthmian Games of 196 BC that Rome intended to preserve Greek liberty by leaving behind no garrisons or exacting tribute of any kind.[219] This promise was delayed due to the Spartan king Nabis capturing Argos, necessitating Roman intervention and a peace settlement with the Spartans, yet the Romans finally evacuated Greece in the spring of 194 BC.[220]

Encouraged by the Aetolian League and their calls to liberate Greece from the Romans, the Seleucid king Antiochus III landed with his army at Demetrias, Thessaly in 192 BC, and was elected strategos by the Aetolians.[221] However, Philip V of Macedon maintained his alliance with the Romans, along with the Achaean League, Rhodes, Pergamon, and Athens.[222] The Romans defeated the Seleucids in the 191 BC Battle of Thermopylae as well as the Battle of Magnesia in 190 BC, forcing the Seleucids to pay a war indemnity, dismantle most of its navy, and abandon its claims to any territories north or west of the Taurus Mountains in the Treaty of Apamea in 188 BC.[223] In 191–189 BC, Philip V, with Rome's acceptance, was able to capture some cities in central Greece that had been allied to Antiochus III, while Rhodes and Eumenes II (r. 197–159 BC) of Pergamon gained significantly larger territories in Asia Minor.[224]

While becoming increasingly entangled in Greek affairs and failing to please all sides in various disputes, the Roman Senate decided in 184/183 BC to force Philip V to abandon the cities of Aenus and Maronea, since these were declared free cities in the Treaty of Apamea.[225] It also assuaged the fears of Eumenes II that these Macedonian-held settlements would no longer threaten the security of his possessions in the Hellespont.[226] Perseus of Macedon (r. 179–168 BC) succeeded Philip V and executed his brother Demetrius, who had been favored by the Romans yet was charged by Perseus with high treason.[227] Perseus then attempted to form marriage alliances with Prusias II of Bithynia and Seleucus IV Philopator of the Seleucid Empire, along with renewed relations with Rhodes that greatly unsettled Eumenes II.[228] Although Eumenes II attempted to undermine these diplomatic relationships, Perseus fostered an alliance with the Boeotian League, extended his authority into Illyria and Thrace, and in 174 BC, won the role of managing the Temple of Apollo at Delphi in the Amphictyonic Council.[229]

Eumenes II came to Rome in 172 BC and delivered a speech to the Senate denouncing the alleged crimes and transgressions of Perseus.[230] This convinced the Roman Senate to declare the Third Macedonian War (171–168 BC), although Klaus Bringmann asserts that negotiations with Macedonia were completely ignored due to Rome's "political calculation" that the Macedonian kingdom had to be destroyed in order to ensure the elimination of the "supposed source of all the difficulties which Rome was having in the Greek world".[231] Although Perseus' forces were victorious against the Romans at the Battle of Callinicus in 171 BC, the Macedonian army was defeated at the Battle of Pydna in June 168 BC.[232] Perseus fled to Samothrace but surrendered shortly afterwards, was brought to Rome for the triumph of Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus, and placed under house arrest at Alba Fucens where he died in 166 BC.[233]

The Romans formally disestablished the Macedonian monarchy by installing four separate allied republics in its stead, their capitals located at Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia.[234] The Romans imposed severe laws inhibiting many social and economic interactions between the inhabitants of these respective republics, including the banning of marriages between them and the (temporary) prohibition on the use of Macedonia's gold and silver mines.[234] However, a certain Andriscus claiming Antigonid descent rebelled against the Romans and was pronounced king of Macedonia, defeating the army of the Roman praetor Publius Iuventius Thalna during the Fourth Macedonian War (150–148 BC).[235] Despite this, Andriscus was defeated in 148 BC at the second Battle of Pydna by Quintus Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, whose forces occupied the kingdom.[236] This was followed in 146 BC by the Roman destruction of Carthage and victory over the Achaean League at the Battle of Corinth, ushering in the era of Roman Greece and the gradual establishment of the Roman province of Macedonia.[237]

Institutions

Sources and historiography

The earliest known government of ancient Macedonia was that of its monarchy, lasting until 167 BC when it was abolished by the Romans.[238] Written evidence about Macedonian governmental institutions made before Philip II of Macedon's reign is both rare and non-Macedonian in origin.[238] The main sources of early Macedonian historiography are the works of Herodotus, Thucydides, Diodorus Siculus, and Justin.[238] Contemporary accounts given by those such as Demosthenes were often hostile and unreliable; even Aristotle, who lived in Macedonia, provides us with terse accounts of its governing institutions.[238] Polybius was a contemporary historian who wrote about Macedonia, while later historians include Livy, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Plutarch, and Arrian.[239] The works of these historians affirm the hereditary monarchy of Macedonia and basic institutions, yet it remains unclear if there was an established constitution for Macedonian government.[240] The main textual primary sources for the organization of Macedonia's military as it existed under Alexander the Great include Arrian, Curtis, Diodorus, and Plutarch, while modern historians rely mostly on Polybius and Livy for understanding detailed aspects of the Antigonid-period military.[241]

Division of power

Further information: Ancient Greek law
The Vergina Sun, the 16-ray star covering the royal burial larnax of Philip II of Macedon (r. 359–336 BC), discovered in the tomb of Vergina, formerly ancient Aigai.

At the head of Macedonia's government was the king (basileus). From at least the reign of Philip II the king was assisted by the royal pages (basilikoi paides), bodyguards (somatophylakes), companions (hetairoi), friends (philoi), an assembly that included members of the military, and magistrates during the Hellenistic period.[242] Evidence is lacking for the extent to which each of these groups shared authority with the king or if their existence had a basis in a formal constitutional framework.[243] Before the reign of Philip II, the only institution supported by textual evidence is the monarchy.[244] In 1931, Friedrich Granier was the first to propose that by the time of Philip II's reign, Macedonia had a constitutional government with laws that delegated rights and customary privileges to certain groups, especially to its citizen soldiers, although the majority of evidence for the army's alleged right to appoint a new king and judge cases of treason stems from the reign of Alexander III of Macedon.[245] Pietro de Francisci was the first to refute these ideas and advance the theory that the Macedonian government was an autocracy ruled by the whim of the monarch, although this issue of kingship and governance is still unresolved in academia.[246]

Kingship and the royal court

Hades abducting Persephone, fresco in the small Macedonian royal tomb at Vergina, Macedonia, Greece, c. 340 BC
The god Dionysos riding a cheetah, mosaic floor in the "House of Dionysos" at Pella, Greece, c. 330–300 BC

The Macedonian hereditary monarchy existed since at least the time of Archaic Greece, perhaps evolving from a tribal system, and with roots in Mycenaean Greece in view of its seemingly Homeric aristocratic attributes.[247] Thucydides wrote that in previous ages Macedonia was divided into small tribal regions each having their own petty king, the tribes of Lower Macedonia eventually coalescing under one great king who exercised power as an overlord over the lesser kings of Upper Macedonia.[17] The Argead dynasty lasted from the reign of Perdiccas I of Macedon until that of Alexander IV of Macedon, supplanted by the Antigonid dynasty during the Hellenistic period.[17] The direct line of father-to-son succession was broken after the assassination of Orestes of Macedon in 396 BC (allegedly by his regent and successor Aeropus II of Macedon), clouding the issue of whether primogeniture was the established custom or if there was a constitutional right for an assembly of the army or of the people to choose another king.[248] It is also unclear whether certain male offspring were considered more legitimate than others, since Archelaus I of Macedon was the son of Perdiccas II of Macedon and a slave woman, although Archelaus succeeded the throne after murdering his father's designated heir apparent and son from another mother.[249]

Historical sources confirm that the Macedonian kings before Philip II at least upheld the privileges and responsibilities of hosting foreign diplomats, initiating the kingdom's foreign policies, and negotiating deals such as alliances with foreign powers.[250] After the Greek victory at Salamis in 480 BC, the Persian commander Mardonius had Alexander I of Macedon sent to Athens as a chief envoy to orchestrate an alliance between the Achaemenid Empire and Athens. The decision to send Alexander was based on his marriage alliance with a noble Persian house and his previous formal relationship with the city-state of Athens.[250] With their ownership of natural resources including gold, silver, timber, and royal land, the early Macedonian kings were also capable of bribing foreign and domestic parties with impressive gifts.[251]

Little is known about the judicial system of ancient Macedonia except that the king acted as the chief judge of the kingdom.[252] The Macedonian kings were also supreme commanders of the military, with early evidence including not only Alexander I's role in the Greco-Persian Wars but also with the city-state of Potidaea accepting Perdiccas II of Macedon as their commander during their rebellion against the Delian League of Athens in 432 BC.[253] In addition to the esteem won by serving as Macedonia's supreme commander, Philip II was also highly regarded for his acts of piety in serving as the high priest of the nation. He performed daily ritual sacrifices and led religious festivals.[254] Alexander imitated various aspects of his father's reign, such as granting land and gifts to loyal aristocratic followers.[254] However, he lost some core support among them for adopting some of the trappings of an Eastern, Persian monarch, a "lord and master" as Carol J. King suggests, instead of a "comrade-in-arms" as was the traditional relationship of Macedonian kings with their companions.[255] Yet it was his father Philip II who had already shown signs of being influenced by the Persian Empire when he adopted similar institutions, such as having a royal secretary, royal archive, royal pages, and a throne, although there is some scholarly debate as to the level of Persian influence in Philip's court.[256]

Royal pages

Framentary votive relief depicting a youth ladling wine from a krater and a round table with vases, from the agora of Pella, end of 4th century BC, Archaeological Museum of Pella

The royal pages were adolescent boys and young men conscripted from aristocratic households and serving the kings of Macedonia perhaps from the reign of Philip II onward, although more solid evidence for their presence in the royal court dates to the reign of Alexander the Great.[257] Royal pages played no direct role in high politics and were conscripted as a means to introduce them to political life.[258] After a period of training and service, pages were expected to become members of the king's companions and personal retinue.[259] During their training, pages were expected to guard the king as he slept, supply him with horses, aid him in mounting his horse, accompany him on royal hunts, and serve him during symposia (i.e. formal drinking parties).[260] While conscripted pages would have looked forward to a lifelong career at court or even a prestigious post as a governor, they can also be regarded as hostages held by the royal court in order to ensure the loyalty and obedience of their aristocratic fathers.[261] The abusive punishment of pages, such as flogging, carried out by the king at times, led to intrigue and conspiracy against the Crown, as did the frequent homosexual relations between the pages and the elite, sometimes with the king.[262] Although there is little evidence for royal pages throughout the Antigonid period, it is known that a group of them fled with Perseus of Macedon to Samothrace following his defeat by the Romans in 168 BC.[263]

Bodyguards

Royal bodyguards served as the closest members to the king at court and on the battlefield.[258] They were split into two categories: the agema of the hypaspistai, a type of ancient special forces usually numbering in the hundreds, and a smaller group of men handpicked by the king either for their individual merits or to honor the noble families to which they belonged.[258] Therefore, the bodyguards, limited in number and forming the king's inner circle, were not always responsible for protecting the king's life on and off the battlefield; their title and office was more a mark of distinction, perhaps used to quell rivalries between aristocratic houses.[258]

Companions, friends, councils, and assemblies

An atrium with a pebble-mosaic paving, in Pella, Greece

The companions, including the elite companion cavalry and pezhetairoi infantry, represented a substantially larger group than the king's bodyguards.[264] The ranks of the companions were greatly increased during the reign of Philip II when he expanded this institution to include Upper Macedonian aristocrats as well as Greeks.[265] The most trusted or highest ranking companions formed a council that served as an advisory body to the king.[266] A small amount of evidence also suggests that an assembly of the army during times of war and a people's assembly during times of peace existed in ancient Macedonia.[267] The first recorded instance dates to 359 BC, when Philip II called together a number of assemblies to address them with speech and raise their morale following the death of Perdiccas III of Macedon in battle against the Illyrians.[267]

Members of the council had the right to speak their minds freely, and although there is no evidence that they voted on affairs of state or that the king was even obligated to implement their ideas, it is clear that he was at least occasionally pressured to do so.[268] The assembly was apparently given the right to judge cases of high treason and assign punishments for them, such as when Alexander III acted as prosecutor in the trial and ultimate conviction of three alleged conspirators in the plot to assassinate Philip II (while many others were acquitted).[269] However, there is perhaps insufficient evidence to allow a conclusion that councils and assemblies were regularly upheld, constitutionally grounded, or that their decisions were always heeded by the king.[270] At the death of Alexander the Great, the companions immediately formed a council to assume control of his empire; however, it was soon destabilized by open rivalry and conflict between its members.[271] The army also used mutiny as a tool to achieve political ends. For instance, when Perdiccas had Philip II's daughter Cynane murdered to prevent her own daughter Eurydice II of Macedon from marrying Philip III of Macedon, the army revolted and ensured that the marriage took place.[272]

Magistrates, the commonwealth, local government, and allied states

A fragmentary inscription bearing the names of six city archons (politarchs), 2nd century BC, Archaeological Museum of Pella

There is epigraphic evidence from the Hellenistic period and Antigonid dynasty that that the Macedonian kingdom relied on various regional officials to conduct affairs of state.[273] This includes a number of high-ranking municipal officials, including the military-rooted strategos and politarch, i.e. the elected governor (archon) of a large city (polis), but also the politico-religious office of the epistates.[273] Although these were highly influential members of local and regional government, Carol J. King asserts that they were not collectively powerful enough to formally challenge the authority of the Macedonian king or his right to rule.[273] Malcolm Errington affirms that no evidence exists about the personal backgrounds of these officials, although they may have been picked from the available aristocratic pools of philoi and hetairoi that were used to fill vacancies of officers in the army.[252]

Left: a silver tetradrachm issued by the city of Amphipolis in 364–363 BC (before its conquest by Philip II of Macedon in 357 BC), showing the head of Apollo on the obverse and racing torch on the reverse
Right: a golden stater depicting Philip II, minted at Amphipolis in 340 BC (or later during Alexander's reign), shortly after its conquest by Philip II and incorporation into the Macedonian commonwealth

In ancient Athens, the Athenian democracy was restored on three separate occasions following the initial conquest of the city by Antipater in 322 BC.[274] However, when it fell repeatedly under Macedonian rule it was governed by a Macedonian-imposed oligarchy composed of the wealthiest members of the city-state, their membership determined by the value of their property.[275] Yet other city-states were handled quite differently and were allowed a greater degree of autonomy.[276] After Philip II conquered Amphipolis in 357 BC, the city was allowed to retain its democracy, including its constitution, popular assembly, city council (boule), and yearly elections for new officials, but a Macedonian garrison was housed within the city walls along with a Macedonian royal commissioner (epistates) to monitor the city's political affairs.[277] However, Philippi, the city founded by Philip II, was the only other city in the Macedonian commonwealth that had a democratic government with popular assemblies, since the assembly (ecclesia) of Thessaloniki seems to have had only a passive function in practice.[278] Some cities also maintained their own municipal revenues, although evidence is lacking as to whether this was derived from local taxation or grants from the royal court.[276] The Macedonian king and central government otherwise sustained strict control over the finances administered by other cities, especially in regards to the revenues generated by temples and cultic priesthoods.[279]

Within the Macedonian commonwealth, or the Koinon of Macedonians, there is some epigraphic evidence from the 3rd century BC that foreign relations were handled by the central government. Although Macedonian cities nominally participated in panhellenic events on their own accord, in reality the granting of asylia (inviolability, diplomatic immunity, and the right of asylum at sanctuaries) to certain cities (e.g. Kyzikos in Anatolia) was handled directly by the king or a preexisting regulation.[280] Likewise, the city-states within contemporary Greek koina (i.e., federations of city-states, the sympoliteia) obeyed the federal decrees voted on collectively by the members of their league.[281] In city-states belonging to a league or commonwealth, the granting of proxenia (i.e., the hosting of foreign ambassadors) was usually a right shared by local and central authorities.[282] While there is plenty of surviving evidence that the granting of proxenia was the sole prerogative of central authorities in the neighboring Epirote League, a small amount of evidence suggests the same arrangement in the Macedonian commonwealth.[283] However, city-states that were allied with the Kingdom of Macedonia and existed outside of Macedonia proper issued their own decrees regarding proxenia.[284] Foreign leagues also formed alliances with the Macedonian kings, such as when the Cretan League signed treaties with Demetrius II Aetolicus and Antigonus III Doson ensuring enlistment of Cretan mercenaries into the Macedonian army, and elected Philip V of Macedon as honorary protector (prostates) of the league.[285]

Military

Further information: Hellenistic armies and Macedonian phalanx
An ancient Macedonian bronze shield excavated from the archaeological site at Bonče in the Republic of Macedonia, dated 4th century BC

Early Macedonian army

The basic structure of the army was the division of the companion cavalry (hetairoi) with the foot companions (pezhetairoi), augmented by various allied troops, foreign levied soldiers, and mercenaries.[286] The foot companions existed perhaps since the reign of Alexander I of Macedon, while Macedonian troops are accounted for in the history of Herodotus as subjects of the Persian Empire fighting the Greeks at the Battle of Plataea in 479 BC.[287] Macedonian cavalry, wearing muscled cuirasses, became renowned in Greece during and after their involvement in the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC), at times siding with either Athens or Sparta and supplemented by local Greek infantry instead of relying on Macedonian infantry.[288] Macedonian infantry in this period consisted of poorly trained shepherds and farmers, while the cavalry was composed of noblemen eager to win glory.[289] An early 4th-century BC stone-carved relief from Pella shows a Macedonian infantryman wearing a pilos helmet and wielding a short sword showing a pronounced Spartan influence on the Macedonian army before Philip II.[290] Nicholas Viktor Sekunda states that at the beginning of Philip II's reign in 359 BC, the Macedonian army consisted of 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry, the latter figure similar to that recorded for the 5th century BC.[291] However, Malcolm Errington cautions that any figures for Macedonian troop sizes provided by ancient authors should be treated with a degree of skepticism, since there are very few means by which modern historians are capable of confirming their veracity (and could have been possibly lower or even higher than the amount stated).[292]

Philip II and Alexander the Great

An ancient fresco of Macedonian soldiers from the tomb of Agios Athanasios, Thessaloniki, Greece, 4th century BC

Imitating the Greek example of martial exercises and issuing of standard equipment for citizen soldiery, Philip II transformed the Macedonian army from a levied force of unprofessional farmers into a well-trained fighting force.[293] Philip II's infantry wielded peltai shields that already disembarked from the hoplon style shield featured in sculpted artwork of a Katerini tomb dated perhaps to the reign of Amyntas III of Macedon.[290] His early infantry were also equipped with protective helmets and greaves, as well as sarissa pikes, yet according to Sekunda they were eventually equipped with heavier armor such as cuirasses, since the Third Philippic of Demosthenes in 341 BC described them as hoplites instead of lighter peltasts.[294] As evidenced by the Alexander Sarcophagus, troops serving Alexander the Great were also armored in the hoplite fashion.[295] However, Errington argues that breastplates were not worn by the phalanx pikemen of either Philip II or Philip V's reign periods (during which sufficient evidence exists).[296] Instead, he claims that breastplates were only worn by military officers, while pikemen wore the kotthybos stomach bands along with their helmets and greaves, wielding a dagger as a secondary weapon along with their shields.[296]

The elite hypaspistai infantry, composed of handpicked men from the ranks of the pezhetairoi and perhaps synonymous with earlier doryphoroi, were formed during the reign of Philip II and saw continued use during the reign of Alexander the Great.[297] Philip II was also responsible for the establishment of the royal bodyguards (somatophylakes) and royal pages (basilikoi paides).[298] Philip II was also able to field archers, including mercenary Cretan archers and perhaps some native Macedonians.[299] It is unclear if the Thracians, Paionians, and Illyrians fighting as javelin throwers, slingers, and archers serving in Macedonian armies from the reign of Philip II onward were conscripted as allies via a treaty or were simply hired mercenaries.[300] Philip II hired engineers such as Polyidus of Thessaly and Diades of Pella, who were capable of building state of the art siege engines and artillery firing large bolts.[301] Following the acquisition of the lucrative mines at Krinides (renamed Philippi), the royal treasury could afford to field a permanent, professional standing army.[302] The increase in state revenues allowed the Macedonians to build a small navy for the first time, which included triremes.[303] Although it did not succeed in every battle, the army of Philip II was able to successfully adopt the military tactics of its enemies, such as the embolon (i.e. 'flying wedge') formation of the Scythians.[301] This offered cavalry far greater maneuverability and an edge in battle that previously did not exist in the Classical Greek world.[301]

Fresco of an ancient Macedonian soldier (thorakites) wearing chainmail armor and bearing a thureos shield, 3rd century BC, İstanbul Archaeology Museums

During the reign of Alexander the Great, the only Macedonian cavalry units attested in battle were the companion cavalry.[298] However, during his campaign in Asia against the Persian Empire he formed a hipparchia (i.e. unit of a few hundred horsemen) of companion cavalry composed entirely of ethnic Persians.[304] When marching his forces into Asia, Alexander brought 1,800 cavalrymen from Macedonia, 1,800 cavalrymen from Thessaly, 600 cavalrymen from the rest of Greece, and 900 prodromoi cavalry from Thrace.[305] Antipater was able to quickly levy 600 native Macedonian cavalry to fight in the Lamian War when it began in 323 BC.[305] For his infantry, the most elite members of his hypaspistai were designated as the agema, yet a new term for hypaspistai emerged after the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC: the argyraspides ('silver shields').[306] The latter continued to serve after the reign of Alexander the Great and may have been of Asian origin.[307] Overall, his pike-wielding infantry numbered some 12,000 men, 3,000 of which were elite hypaspistai and 9,000 of which were pezhetairoi.[308] Alexander continued the use of Cretan archers, yet around this time a clear reference to the use of native Macedonian archers was made.[309] After the Battle of Gaugamela, archers of West Asian backgrounds became commonplace and were organized into chiliarchs.[309]

Antigonid period military

The Macedonian army continued to evolve under the Antigonid dynasty. It is uncertain how many men were appointed as somatophylakes, which numbered eight men at the end of Alexander the Great's reign, while the hypaspistai seem to have morphed into assistants of the somatophylakes rather than a separate unit in their own right.[310] At the Battle of Cynoscephalae in 197 BC, the Macedonians commanded some 16,000 phalanx pikemen.[311] Alexander the Great's 'royal squadron' of companion cavalry were similarly numbered to the 800 cavalrymen of the 'sacred squadron' (Latin: sacra ala; Greek: hiera ile) commanded by Philip V of Macedon during the Social War of 219 BC.[312] Due to the Roman historian Livy's accounts of the battles of Callinicus in 171 BC and Pydna in 168 BC, it is known that the Macedonian cavalry were also divided into groups with similarly named officers as had existed in Alexander's day.[312] The regular Macedonian cavalry numbered 3,000 at Callinicus, which was separate from the 'sacred squadron' and 'royal cavalry'.[312] Thanks to contemporary inscriptions from Amphipolis and Greia dated 218 and 181 respectively, historians have been able to partially piece together the organization of the Antigonid army under Philip V, such as its command by tetrarchai officers assisted by grammateis (i.e. secretaries or clerks).[313]

A Roman naval bireme depicted in a relief from the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste (Palastrina),[314] which was built c. 120 BC;[315] Museo Pio-Clementino, Vatican Museums.

The most elite, veteran Antigonid-period Macedonian infantry from at least the time of Antigonus III Doson were the peltasts, lighter and more maneuverable soldiers wielding peltai javelins, swords, and a smaller bronze shield than Macedonian phalanx pikemen, although they sometimes served in that capacity.[316] Among the peltasts, roughly 2,000 men were selected to serve in the elite agema vanguard, with other peltasts numbering roughly 3,000.[317] The amount of peltasts varied over time, perhaps never more than 5,000 men (the largest figure mentioned by ancient historians, an amount that existed in the Social War of 219 BC).[318] They fought alongside the phalanx pikemen, divided now into chalkaspides 'bronze shield' and leukaspides 'white shield' regiments, up until the very end of the kingdom in 168 BC.[319]

Following the initiative of Philip II, Macedonian kings continued to expand and equip the navy.[320] Cassander maintained a small fleet at Pydna, Demetrius I of Macedon had one at Pella, and Antigonus II Gonatas, while serving as a general for Demetrius in Greece, used the navy to secure the Macedonian holdings in Demetrias, Chalkis, Piraeus, and Corinth.[321] The navy was considerably expanded during the Chremonidean War (267–261 BC), allowing the Macedonian navy to defeat the Ptolemaic Egyptian navy at the 255 BC Battle of Cos and 245 BC Battle of Andros, and enabling Macedonian influence to spread over the Cyclades.[321] Antigonus III Doson used the Macedonian navy to invade Caria, while Philip V allegedly sent two-hundred ships, some of them captured from the Ptolemies, to fight in the (unsuccessful) Battle of Chios in 201 BC.[321] The Macedonian navy was reduced to a mere six vessels as agreed in the 197 BC peace treaty that concluded the Second Macedonian War with the Roman Republic, although Perseus of Macedon quickly assembled some lemboi at the outbreak of the Third Macedonian War in 171 BC.[321]

Culture and society

Language and dialects

Further information: History of Greek and Ancient Greek dialects
Left: A Macedonian funerary stele, with an epigram in Greek, mid 4th century BC, Vergina
Right: Marble cult statue of Aphrodite Hypolympidia, dated 2nd century BC, from the sanctuary of Isis at Dion, Pieria, Central Macedonia, Greece, now in the Archaeological Museum of Dion

Following its adoption as the court language of Philip II of Macedon's regime, authors of ancient Macedonia wrote their works in Koine Greek, the lingua franca of late Classical and Hellenistic Greece.[322] However, rare epigraphic evidence indicates that the native Macedonian language was either a dialect of Greek similar to Thessalian Greek and Northwestern Greek,[323] or a language closely related to Greek.[324] The vast majority of surviving inscriptions from ancient Macedonia were written in Attic Greek and its successor Koine.[325] Attic (and later Koine) Greek was the preferred language of the Ancient Macedonian army, although it is known that Alexander the Great once shouted an emergency order in Macedonian to his royal guards during the drinking party where he killed Cleitus the Black.[326] Macedonian became extinct in either the Hellenistic or the Roman period, and entirely replaced by Koine Greek.[327]

Religious beliefs and funerary practices

A mosaic of the Kasta Tomb in Amphipolis depicting the abduction of Persephone by Pluto, 4th century BC
The Lion of Amphipolis in Amphipolis, northern Greece, a 4th-century BC marble tomb sculpture[328] erected in honor of Laomedon of Mytilene, a general who served under Alexander the Great

Anson maintains that by the 5th century BC, the Macedonians and the rest of the Greeks worshiped more or less the same deities of the Greek pantheon.[329] In Macedonia, politics and religion often intertwined. For instance, the head of state for the city of Amphipolis also serving as the priest of Asklepios, Greek god of medicine; a similar arrangement existed at Cassandreia, where a cult priest honoring the city's founder Cassander was the nominal municipal leader.[330] Foreign cults from Egypt were fostered by the royal court, such as the temple of Sarapis at Thessaloniki, while Macedonian kings Philip III of Macedon and Alexander IV of Macedon made votive offerings to the internationally esteemed Samothrace temple complex of the Cabeiri mystery cult.[331] This was also the same location where Perseus of Macedon fled and received sanctuary following his defeat by the Romans at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC.[332] The main sanctuary of Zeus was maintained at Dion, while another at Veria was dedicated to Herakles and received particularly strong patronage from Demetrius II Aetolicus (r. 239–229 BC) when he intervened in the affairs of the municipal government at the behest of the cult's main priest.[331]

In the three royal tombs at Vergina, professional painters decorated the walls with a mythological scene of Hades abducting Persephone (Tomb 1) and royal hunting scenes (Tomb 2), while lavish grave goods including weapons, armor, drinking vessels and personal items were housed with the dead, whose bones were burned before burial in decorated gold coffins.[333] Some grave goods and decorations were common in other Macedonian tombs, yet some items found at Vergina were distinctly tied to royalty, including a diadem, luxurious goods, and arms and armor.[334] Scholars have debated about the identity of the tomb occupants since the discovery of their remains in 1977–1978,[335] yet recent research and forensic examination have concluded with certainty that at least one of the persons buried was Philip II (Tomb 2).[336] Located near Tomb 1 are the above-ground ruins of a heroon, a shrine for cult worship of the dead.[337] In 2014, the ancient Macedonian Kasta Tomb, the largest ancient tomb found in Greece (as of 2017), was discovered outside of Amphipolis, a city that was incorporated into the Macedonian realm after its capture by Philip II in 357 BC.[338]

The deification of Macedonian monarchs perhaps began with the death of Philip II, yet it was his son Alexander the Great who unambiguously claimed to be a living god.[339] As pharaoh of the Egyptians, he was already entitled as Son of Ra and considered the living incarnation of Horus by his Egyptian subjects (a belief that the Ptolemaic successors of Alexander would foster for their own dynasty in Egypt).[340] However, following his visit to the oracle of Didyma in 334 BC that suggested his divinity, he traveled to the Oracle of Zeus Ammon (the Greek equivalent of the Egyptian Amun-Ra) at the Siwa Oasis of the Libyan Desert in 332 BC to confirm his divine status.[341] After the priest there convinced him that Philip II was merely his mortal father and Zeus his actual father, Alexander began styling himself as the 'Son of Zeus', which brought him into contention with some of his Greek subjects who adamantly believed that living men could not be immortals.[342] Although the Seleucid and Ptolemaic diadochi successor states cultivated their own ancestral cults and deification of the rulers as part of state ideology, a similar cult did not exist in the Kingdom of Macedonia.[343]

Economics and social class

Young Macedonian men were typically expected to engage in hunting and martial combat as a byproduct of their transhumance lifestyles of herding livestock such as goats and sheep, while horse breeding and raising cattle were other common pursuits.[344] Some Macedonians engaged in farming, often with irrigation, land reclamation, and horticulture activities supported by the Macedonian state.[345] However, the bedrock of the Macedonian economy and state finances was the twofold exploitation of the forests with logging and valuable minerals such as copper, iron, gold, and silver with mining.[346] The conversion of these raw materials into finished products and their sale encouraged the growth of urban centers and a gradual shift away from the traditional rustic Macedonian lifestyle during the course of the 5th century BC.[347]

The Macedonian king was an autocratic figure at the head of both government and society, with arguably unlimited authority to handle affairs of state and public policy, but also the leader of a very personal regime with close relationships or connections to his hetairoi, the core of the Macedonian aristocracy.[348] These aristocrats were second only to the king in terms of power and privilege, filling the ranks of his administration and serving as commanding officers in the military.[349] It was in the more bureaucratic regimes of the Hellenistic kingdoms succeeding Alexander the Great's empire where greater social mobility for members of society seeking to join the aristocracy could be found, especially in Ptolemaic Egypt.[350] Although governed by a king and martial aristocracy, Macedonia seems to have lacked the widespread use of slaves seen in contemporaneous Greek states.[351]

Visual arts

Main article: Ancient Greek art
Left: a fresco of a Macedonian soldier resting a spear and wearing a cap, from the tomb of Agios Athanasios, Thessaloniki, 4th century BC.
Right:Fresco from the Tomb of Judgment in ancient Mieza (modern-day Lefkadia), Imathia, Central Macedonia, Greece, depicting religious imagery of the afterlife, 4th century BC

By the reign of Archelaus I of Macedon, the Macedonian elite started importing significantly greater customs, artwork, and art traditions from other regions of Greece. However, they still retained more archaic, perhaps Homeric funerary rites connected with the symposium and drinking rites that were typified with items such as decorative metal kraters that held the ashes of deceased Macedonian nobility in their tombs.[352] Among these is the large bronze Derveni Krater from a 4th-century BC tomb of Thessaloniki, decorated with scenes of the Greek god Dionysus and his entourage and belonging to an aristocrat who had a military career.[353] Macedonian metalwork usually followed Athenian styles of vase shapes from the 6th century BC onward, with drinking vessels, jewellery, containers, crowns, diadems, and coins among the many metal objects found in Macedonian tombs.[354]

Surviving Macedonian painted artwork includes frescoes and murals on walls, but also decoration on sculpted artwork such as statues and reliefs. For instance, trace colors still exist on the bas-reliefs of the Alexander Sarcophagus.[355] Macedonian paintings have allowed historians to investigate the clothing fashions as well as military gear worn by ancient Macedonians, such as the brightly-colored tomb paintings of Agios Athanasios, Thessaloniki showing figures wearing headgear ranging from feathered helmets to kausia and petasos caps.[356]

Alexander (left), wearing a kausia and fighting an Asiatic lion with his friend Craterus (detail); late 4th century BC mosaic,[357] Pella Museum.

Aside from metalwork and painting, mosaics serve as another significant form of surviving Macedonian artwork, especially those discovered at Pella dating to the 4th century BC.[354] The Stag Hunt Mosaic of Pella, with its three dimensional qualities and illusionist style, show clear influence from painted artwork and wider Hellenistic art trends, although the rustic theme of hunting was tailored for Macedonian tastes.[358] The similar Lion Hunt Mosaic of Pella illustrates either a scene of Alexander the Great with his companion Craterus, or simply a conventional illustration of the generic royal diversion of hunting.[358] Mosaics with mythological themes include scenes of Dionysus riding a panther and Helen of Troy being abducted by Theseus, the latter of which employs illusionist qualities and realistic shading similar to Macedonian paintings.[358] Common themes of Macedonian paintings and mosaics include warfare, hunting and aggressive masculine sexuality (i.e. abduction of women for rape or marriage). In some instances these themes are combined within the same work, indicating a metaphorical connection that seems to be affirmed by later Byzantine Greek literature.[359]

Theatre, music and performing arts

Philip II was assassinated in 336 BC at the theatre of Aigai, Macedonia amid games and spectacles held inside that celebrated the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra of Macedon.[360] Alexander the Great was allegedly a great admirer of both theatre and music.[361] He was especially fond of the plays by Classical Athenian tragedians Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, whose works formed part of a proper Greek education for his new eastern subjects alongside studies in the Greek language and epics of Homer.[362] While he and his army were stationed at Tyre (in modern-day Lebanon), Alexander had his generals act as judges not only for athletic contests but also stage performances of Greek tragedies.[363] The contemporaneous famous actors Thessalus and Athenodorus performed at the event, despite Athenodorus risking a fine for being absent from the simultaneous Dionysia festival of Athens where he was scheduled to perform (a fine that his patron Alexander agreed to pay).[364]

Music was also appreciated in Macedonia. In addition to the agora, the gymnasium, the theatre, and religious sanctuaries and temples dedicated to Greek gods and goddesses, one of the main markers of a true Greek city in the empire of Alexander the Great was the presence of an odeon for musical performances.[365] This was the case not only for Alexandria in Egypt, but also cities as distant as Ai-Khanoum in what is now modern-day Afghanistan.[365]

Literature, education, philosophy, and patronage

Portrait bust of Aristotle; an Imperial Roman (1st or 2nd century AD) copy of a lost bronze sculpture made by Lysippos.

Perdiccas II of Macedon was able to host well-known Classical Greek intellectual visitors at his royal court, such as the lyric poet Melanippides and the renowned medical doctor Hippocrates, while Pindar's enkomion written for Alexander I of Macedon may have been composed at his court.[366] Yet Archelaus I of Macedon received a far greater number of Greek scholars, artists, and celebrities at his court than his predecessors, leading M. B. Hatzopoulos to describe Macedonia under his reign as an "active centre of Hellenic culture."[367] His honored guests included the painter Zeuxis, the architect Callimachus, the poets Choerilus of Samos, Timotheus of Miletus, and Agathon, as well as the famous Athenian playwright Euripides.[368] Although Archelaus was criticized by the philosopher Plato, supposedly hated by Socrates, and the first known Macedonian king to be insulted with the label of a barbarian, the historian Thucydides held the Macedonian king in glowing admiration for his accomplishments, including his engagement in panhellenic sports and fostering of literary culture.[369] The philosopher Aristotle, who studied at the Platonic Academy of Athens and established the Aristotelian school of thought, moved to Macedonia, and is said to have tutored the young Alexander the Great, in addition to serving as an esteemed diplomat for Alexander's father Philip II.[370] Among Alexander's retinue of artists, writers, and philosophers was Pyrrho of Elis, founder of Pyrrhonism, the school of philosophical skepticism.[362] During the Antigonid period, Antigonos Gonatas fostered cordial relationships with Menedemos of Eretria, founder of the Eretrian school of philosophy, and Zenon, the founder of Stoicism.[361]

In terms of early Greek historiography and later Roman historiography, Felix Jacoby identified thirteen possible ancient historians who wrote histories about Macedonia in his Fragmente der griechischen Historiker.[371] Aside from accounts in the works of Herodotus and Thucydides, the works compiled by Jacoby are only fragmentary, whereas other works are completely lost, such as the history of an Illyrian war fought by Perdiccas III of Macedon written by the Macedonian general and statesman Antipater.[372] The Macedonian historians Marsyas of Pella and Marsyas of Philippi wrote histories of Macedonia, while the Ptolemaic king Ptolemy I Soter authored a history about Alexander and Hieronymus of Cardia wrote a history about Alexander's royal successors.[373] Following the Indian campaign of Alexander the Great, the Macedonian military officer Nearchus wrote a work of his voyage from the mouth of the Indus river to the Persian Gulf.[374] The Macedonian historian Craterus published a compilation of decrees made by the popular assembly of the Athenian democracy, ostensibly while attending the school of Aristotle.[374] Philip V of Macedon had manuscripts of the history of Philip II written by Theopompus gathered by his court scholars and disseminated with further copies.[361]

Sports and leisure

A fresco showing Hades and Persephone riding in a chariot, from the tomb of Queen Eurydice I of Macedon at Vergina, Greece, 4th century BC

When Alexander I of Macedon petitioned to compete in the foot race of the ancient Olympic Games, the event organizers at first denied his request, explaining that only Greeks were allowed to compete. However, Alexander I produced proof of an Argead royal genealogy showing ancient Argive Temenid lineage, a move that ultimately convinced the Olympic Hellanodikai authorities of his Greek descent and ability to compete, although this did not necessarily apply to common Macedonians outside of his royal dynasty.[375] By the end of the 5th century BC, the Macedonian king Archelaus I was crowned with the olive wreath at both Olympia and Delphi (in the Pythian Games) for winning chariot racing contests.[369] Philip II allegedly heard of the Olympic victory of his horse (in either an individual horse race or chariot race) on the same day his son Alexander the Great was born, on either 19 or 20 July 356 BC.[376] In addition to literary contests, Alexander the Great also staged competitions for music and athletics across his empire.[362]

Dining and cuisine

A banquet scene from a Macedonian tomb of Agios Athanasios, Thessaloniki, 4th century BC; six men are shown reclining on couches, with food arranged on nearby tables, a male servant in attendance, and female musicians providing entertainment.[377]

Ancient Macedonia produced very few fine foods or beverages that were highly appreciated elsewhere in the Greek world, namely eels from the Strymonian Gulf and special wine brewed in Chalcidice.[378] The earliest known use of flat bread as a plate for meat was made in Macedonia during the 3rd century BC, which perhaps influenced the later 'trencher' bread of medieval Europe if not Greek pita and Italian pizza.[378] Cattle and goats were consumed, although there was no notice of Macedonian mountain cheeses in literature until the Middle Ages.[378] As exemplified by works such as the plays by the comedic playwright Menander, Macedonian dining habits penetrated Athenian high society; for instance, the introduction of meats into the dessert course of a meal.[379] The Macedonians also most likely introduced mattye to Athenian cuisine, a dish usually made of chicken or other spiced, salted, and sauced meats served during the wine course.[380] This particular dish was derided and connected with licentiousness and drunkenness in a play by the Athenian comic poet Alexis about the declining morals of Athenians in the age of Demetrius I of Macedon.[381]

The symposium in the Macedonian and wider Greek realm was a banquet for the nobility and privileged class, an occasion for feasting, drinking, entertainment, and sometimes philosophical discussion.[382] The hetairoi, leading members of the Macedonian aristocracy, were expected to attend such feasts with their king.[349] They were also expected to accompany him on royal hunts for the acquisition of game meat as well as for sport.[349]

Ethnic identity

Macedonian terracotta statue, 3rd century BC; the Persians referred to the Macedonians as "Yaunã Takabara" ("Greeks with hats that look like shields").[383]

There is both some disagreement among ancient authors and modern scholars about the ethnic identity of the ancient Macedonians. Ernst Badian notes that nearly all surviving references to antagonisms and differences between Greeks and Macedonians exist in the written speeches of Arrian, who lived during a period (i.e. the Roman Empire) in which any notion of an ethnic disparity between Macedonians and other Greeks was incomprehensible.[384] Hatzopoulos points out that passages in Arrian's text also reveal that the terms "Greeks" and "Macedonians" were at times synonymous. For instance, when Alexander the Great held a feast accompanied by Macedonians and Persians, with religious rituals performed by Persian magi and "Greek seers", the latter of whom were Macedonians.[385] The 5th-century BC historians Herodotus and Thucydides considered the Macedonians and various Greeks as belonging to the same ethnic group.[386] Hatzopoulos argues that there was no real ethnic difference between Macedonians and Greeks, only a political distinction contrived after the creation of the League of Corinth in 337 BC (which was led by Macedonia through the league's elected hegemon Philip II, despite him not being a member of the league itself).[387] Hatzopoulos stresses the fact that Macedonians and other peoples such as the Epirotes and Cypriots, despite speaking a Greek dialect, worshiping in Greek cults, engaging in panhellenic games, and upholding traditional Greek institutions, nevertheless occasionally had their territories excluded from contemporary geographic definitions of "Hellas" and were even considered non-Greek barbarians by some.[388] Other academics who concur that the difference between the Macedonians and Greeks was a political rather than a true ethnic discrepancy include Michael B. Sakellariou,[389] Malcolm Errington,[390] and Craige B. Champion.[391]

Anson argues that some Hellenic authors expressed complex if not ever-changing and ambiguous ideas about the exact ethnic identity of the Macedonians, who were considered by some such as Aristotle in his Politics as barbarians and others as semi-Greek or fully Greek.[392] This was manifested in the different mythological genealogies concocted for the Macedonian people, with Hesiod's Catalogue of Women claiming that the Macedonians descended from Macedon, son of Zeus and Thyia, and was therefore a nephew of Hellen, progenitor of the Greeks.[393] Yet by the end of the 5th century BC, Hellanicus of Lesbos asserted Macedon was the son of Aeolus, the latter a son of Hellen and ancestor of the Aeolians, one of the major tribes of the Greeks.[393] In addition to belonging to tribal groups such as the Aeolians, Dorians, Achaeans, and Ionians, Anson also stresses the fact that some Greeks even distinguished their ethnic identities based on the polis (i.e. city-state) they originally came from.[394] Roger D. Woodard asserts that in addition to persisting uncertainty in modern times about the proper classification of the Macedonian language and its relation to Greek, ancient authors also presented conflicting ideas, such as Demosthenes when labeling Philip II of Macedon as a non-Greek barbarian whereas Polybius called Greeks and Macedonians as homophylos (i.e. part of the same race or kin).[395] In discussing the ethnic origins of the companions of the Antigonid kings, James L. O'Neil distinguishes Macedonians and Greeks as separate ethnic groups, the latter becoming more prominent in Macedonian affairs and the royal court after Alexander the Great's reign.[396]

Those who considered Macedonia as a political enemy, such as Hypereides and Chremonides, likened the Lamian War and Chremonidean War, respectively, to the earlier Greco-Persian Wars and efforts to liberate Greeks from tyranny.[397] Yet even those who considered Macedonia an ally, such as Isocrates, were keen to stress the differences between their kingdom and the Greek city states, to assuage fears about the extension of Macedonian-style monarchism into the governance of their poleis.[398] Any preconceived ethnic differences between Greeks and Macedonians faded soon after the Roman conquest of Macedonia by 148 BC and then the rest of Greece with the defeat of the Achaean League by the Roman Republic at the Battle of Corinth (146 BC).[399]

Technology and engineering

Architecture

Further information: Architecture of ancient Greece
The facade of the Macedonian Tomb of the Palmettes in Mieza, Macedonia, Greece, 3rd century BC; decorated by colored Doric and Ionic moldings, the pediment is also painted with a scene of a man and woman reclining together.[400]
Left: Fragments of ancient Macedonian painted roof tiles (raking, simas, pan-tiles), Archaeological Museum of Pella, Greece
Right: A pilaster Ionic capital from the palace at Pella, Archaeological Museum of Pella

Macedonian architecture, although utilizing a mixture of different forms and styles from the rest of Greece, did not represent a unique or diverging style from other ancient Greek architecture.[358] Among the classical orders, Macedonian architects favored the Ionic order, especially in the peristyle courtyards of private homes.[401] There are several surviving examples, albeit in ruins, of Macedonian palatial architecture, including a palace at the site of the capital Pella, the summer residence of Vergina near the old capital Aigeiai, and the royal residence at Demetrias near modern Volos.[401] At Vergina, the ruins of three large banquet halls with marble-tiled floors (covered in the debris of roof tiles) with floor plan dimensions measuring roughly 16.7 x 17.6 m (54.8 x 57.7 ft) demonstrate perhaps the earliest examples of monumental triangular roof trusses, if dated before the reign of Antigonus II Gonatas or even the onset of the Hellenistic period.[402] Later Macedonian architecture also featured arches and vaults.[403] The palaces of both Vergina and Demetrias had walls made of sundried bricks, while the latter palace had four corner towers around a central courtyard in the manner of a fortified residence fit for the king or at least a military governor.[401]

Macedonian rulers also sponsored works of architecture outside of Macedonia proper. For instance, following his victory at the Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC), Philip II raised a round memorial building at Olympia known as the Philippeion, decorated inside with statues depicting him, his parents Amyntas III of Macedon and Eurydice I of Macedon, his wife Olympias, and his son Alexander the Great.[404]

The ruins of roughly twenty Greek theatres survive in the present-day regions of Macedonia and Thrace in Greece: sixteen open-air theatres, three odea, and a possible theatre in Veria undergoing excavation.[405]

Military technology and engineering

By the Hellenistic period, it became common for Greek states to finance the development and proliferation of ever more powerful torsion siege engines, naval ships, and standardized designs for arms and armor.[406] Under Philip II and Alexander the Great, improvements were made to siege artillery such as bolt-shooting ballistae and siege engines such as huge rolling siege towers.[407] E. W. Marsden and M. Y. Treister contend that the Macedonian rulers Antigonus I Monophthalmus and his successor Demetrius I of Macedon had the most powerful siege artillery of the Hellenistic world at the end of the 4th century BC.[408] The siege of Salamis, Cyprus in 306 BC necessitated the building of large siege engines and drafting of craftsmen from parts of West Asia.[409] The siege tower commissioned by Demetrius I for the Macedonian Siege of Rhodes (305–304 BC) and manned by over three thousand soldiers was built at a height of nine stories, had a base of 4,300 square ft (399 square meters), eight wheels that were steered in either directions by pivots, three sides covered in iron plates to protect them from fire, and mechanically-opened windows (shielded with wool-stuffed leather curtains to soften the blow of ballistae rounds) of different sizes to accommodate the firing of missiles ranging from arrows to larger bolts.[410]

During the siege of Echinus by Philip V of Macedon in 211 BC, the besiegers built underground tunnels to protect the soldiers and sappers as they went back and forth from the camp to the siege works. These included two siege towers connected by a makeshift wickerwork curtain wall mounted with stone-shooting ballistae, and sheds to protect the approach of the battering ram.[411] Despite the early reputation of Macedon as a leader in siege technology, Alexandria in Ptolemaic Egypt became the center for technological improvements to the catapult by the 3rd century BC, as evidenced by the writings of Philo of Alexandria.[409]

Other innovations

Although perhaps not as prolific as other areas of Greece in regards to technological innovations, there are some inventions that may have originated in Macedonia aside from siege engines and artillery. The rotary-operated olive press for producing olive oil may have been invented in ancient Macedonia or another part of Greece, or even as far east as the Levant or Anatolia.[412] Mold-pressed glass first appeared in Macedonia in the 4th century BC (although it could have simultaneously existed in the Achaemenid Empire), while the first known clear, translucent glass pieces of the Greek world have been discovered in Macedonia and Rhodes and date to the second half of the 4th century BC.[413] However, Greek technical and scientific literature began with Classical Athens in the 5th century BC, while the major production centers for technical innovation and texts during the Hellenistic period were Alexandria, Rhodes, and Pergamon.[414]

Currency, finances, and resources

Tetradrachms (above) and drachms (below) issued during the reign of Alexander the Great, now in the Numismatic Museum of Athens

The minting of silver coinage began during the reign of Alexander I as a means to pay for royal expenditures.[252] Archelaus I increased the silver content of his coins in addition to minting copper coins in order to promote foreign and domestic commerce.[60] Macedonians were the first who issued different coins for internal and external circulation, a sophisticated approach which shows an elaborate monetary system at an early date.[415] In order to properly pay the soldiers of the Macedonian army with something other than general spoils of war, the minting of coinage significantly increased during the reigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great, especially after the increase in state revenues following the seizure of the Pangaion Hills.[416] During the Hellenistic period the royal houses of Macedonia, Ptolemaic Egypt, and the Kingdom of Pergamon exercised full monopolistic control over mining activities, largely to ensure the funding of their armies.[417] By the end of the conquests of Alexander the Great, thirty different mints stretching from Macedonia to Babylon were producing nearly identical standard coins.[418] Yet the right to mint coins was shared by the central and some local governments, i.e. the autonomous municipal governments of Thessaloniki, Pella, and Amphipolis within the Macedonian commonwealth.[419]

In addition to mining, the crown and central authorities also raised revenues by collecting produce from arable lands, timber from forests, and taxes on imports and exports at harbors.[420] The king was capable of exploiting the mines, groves, agricultural lands, and forests belonging to the Macedonian state, although these were often leased as assets or given as grants to members of the nobility such as the hetairoi and philoi.[421] Tariffs exacted on goods flowing in and out of Macedonian seaports began since at least the reign of Amyntas III of Macedon, while the Oikonomika by Pseudo-Aristotle explains how Callistratus of Aphidnae (d. c. 350 BC) aided Perdiccas III in doubling the kingdom's annual profits on customs duties from 20 to 40 talents.[422]

After the defeat of Perseus at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC, the Roman Senate allowed the reopening of iron and copper mines, but forbade the mining of gold and silver by the four newly established autonomous client states replacing the monarchy in Macedonia (i.e., before the resumption of the monarchy in 148 BC and creation of the Roman province of Macedonia in 146 BC).[423] The Roman-era historians Livy and Diodorus Siculus asserted that the law was originally conceived by the Senate due to the fear that material wealth gained from gold and silver mining operations would allow the Macedonians to fund an armed rebellion.[424] It is also possible that the Romans were concerned with stemming inflation caused by an increased money supply from Macedonian silver mining.[425] The Macedonians continued minting silver coins between 167 and 148 BC, and when the Romans lifted the ban on Macedonian silver mining in 158 BC it may have only reflected the local reality of this illicit practice continuing regardless of the Senate's decree.[426]

See also

References

Citations

  1. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 105–106; Roisman 2010, p. 156
  2. ^ Engels 2010, p. 92; Roisman 2010, p. 156
  3. ^ a b c Sprawski 2010, pp. 135–138; Olbrycht 2010, pp. 342–345
  4. ^ Hornblower 2008, pp. 55–58
  5. ^ Austin 2006, pp. 1–4
  6. ^ "Macedonia". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 23 October 2015. Retrieved 5 February 2017. 
  7. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 215
  8. ^ Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert. (1940). "μακεδνός," in Jones, Henry Stuart; McKenzie, Roderick. A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Accessed online at Crane, Gregory R. (ed), The Perseus Digitial Library. Tufts University. Accessed 2 February 2017.
  9. ^ Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert. (1940). "μάκρος," in Jones, Henry Stuart; McKenzie, Roderick. A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Accessed online at Crane, Gregory R. (ed), The Perseus Digitial Library. Tufts University. Accessed 2 February 2017.
  10. ^ Engels 2010, p. 89; Borza 1995, p. 114; Eugene N. Borza writes that the "highlanders" or "Makedones" of the mountainous regions of western Macedonia are derived from northwest Greek stock; they were akin both to those who at an earlier time may have migrated south to become the historical "Dorians".
  11. ^ Beekes 2010, p. 894
  12. ^ a b King 2010, p. 376; Sprawski 2010, p. 127; Errington 1990, pp. 2–3
  13. ^ Errington 1990, p. 3
  14. ^ King 2010, p. 376; Sprawski 2010, p. 127
  15. ^ Badian 1982, p. 34; Sprawski 2010, p. 142
  16. ^ King 2010, p. 376; Errington 1990, p. 251
  17. ^ a b c King 2010, p. 376
  18. ^ Errington 1990, p. 2
  19. ^ Lewis & Boardman 1994, pp. 723–724, see also Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 105–108 for the Macedonian expulsion of original inhabitants such as the Phrygians.
  20. ^ Anson 2010, p. 5
  21. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 5–6
  22. ^ Thomas 2010, pp. 67–68, 74–78
  23. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 343; Sprawski 2010, p. 134; Errington 1990, p. 8
  24. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 342–343; Sprawski 2010, pp. 131, 134; Errington 1990, pp. 8–9;
    Errington seems far less convinced that at this point Amyntas I of Macedon offered any submission as a vassal at all, at most a token one. He also mentions how the Macedonian king pursued his own course of action, such as inviting the exiled Athenian tyrant Hippias to take refuge at Anthemous in 506 BC.
  25. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 343
  26. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 343; Sprawski 2010, p. 136; Errington 1990, p. 10
  27. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 344; Sprawski 2010, pp. 135–137; Errington 1990, pp. 9–10
  28. ^ Sprawski 2010, p. 137
  29. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 344; Errington 1990, p. 10
  30. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 344–345; Sprawski 2010, pp. 138–139
  31. ^ Sprawski 2010, pp. 139–140
  32. ^ Olbrycht 2010, p. 345; Sprawski 2010, pp. 139–141; see also Errington 1990, pp. 11–12 for further details.
  33. ^ Sprawski 2010, pp. 141–142; Errington 1990, pp. 9, 11–12
  34. ^ Sprawski 2010, p. 143
  35. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 145–146
  36. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 146; see also Errington 1990, pp. 13–14 for further details.
  37. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 146–147; Müller 2010, p. 171; Cawkwell 1978, p. 72; see also Errington 1990, pp. 13–14, 16 for further details.
  38. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 146–147
  39. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 147; see also Errington 1990, p. 18 for further details.
  40. ^ a b Roisman 2010, p. 147
  41. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 147–148
  42. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 148
  43. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 148; Errington 1990, pp. 19–20
  44. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 149
  45. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 149; Errington 1990, p. 20
  46. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 149–150; Errington 1990, p. 20
  47. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 150; Errington 1990, p. 20
  48. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 150–151; Errington 1990, pp. 21–22
  49. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 151–152; Errington 1990, pp. 21–22
  50. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 152; Errington 1990, p. 22
  51. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 152; Errington 1990, pp. 22–23
  52. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 152–153
  53. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 153; Errington 1990, pp. 22–23
  54. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 153–154; see also Errington 1990, p. 23 for further details.
  55. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 154; see also Errington 1990, p. 23 for further details.
  56. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 154; Errington 1990, pp. 23–24
  57. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 154–155; Errington 1990, p. 24
  58. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 155–156
  59. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 156; Errington 1990, p. 26
  60. ^ a b Roisman 2010, pp. 156–157
  61. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 156–157; Errington 1990, p. 26
  62. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 157–158; Errington 1990, p. 28
  63. ^ a b Roisman 2010, p. 158; Errington 1990, pp. 28–29
  64. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 158
  65. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 158–159; see also Errington 1990, p. 30 for further details.
  66. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 159; see also Errington 1990, p. 30 for further details.
  67. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 159–160;
  68. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 160; Errington 1990, pp. 32–33
  69. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 161; Errington 1990, pp. 34–35
  70. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 161–162; Errington 1990, p. 35
  71. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 161–162; Errington 1990, pp. 35–36
  72. ^ Roisman 2010, p. 162; Errington 1990, pp. 35–36
  73. ^ a b Roisman 2010, pp. 162–163; Errington 1990, p. 36
  74. ^ Roisman 2010, pp. 163–164; Errington 1990, p. 37
  75. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 166–167; Buckley 1996, pp. 467–472
  76. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 167–168; Buckley 1996, pp. 467–472
  77. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 167–168; Buckley 1996, pp. 467–472; Errington 1990, pp. 38
  78. ^ Müller 2010, p. 167
  79. ^ Müller 2010, p. 168
  80. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 168–169
  81. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 169–170, 179;
    Müller is skeptical about the claims of Plutarch and Athenaeus that Philip II of Macedon married Cleopatra Eurydice of Macedon, a younger woman, purely out of love or due to his own midlife crisis. Cleopatra was the daughter of Attalus (general), who along with his father-in-law Parmenion were given command posts in Asia Minor (modern Turkey) soon after this wedding. Müller also suspects that this marriage was one of political convenience meant to ensure the loyalty of an influential Macedonian noble house.
  82. ^ Müller 2010, p. 169
  83. ^ Müller 2010, p. 170; Buckler 1989, p. 62
  84. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 170–171; Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 187
  85. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 167, 169; Roisman 2010, p. 161
  86. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 169, 173–174; Cawkwell 1978, p. 84; Errington 1990, pp. 38–39
  87. ^ Müller 2010, p. 171; Buckley 1996, pp. 470–472; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 74–75
  88. ^ Müller 2010, p. 172; Hornblower 2002, p. 272; Cawkwell 1978, p. 42; Buckley 1996, pp. 470–472
  89. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 171–172; Buckler 1989, pp. 63, 176–181; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 185–187;
    Cawkwell contrarily provides the date of this siege as 354–353 BC.
  90. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 171–172; Buckler 1989, pp. 8, 20–22, 26–29
  91. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 172–173; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 60, 185; Hornblower 2002, p. 272; Buckler 1989, pp. 63–64, 176–181;
    Conversely, Buckler provides the date of this initial campaign as 354 BC, while affirming that the second Thessalian campaign ending in the Battle of Crocus Field occurred in 353 BC.
  92. ^ Müller 2010, p. 173; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 62, 66–68; Buckler 1989, pp. 74–75, 78–80; Worthington 2008, pp. 61–63
  93. ^ Müller 2010, p. 173; Cawkwell 1978, p. 44
  94. ^ Cawkwell 1978, p. 86
  95. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 173–174; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 85–86; Buckley 1996, pp. 474–475
  96. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 173–174; Worthington 2008, pp. 75–78; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 96–98
  97. ^ Müller 2010, p. 174; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 98–101
  98. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 174–175; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 95, 104, 107–108; Hornblower 2002, pp. 275–277; Buckley 1996, pp. 478–479
  99. ^ Müller 2010, p. 175
  100. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 175–176; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 114–117; Hornblower 2002, p. 277; Buckley 1996, p. 482; Errington 1990, p. 44
  101. ^ Mollov & Georgiev 2015, p. 76
  102. ^ Müller 2010, p. 176; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 136–142; Errington 1990, pp. 82–83
  103. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 176–177; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 143–148
  104. ^ Müller 2010, p. 177; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 167–168
  105. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 177–178; Cawkwell 1978, pp. 167–171; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 16 for further details.
  106. ^ a b Müller 2010, pp. 179–180; Cawkwell 1978, p. 170
  107. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 180–181; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 14 for further details.
  108. ^ Müller 2010, pp. 181–182; Errington 1990, p. 44; Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 186; see Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3–5 for details of the arrests and judicial trials of other suspects in the conspiracy to assassinate Philip II of Macedon.
  109. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 189–190; Müller 2010, p. 183
  110. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190; Müller 2010, pp. 182–183;
    Without implicating Alexander the Great as a potential suspect in the plot to assassinate Philip II of Macedon, N.G.L. Hammond and F.W. Walbank discuss possible Macedonian as well as foreign suspects, such as Demosthenes and Darius III: Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 8–12
  111. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190; Müller 2010, p. 183; Renault 2013, pp. 61–62; Fox 1980, p. 72; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3–5 for further details.
  112. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 186
  113. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 190
  114. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 190–191; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 15–16 for further details.
  115. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191
  116. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 34–38
  117. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 40–47
  118. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 191; see also Errington 1990, p. 91 and Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 47 for further details.
  119. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 191–192; see also Errington 1990, pp. 91–92 for further details.
  120. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 192–193
  121. ^ a b c Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 193
  122. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 193–194; Holt 2012, pp. 27–41
  123. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 193–194
  124. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 194; Errington 1990, p. 113
  125. ^ Chugg 2006, pp. 78–79
  126. ^ a b Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 195
  127. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 194–195
  128. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 105–106
  129. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 198
  130. ^ Holt 1989, pp. 67–68; Ahmed 2004, p. 61
  131. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 196
  132. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 199; Errington 1990, p. 93
  133. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 199–200; Errington 1990, pp. 44, 93;
    Gilley and Worthington discuss the ambiguity about the exact title of Antipater aside from deputy hegemon of the League of Corinth, with some sources calling him a regent, others a governor, others a simple general.
    N.G.L. Hammond and F.W. Walbank state that Alexander the Great left "Macedonia under the command of Antipater, in case there was a rising in Greece." Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 32
  134. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 200–201; Errington 1990, p. 58
  135. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 201
  136. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 201–203
  137. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; see also Errington 1990, p. 44 for further details.
  138. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; see also Errington 1990, pp. 115–117 for further details.
  139. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 204; Adams 2010, p. 209; Errington 1990, pp. 69–70, 119
  140. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, pp. 204–205; Adams 2010, pp. 209–210; Errington 1990, pp. 69, 119
  141. ^ Gilley & Worthington 2010, p. 205; see also Errington 1990, p. 118 for further details.
  142. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 208–209; Errington 1990, p. 117
  143. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 210–211; Errington 1990, pp. 119–120
  144. ^ Adams 2010, p. 211; Errington 1990, pp. 120–121
  145. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 211–212; Errington 1990, pp. 121–122
  146. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 207 n. #1, 212; Errington 1990, pp. 122–123
  147. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 212–213; Errington 1990, pp. 124–126
  148. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 213; Errington 1990, pp. 126–127
  149. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 213–214; Errington 1990, pp. 127–128
  150. ^ Adams 2010, p. 214; Errington 1990, pp. 128–129
  151. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 214–215
  152. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 215–216
  153. ^ Adams 2010, p. 216
  154. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 216–217; Errington 1990, p. 129
  155. ^ Adams 2010, p. 217; Errington 1990, p. 145
  156. ^ Adams 2010, p. 217; Errington 1990, pp. 145–147; Bringmann 2007, p. 61
  157. ^ a b c d Adams 2010, p. 218
  158. ^ a b Bringmann 2007, p. 61
  159. ^ Adams 2010, p. 218; Errington 1990, p. 153
  160. ^ a b Adams 2010, pp. 218–219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61
  161. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61; Errington 1990, p. 155;
    Conversely, Errington dates Lysimachus' reunification of Macedonia by expelling Pyrrhus of Epirus as 284 BC, not 286 BC.
  162. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 61; Errington 1990, pp. 156–157
  163. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, pp. 159–160
  164. ^ Errington 1990, p. 160
  165. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 160–161
  166. ^ Adams 2010, p. 219; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, pp. 162–163
  167. ^ a b Adams 2010, pp. 219–220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63
  168. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 219–220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, p. 164
  169. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Errington 1990, pp. 164–165
  170. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 220
  171. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Bringmann 2007, p. 63; Errington 1990, p. 167
  172. ^ Adams 2010, p. 220; Errington 1990, pp. 165–166
  173. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 220–221
  174. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; see also Errington 1990, pp. 167–168 about the resurgence of Sparta under Areus I.
  175. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, p. 168
  176. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, pp. 168–169
  177. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221; Errington 1990, pp. 169–171
  178. ^ Adams 2010, p. 221
  179. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 222
  180. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 221–222; Errington 1990, p. 172
  181. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, pp. 172–173
  182. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, p. 173
  183. ^ Adams 2010, p. 222; Errington 1990, p. 174
  184. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 173–174
  185. ^ a b Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, p. 174
  186. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 174–175
  187. ^ Adams 2010, p. 223; Errington 1990, pp. 175–176
  188. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 223–224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; see also Errington 1990, pp. 179–180 for further details.
  189. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 223–224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; Errington 1990, pp. 180–181
  190. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224
  191. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; Eckstein 2013, p. 314; Errington 1990, pp. 181–183
  192. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; see also Errington 1990, p. 182 about the Macedonian military's occupation of Sparta following the Battle of Sellasia.
  193. ^ Adams 2010, p. 224; Errington 1990, pp. 183–184
  194. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 229; Errington 1990, pp. 184–185
  195. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 229; Errington 1990, pp. 185–186, 189
  196. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 229–230; see also Errington 1990, pp. 186–189 for further details;
    Errington seems less convinced that Philip V at this point had any intentions of invading southern Italy via Illyria once the latter was secured, deeming his plans to be "more modest", Errington 1990, p. 189.
  197. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 230; Errington 1990, pp. 189–190
  198. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 230–231; Errington 1990, pp. 190–191
  199. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 79; Eckstein 2010, p. 231; Errington 1990, p. 192; also mentioned by Gruen 1986, p. 19
  200. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 80; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 231 and Errington 1990, pp. 191–193 for further details.
  201. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 191–193, 210
  202. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 82; Errington 1990, p. 193
  203. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 82; Eckstein 2010, pp. 232–233; Errington 1990, pp. 193–194; Gruen 1986, pp. 17–18, 20
  204. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 83; Eckstein 2010, pp. 233–234; Errington 1990, pp. 195–196; Gruen 1986, p. 21; see also Gruen 1986, pp. 18–19 for details on the Aetolian League's treaty with Philip V of Macedon and Rome's rejection of the second attempt by the Aetolians to seek Roman aid, viewing the Aetolians as having violated the earlier treaty.
  205. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 85; see also Errington 1990, pp. 196–197 for further details.
  206. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 234–235; Errington 1990, pp. 196–198; see also Bringmann 2007, p. 86 for further details.
  207. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 85–86; Eckstein 2010, pp. 235–236; Errington 1990, pp. 199–201; Gruen 1986, p. 22
  208. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 86; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 235 for further details.
  209. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 86; Errington 1990, pp. 197–198
  210. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 86–87
  211. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 87; see also Errington 1990, pp. 202–203: "Roman desire for revenge and private hopes of famous victories were probably the decisive reasons for the outbreak of the war."
  212. ^ Eckstein 2010, pp. 233–235
  213. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 87
  214. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 87–88; Errington 1990, pp. 199–200; see also Eckstein 2010, pp. 235–236 for further details.
  215. ^ Eckstein 2010, p. 236
  216. ^ a b Bringmann 2007, p. 88
  217. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 88; Eckstein 2010, p. 236; Errington 1990, p. 203
  218. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 88; Eckstein 2010, pp. 236–237; Errington 1990, p. 204
  219. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 88–89; Eckstein 2010, p. 237
  220. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 89–90; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 237 and Gruen 1986, pp. 20–21, 24 for further details.
  221. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 90–91; Eckstein 2010, pp. 237–238
  222. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 91; Eckstein 2010, p. 238
  223. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 91–92; Eckstein 2010, p. 238; see also Gruen 1986, pp. 30, 33 for further details.
  224. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 92; Eckstein 2010, p. 238
  225. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 93–97; Eckstein 2010, p. 239; Errington 1990, pp. 207–208
    Bringmann dates this event of handing over Aenus and Maronea along the Thracian coast as 183 BC, while Eckstein dates it as 184 BC.
  226. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 97; see also Errington 1990, pp. 207–208 for further details.
  227. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 97; Eckstein 2010, pp. 240–241; see also Errington 1990, pp. 211–213 for a discussion about Perseus' actions during the early part of his reign.
  228. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 97–98; Eckstein 2010, p. 240
  229. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 98; Eckstein 2010, p. 240; Errington 1990, pp. 212–213
  230. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 98–99; Eckstein 2010, pp. 241–242
  231. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 98–99; see also Eckstein 2010, p. 242, who says that "Rome ... as the sole remaining superpower ... would not accept Macedonia as a peer competitor or equal."
  232. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 99; Eckstein 2010, pp. 243–244; Errington 1990, pp. 215–216; Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 43
  233. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 99; Eckstein 2010, p. 245; Errington 1990, pp. 204–205, 216; see also Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 43 for further details.
  234. ^ a b Bringmann 2007, pp. 99–100; Eckstein 2010, p. 245; Errington 1990, pp. 216–217; see also Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 43–46 for further details.
  235. ^ Bringmann 2007, p. 104; Eckstein 2010, pp. 246–247
  236. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 104–105; Eckstein 2010, p. 247; Errington 1990, pp. 216–217
  237. ^ Bringmann 2007, pp. 104–105; Eckstein 2010, pp. 247–248; Errington 1990, pp. 203–205, 216–217
  238. ^ a b c d King 2010, p. 373
  239. ^ King 2010, pp. 373–374
  240. ^ King 2010, p. 374;
    However, N.G.L. Hammond and F.W. Walbank write with apparent certainty and conviction when describing the Macedonian constitutional government restricting the king and involving a popular assembly of the army. Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13
  241. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 446–447: "... to this we can add the evidence provided by two magnificent archaeological monuments, the 'Alexander Sarcophagus' in particular and the 'Alexander Mosaic'... In the case of the Antigonid army ... valuable additional details are occasionally supplied by Diodorus and Plutarch, and by a series of inscriptions preserving sections of two sets of army regulations issued by Philip V."
  242. ^ King 2010, p. 374; see also Errington 1990, pp. 220–221 for further details.
  243. ^ King 2010, p. 374; for an argument about the absolutism of the Macedonian monarchy, see Errington 1990, pp. 220–222
  244. ^ King 2010, p. 375
  245. ^ Granier 1931, pp. 4–28, 48–57; King 2010, pp. 374–375
  246. ^ de Francisci 1948, pp. 345–435; King 2010, p. 375; see also Errington 1990, p. 220 for further details.
  247. ^ King 2010, pp. 375–376
  248. ^ King 2010, pp. 376–377
  249. ^ King 2010, p. 377
  250. ^ a b King 2010, p. 378
  251. ^ King 2010, p. 379
  252. ^ a b c Errington 1990, p. 222
  253. ^ King 2010, p. 379; Errington 1990, p. 221
  254. ^ a b King 2010, p. 380
  255. ^ King 2010, p. 380; for further context, see Errington 1990, p. 220
  256. ^ Olbrycht 2010, pp. 345–346
  257. ^ Sawada 2010, pp. 403–405;
    According to Carol J. King, there was no "certain reference" to this institutional group until the military campaigns of Alexander the Great in Asia.King 2010, pp. 380–381
    However, N.G.L. Hammond and F.W. Walbank state that the royal pages are attested to as far back as the reign of Archelaus I of Macedon. Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 13
  258. ^ a b c d King 2010, p. 381
  259. ^ Sawada 2010, p. 403
  260. ^ Sawada 2010, pp. 404–405
  261. ^ Sawada 2010, p. 405
  262. ^ Sawada 2010, pp. 405–406
  263. ^ Sawada 2010, p. 406
  264. ^ King 2010, p. 382
  265. ^ Sawada 2010, p. 404
  266. ^ King 2010, p. 382; Errington 1990, p. 220
  267. ^ a b King 2010, p. 384
  268. ^ Sawada 2010, pp. 382–383
  269. ^ Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5, 12
  270. ^ King 2010, pp. 384–389; Errington 1990, p. 220
  271. ^ King 2010, pp. 383–384; Errington 1990, p. 220
  272. ^ Adams 2010, p. 210; Errington 1990, pp. 119–120
  273. ^ a b c King 2010, p. 390
  274. ^ Amemiya 2007, pp. 11–12
  275. ^ Amemiya 2007, pp. 11–12: under Antipater's oligarchy, the lower value in terms of property for acceptable members of the oligarchy was 2,000 drachma. Athenian democracy was restored briefly after Antipater's death in 319 BC, yet his son Cassander reconquered the city, which came under the regency of Demetrius of Phalerum. Demetrius lowered the property limit for oligarchic members to 1,000 drachma, yet by 307 BC he was exiled from the city and direct democracy was restored. Demetrius I of Macedon reconquered Athens in 295 BC, yet democracy was once again restored in 287 BC with the aid of Ptolemy I of Egypt. Antigonus II Gonatas, son of Demetrius I, reconquered Athens in 260 BC, followed by a succession of Macedonian kings ruling over Athens until the Roman Republic conquered both Macedonia and then mainland Greece by 146 BC.
  276. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 231
  277. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 229–230
  278. ^ Errington 1990, p. 230
  279. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 231–232
  280. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 365–366
  281. ^ Unlike the sparse Macedonian examples, ample textual evidence of this exists for the Achaean League, Acarnanian League, and Achaean League; see Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 366–367.
  282. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 366–367.
  283. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 367–369
  284. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 368–369.
  285. ^ Errington 1990, p. 242
  286. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 447; Errington 1990, pp. 243–244
  287. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 447–448
  288. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 448–449; see also Errington 1990, pp. 238–239 for further details.
  289. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 238–239; 243–244
  290. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 449
  291. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 448–449
  292. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 239–240
  293. ^ Errington 1990, p. 238; 247: "the crucial necessity of drilling troops must have become clear to Philip at the latest during his time as a hostage in Thebes."
  294. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 449–450; see also Errington 1990, p. 238 for further details.
  295. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 450
  296. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 241
  297. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 450; Errington 1990, p. 244
  298. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 452
  299. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 451; Errington 1990, pp. 241–242
  300. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 241–242
  301. ^ a b c Sekunda 2010, p. 451
  302. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 449–451
  303. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 451; Errington 1990, pp. 247–248; Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 24–26
  304. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 453
  305. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, p. 454
  306. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 455; Errington 1990, p. 245
  307. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 455–456; see also Errington 1990, p. 245: in regards to both the argyraspides and chalkaspides, "these titles were probably not functional, perhaps not even official."
  308. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 455–457;
    However, in discussing the discrepancies among ancient historians about the size of Alexander the Great's army, N.G.L. Hammond and F.W. Walbank choose Diodorus Siculus' figure of 32,000 infantry as the most reliable, while disagreeing with his figure for cavalry at 4,500, asserting it was closer to 5,100 horsemen. Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 22–23
  309. ^ a b Sekunda 2010, pp. 458–459
  310. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 459; Errington 1990, p. 245: "Other developments in Macedonian army organization are evident after Alexander. One is the evolution of the hypaspistai from an elite unit to a form of military police or bodyguard under Philip V; the only thing the two functions had in common was the particular closeness to the king."
  311. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 461
  312. ^ a b c Sekunda 2010, p. 460
  313. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 460–461; for the evolution of Macedonian military titles, see also Errington 1990, pp. 242–243 for further details.
  314. ^ Saddington 2011, pp. 204, Plate 12.2
  315. ^ Coarelli 1987, pp. 35–84
  316. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 461–462; Errington 1990, p. 245: "The other development, which happened at the latest under Doson, was the formation and training of a special unit of peltastai separate from the phalanx. This unit operated as a form of royal guard similar in function to the earlier hypaspistai."
  317. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 462
  318. ^ Sekunda 2010, p. 463
  319. ^ Sekunda 2010, pp. 463–464
  320. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 247–248
  321. ^ a b c d Errington 1990, p. 248
  322. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 44; Woodard 2010, p. 9; see also Austin 2006, p. 4 for further details.
    Edward M. Anson contends that the native spoken language of the Macedonians was a dialect of Greek and that in the roughly 6,300 Macedonian-period inscriptions discovered by archaeologists about 99% were written in the Greek language, using the Greek alphabet. Anson 2010, p. 17, n. 57, n. 58
  323. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 44; Engels 2010, pp. 94–95; Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10;
    Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 43–45 states that the native language of the ancient Macedonians as preserved in the rare documents written in a language other than Koine Greek also betray a slight phonetic influence from the languages of the original inhabitants of the region who were assimilated or expelled by the invading Macedonians; Hatzopoulos also asserts that little is known about these languages aside from Phrygian spoken by the Bryges who migrated to Anatolia.
    Errington 1990, pp. 3–4 affirms that the Macedonian language was merely a dialect of Greek that used loanwords from Thracian and Illyrian languages, which "does not surprise modern philologists" but ultimately provided Macedonia's political enemies with the "proof" they needed to level the charge that Macedonians were not Greek.
  324. ^ Woodard 2004, pp. 12–14; Hamp, Eric; Adams, Douglas (2013). "The Expansion of the Indo-European Languages", Sino-Platonic Papers, vol 239. Accessed 16 January 2017;
    Joseph, Brian D. (2001): ""GREEK, ancient." Ohio State University, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures. Accessed 16 January 2017: "Ancient Greek is generally taken to be the only representative (though note the existence of different dialects) of the Greek or Hellenic branch of Indo-European. There is some dispute as to whether Ancient Macedonian (the native language of Philip and Alexander), if it has any special affinity to Greek at all, is a dialect within Greek (see below) or a sibling language to all of the known Ancient Greek dialects. If the latter view is correct, then Macedonian and Greek would be the two subbranches of a group within Indo-European which could more properly be called Hellenic."
    Georgiev 1966, pp. 285–297: ancient Macedonian is closely related to Greek, and Macedonian and Greek are descended from a common Greek-Macedonian idiom that was spoken till about the second half of the 3rd millennium BC.
  325. ^ Anson 2010, p. 17, n. 57, n. 58; Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10; Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 43–45; Engels 2010, pp. 94–95
  326. ^ Engels 2010, p. 95
  327. ^ Engels 2010, p. 94
  328. ^ Sansone 2017, p. 223
  329. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 17–18
  330. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 225–226
  331. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 226
  332. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 226–227
  333. ^ Borza 1992, pp. 257–260; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5–7 for further details.
  334. ^ Borza 1992, pp. 259–260; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 5–6 for further details.
  335. ^ Borza 1992, pp. 257, 260–261
  336. ^ Sansone 2017, p. 224; Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 6;
    Rosella Lorenzi (10 October 2014). "Remains of Alexander the Great's Father Confirmed Found: King Philip II's bones are buried in a tomb along with a mysterious woman-warrior." Seeker. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
  337. ^ Borza 1992, p. 257
  338. ^ Sansone 2017, pp. 224–225
  339. ^ Worthington 2012, p. 319
  340. ^ Worthington 2014, p. 180; Sansone 2017, p. 228
  341. ^ Worthington 2012, p. 319; Worthington 2014, pp. 180–183
  342. ^ Worthington 2012, p. 319; Worthington 2014, pp. 182–183
  343. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 219–220
  344. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; Errington 1990, p. 7
  345. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, pp. 47–48; for a specific example of land reclamation near Amphipolis during the reign of Alexander the Great, see Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 31
  346. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 48; Errington 1990, pp. 7–8; 222–223
  347. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011a, p. 48
  348. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 9–10
  349. ^ a b c Anson 2010, p. 10
  350. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 10–11
  351. ^ Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 12–13
  352. ^ Hardiman 2010, p. 515
  353. ^ Hardiman 2010, pp. 515–517
  354. ^ a b Hardiman 2010, p. 517
  355. ^ Head 2016, pp. 12–13; Piening 2013, pp. 1182
  356. ^ Head 2016, p. 13; Aldrete, Bartell & Aldrete 2013, p. 49
  357. ^ Palagia 2000, pp. 182, 185–186
  358. ^ a b c d Hardiman 2010, p. 518
  359. ^ Cohen 2010, pp. 13–34
  360. ^ Müller 2010, p. 182
  361. ^ a b c Errington 1990, p. 224
  362. ^ a b c Worthington 2014, p. 186
  363. ^ Worthington 2014, p. 185
  364. ^ Worthington 2014, pp. 185–186
  365. ^ a b Worthington 2014, pp. 183, 186
  366. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 58; Roisman 2010, p. 154; Errington 1990, pp. 223–224
  367. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 58–59; see also Errington 1990, p. 224 for further details.
  368. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 59; Sansone 2017, p. 223; Roisman 2010, p. 157
  369. ^ a b Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 59
  370. ^ Chroust 2016, p. 137
  371. ^ Rhodes 2010, p. 23
  372. ^ Rhodes 2010, pp. 23–25; see also Errington 1990, p. 224 for further details.
  373. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 224–225;
    For Marsyas of Pella, see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, p. 27 for further details.
  374. ^ a b Errington 1990, p. 225
  375. ^ Badian 1982, p. 34, Anson 2010, p. 16; Sansone 2017, pp. 222–223
  376. ^ Nawotka 2010, p. 2
  377. ^ Cohen 2010, p. 28
  378. ^ a b c Dalby 1997, p. 157
  379. ^ Dalby 1997, pp. 155–156
  380. ^ Dalby 1997, p. 156
  381. ^ Dalby 1997, pp. 156–157
  382. ^ Anson 2010, p. 10; Cohen 2010, p. 28
  383. ^ Engels 2010, p. 87; Olbrycht 2010, pp. 343–344
  384. ^ Badian 1982, p. 51, n. 72; Johannes Engels comes to a similar conclusion. See: Engels 2010, p. 82
  385. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 70–71
  386. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 57, 73
  387. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 69–71
  388. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 52, 71–72; Johannes Engels comes to a similar conclusion about the comparison between Macedonians and Epirotes, saying that the "Greekness" of the Epirotes, despite them not being considered as refined as southern Greeks, never came into question. Engels suggests this perhaps because the Epirotes did not try to dominate the Greek world as Philip II of Macedon had done. See: Engels 2010, pp. 83–84
  389. ^ Sakellariou 1983, pp. 52
  390. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 3–4; Errington 1994, p. 4: "Ancient allegations that the Macedonians were non-Greek all had their origin in Athens at the time of the struggle with Philip II. Then as now, political struggle created the prejudice. The orator Aeschines once even found it necessary, in order to counteract the prejudice vigorously fomented by his opponents, to defend Philip on this issue and describe him at a meeting of the Athenian Popular Assembly as being 'entirely Greek'. Demosthenes' allegations were lent an appearance of credibility by the fact, apparent to every observer, that the life-style of the Macedonians, being determined by specific geographical and historical conditions, was different from that of a Greek city-state. This alien way of life was, however, common to western Greeks of Epirus, Akarnania and Aitolia, as well as to the Macedonians, and their fundamental Greek nationality was never doubted. Only as a consequence of the political disagreement with Macedonia was the issue raised at all."
  391. ^ Champion 2004, p. 41: "Demosthenes could drop the barbarian category altogether in advocating an Athenian alliance with the Great King against a power that ranked below any so-called barbarian people, the Macedonians. In the case of Aeschines, Philip II could be 'a barbarian due for the vengeance of God', but after the orator's embassy to Pella in 346, he became a 'thorough Greek', devoted to Athens. It all depended upon one's immediate political orientation with Macedonia, which many Greeks instinctively scorned, was always infused with deep-seated ambivalence."
  392. ^ Anson 2010, pp. 14–17
  393. ^ a b Anson 2010, p. 16; Rhodes 2010, p. 24
  394. ^ Anson 2010, p. 15
  395. ^ Woodard 2010, pp. 9–10; Johannes Engels also discusses this ambiguity in ancient sources. See: Engels 2010, pp. 83–89
  396. ^ O'Neil 2003, pp. 510–522
  397. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 69–70
  398. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, pp. 68–69, 73
  399. ^ Hatzopoulos 2011b, p. 74
  400. ^ Bolman 2016, pp. 120–121
  401. ^ a b c Winter 2006, p. 163
  402. ^ Winter 2006, pp. 164–165
  403. ^ Winter 2006, p. 165
  404. ^ Errington 1990, p. 227; see also Hammond & Walbank 2001, pp. 3, 7–8 for further details.
  405. ^ Koumpis 2012, p. 34
  406. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 375–376
  407. ^ Humphrey, Oleson & Sherwood 1998, p. 570
  408. ^ Treister 1996, p. 376, no. 531
  409. ^ a b Treister 1996, p. 376
  410. ^ Humphrey, Oleson & Sherwood 1998, pp. 570–571
  411. ^ Humphrey, Oleson & Sherwood 1998, pp. 570–572
  412. ^ Curtis 2008, p. 380
  413. ^ Stern 2008, pp. 530–532
  414. ^ Cuomo 2008, pp. 17–20
  415. ^ Kremydi 2011, pp. 163
  416. ^ Errington 1990, pp. 246
  417. ^ Treister 1996, p. 379
  418. ^ Meadows 2008, p. 773
  419. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 432–433
  420. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 433
  421. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, p. 434
  422. ^ Hatzopoulos 1996, pp. 433–434; Roisman 2010, p. 163
  423. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 373–375; see also Errington 1990, p. 223 for further details.
  424. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 374–375; see also Errington 1990, p. 223 for further details.
  425. ^ Treister 1996, p. 374
  426. ^ Treister 1996, pp. 374–375

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