Manuel Camacho Solís

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For the soccer goalkeeper, see Manuel Camacho (footballer).

Manuel Camacho Solís (March 30, 1946 – June 5, 2015) was a Mexican politician who served in the cabinets of presidents Miguel de la Madrid and Carlos Salinas.[1] Born in Mexico City to Manuel Camacho Lopez and Luz Solís,[2] he belonged to the Frente Amplio Progresista.

Political career[edit]

Camacho Solís joined the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in 1965, and in 1988 he became that party's general secretary.

Camacho met Carlos Salinas at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), where they became close friends. Camacho followed Salinas's trajectory in the Planning Ministry under the administration of Miguel de la Madrid. In 1985 he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies, and in 1986 he was appointed to the cabinet as Minister of Urban Development. When Salinas took over the presidency in 1988, Camacho was appointed Head of Government of the Federal District (until 1997, the Federal District's Heads of Government, Regentes, were directly appointed by the President of the Republic).

The Zapatista uprising[edit]

On November 13, 1993, Camacho was designated Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Due to the Zapatista uprising, Luis Donaldo Colosio's assassination in March 1994, and Camacho's failed attempt to clinch the party's presidential nomination, Camacho broke with the PRI. The complicated relationship between Camacho, Salinas, Colosio and Ernesto Zedillo (who was selected to replace Colosio as the PRI's presidential candidate) was the source of many rumors surrounding Colosio's assassination.

The Military Site[edit]

Once Subcomandante Marcos was identified as Rafael Guillén, on 9 February 1995, in a counterproductive turn of events, the President Ernesto Zedillo made a series of decisions that completely broke with the strategy and action plan previously defined and the agreements he authorized his Secretary of Interior Lic Esteban Moctezuma to compromise with Marcos just 3 days before in Guadalupe Tepeyac. Zedillo sent the Mexican army to capture or annihilate Marcos without consulting his Secretary of Interior, without knowing exactly who Marcos was, and only with the PGR single presumption that Marcos was a dangerous guerrilla. Despite these circumstances, President Ernesto Zedillo decided to launch a military offence to capture or annihilate Marcos[3] Arrest warants were made against Marcos, Javier Elorriaga Berdegue, Silvia Fernández Hernández, Jorge Santiago, Fernando Yanez, German Vicente, Jorge Santiago and other Zapatistas. At the Lacandon Jungle, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was then under the Mexican Army military siege. The PGR was after them. Javier Elorriaga got captured on February 9, 1995, in a military garrizon at Gabina Velázquez that is in the Las Margaritas town and later taken to the Cerro Hueco prison in Tuxtla Gutiérrez Chiapas. »[4] On February 11, 1995 the PGR informed that they made an operative in the State of Mexico, where they capture 14 persons presumed to be involved with the Zapatistas of which 8 all ready being turned to the Judicial Authorities and sized an important arsenal. »[5] The PGR repressive acts got to the extreme of pressuring the San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas Catholic Bishop, Samuel Ruiz García of arresting him for aiding to conceal the Zapatistas guerrilla activity. Even though this activity was public years before the uprising in Proceso (magazine) among Mexico most important magazines and it was the Mexican Government who was for years trying to disguise it. »[6] »[7] »[8] And with no consideration to the political consequences of with no legal reason hurting, the all ready seriously damaged, recently restored Mexico Vatican Diplomatic relations »[9] because of the May 24, 1993 political assassination of a Prince of the Catholic Church, the Guadalajara, Mexico Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo that precisely that Agency the PGR has left it unresolved.

Marcos resolve was put to the test, when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was then under the Mexican Army military siege In their camp and at the Lacandon Jungle. Marcos response was immediate, sending Esteban Moctezuma the following message: "See you in hell". Conflicting signals got strengthened in favor of a fast military solution. The facts seemed to confirm Manuel Camacho Solis June 16, 1994 accusations that the reason for his resignation as the Chiapas Peace Commissioner, was due to sabotage done by the then presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo.

Under the big political pressure of a highly radicalized situation Mexico Secretary of the Interior Lic. Esteban Moctezuma believed a peaceful solution was possible, he champion to reach a peacefully negotiated solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis betting it all on a creative strategy to reestablish the Mexican Government Zapatista Army of National Liberation dialog to search for peace by demonstrating Marcos natural peace vocation and the terrible consequences of a military solution. Making a strong position against the February 9 actions against Peace, Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma defender of a political solution, to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis to submit his resignation to the President Ernesto Zedillo which he does not accept it and asks the Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma to try the improbable task of restoring the Conditions for dialog to reach a negotiation. For these foregoing reasons the Mexican army, ease actions, giving an opportunity that Marcos capitalized to escape the military site emplaced in the Lacandon Jungle. »[10] Faced with this situation, Max Appedole, Rafael Guillén, childhood friend and colleague, at the Jesuits College Instituto Cultural Tampico asked for help from Edén Pastora the legendary Nicaraguan "Commander Zero" to prepare a report for under-Secretary of the Interior Luis Maldonado Venegas; the Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma and the President Ernesto Zedillo about Marcos natural pacifist vocation and the terrible consequences of a tragic outcome. »[11] The document concluded that the marginalized groups and the radical left that exist in México, have been vented with the Zapatistas movement, while Marcos maintains an open negotiating track. Eliminate Marcos and his social containment work will not only would cease, but will give opportunity to the radical groups to take control of the movement. They will response to violence with violence. They would begin the terrorist bombings, kidnappings and belligerent activities. The country would be in a very dangerous spiral, which could lead to very serious situations because not only there is discomfort in Chiapas, but in many places in Mexico[12]

Identity[edit]

During the investigative stage to identify Subcomandante Marcos, the Mexican government speculated that he was a dangerous guerrilla fighter. This theory gain much traction At the end of 1994, after the dissident Zapatista Comandante Salvador Morales Garibay give away the identity of his former fellow Zapatistas to the Mexican government, among them Marcos identity. »[13] They all were indicted for terrorism, warrants were issued arrest where made in a military action. The Mexican government alleges some Zapatistas to be terrorists, among them Marcos. »[14] There was a storm of political pressures claiming for a fast military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. On February 9, 1995, in a televised special Presidential broadcast, President Ernesto Zedillo announced Subcomandante Marcos to be one Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, born June 19, 1957 in Tampico, Tamaulipas to Spanish immigrants. An Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana School of Sciences and Arts for the Design former Professor. And after the government revealed Marcos identity in January 1995, when Rafael Guillén, old friend, classmate with the Jesuits at the Instituto Cultural Tampico, direct intervention in the conflict, Max Appedole played a major roll with the Mexican government to avoid a Military solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. By demonstrating that contrary to the accusations announced by President Ernesto Zedillo, »[15] Rafael Guillén, was no terrorist. Max Appedole recognized his literary style in all Marcos manifestos that where published in the media, linked them to their literary tournaments organized by the Jesuits in which they competed in Mexico. Confirming that he had no doubt that Marcos was his friend Rafael Guillén, a pacifist. Time showed that the fight against a military solution to the conflict and the strategy to achieve a peaceful solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis. was legal, politically and honorably correct, saving many lives in Mexico. »[12] »[16] »[17] »[18]

During Zedillo's presidency, Camacho stayed away from politics until 1999 when he announced his candidacy for the presidency for the Party of the Democratic Center, a party that he had co-founded with Marcelo Ebrard.

Changing his strategy, in 2003 he became a federal deputy in the Chamber of Deputies representing the Party of the Democratic Revolution. He was selected to serve as a plurinominal deputy through an indirect election. In 2012 he was elected to the Senate.

In 2004 he joined Andrés Manuel López Obrador's political campaign. He wrote a column in the Mexico City daily El Universal. He died in Mexico City on 5 June 2015.[19][20]

Political offices
Preceded by
Fernando Solana
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
1993–1994
Succeeded by
Manuel Tello Macías

References[edit]