Marikana massacre

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Marikana miners' strike)
Jump to navigation Jump to search

Lonmin strike
Lonmin-platinummyn, a, Marikana, Noordwes.jpg
The EPC section of Lonmin Platinum, with Bapong in the foreground
Date10 August 2012 (2012-08-10) – 20 September 2012 (2012-09-20)
LocationLonmin Marikana mine
Marikana, Rustenburg
North West, South Africa
ParticipantsNational Union of Mineworkers
Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union
Unaffiliated miners
Lonmin private security
South African Police Service
Outcome11–22 per cent wage increase
Deaths12–14 August: 10 (2 police, 2 security guards, 6 mineworkers)
16 August: 34 mineworkers (78 mineworkers injured)

The Marikana massacre was the killing of thirty-four miners by the South African Police Service (SAPS) on 16 August 2012, during a six-week-long wildcat strike at the Lonmin platinum mine at Marikana near Rustenburg in South Africa's North West province. The massacre constituted the most lethal use of force by South African security forces against civilians since the Soweto uprising in 1976,[1] and has been compared to the 1960 Sharpeville massacre.[2][3][4]

The massacre occurred on the seventh day of an illegal wildcat strike at the mine: although the initial strikers were primarily rock drill operators belonging to the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), the strike action was launched without NUM endorsement. The strikers sought a sizeable wage increase, to R12,500 monthly, to be negotiated outside the existing collective wage agreement. Early reports, later denied, suggested that they had been encouraged in this demand by the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu), the NUM's more militant and fast-growing rival. When the NUM refused to represent their demands and Lonmin refused to meet with them, the aggrieved mineworkers launched the strike on 10 August 2012. On 11 August, senior representatives of the NUM opened fire on the strikers as they marched towards the NUM's office; two wounded strikers were wrongly reported killed, vastly heightening tensions.

Between 12 August and 14 August, violence escalated among the strikers, the SAPS, and private security officers employed by Lonmin. During this period, as the strikers armed themselves and additional police forces were deployed to Marika, ten people were killed. Five of them – three strikers and two SAPS members – were killed in a single confrontation on 13 August. In addition, two Lonmin security officers were killed on 12 August, and three other Lonmin mine employees were killed in isolated incidents, for which strikers are presumed to be responsible. Failed attempts to negotiate a peaceful resolution were launched by SAPS and the leadership of both Amcu and the NUM.

The massacre on 16 August was the result of the decision by SAPS forcibly to disperse the striking mineworkers, who throughout the week had gathered on a public koppie (Afrikaans for a small hilltop) neighbouring the mine. The shooting took place at two locations, roughly 500 metres away from each other, with 17 people fatally wounded at each of these locations. The vast majority of fatalities were killed by R5 assault rifle fire. The official figure for strikers injured during the shooting is 78.

The Lonmin strike ended on 18 September, when a collective wage agreement was signed which secured an average wage increase of 11 to 22 per cent for Lonmin mineworkers; after six weeks, the strikers returned to work on 20 September. In the interim, however, similar wildcat strikes, often with identical wage demands and sometimes leading to further violent clashes, were initiated at other mines across South Africa. This wave of strikes led President Jacob Zuma to deploy the national military to the platinum-mining belt in mid-September and collectively made 2012 the most protest-filled year in the country since the end of apartheid.[5]

In the aftermath of the massacre, 270 Lonmin mineworkers were arrested and, under the common purpose doctrine, charged with the murder of their colleagues on 16 August; met with public outcry, the charges were ultimately dropped. An official commission of inquiry, chaired by retired judge Ian Farlam, concluded its investigation in 2015 but was ambivalent in assigning blame for the massacre, criticising the police's strategy and actions but also criticising the conduct of the strikers, unions, and mine management.

Background[edit]

NUM–Amcu rivalry[edit]

The Marikana strike occurred against a backdrop of antagonism between the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and its emerging rival, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU). The NUM was the largest affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), which in turn was allied with South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), and has contributed many of the ANC's senior leaders.[6] According to the Guardian, the NUM's popularity had begun to decline under general secretary Frans Baleni, partly because of the NUM's perceived closeness to government and to management, which in some cases led members to believe that the union accepted unfair wage settlements that tied workers into years of insufficient wage increases.[7] Amcu, on the other hand, was founded by Joseph Mathunjwa after he fell out with the NUM in 1998.[6] In the months and years ahead of the Marikana strike, Amcu had begun to compete with the NUM for members and bargaining rights, especially in South Africa's platinum mines – the NUM's platinum sector had, during Baleni's tenure, become increasingly alienated from the NUM mainstream.[8][9] In January and February 2012, a six-week strike at the Impala Platinum mine in Rustenberg, North West Province turned acrimonious when the NUM accused Amcu of fuelling the strike to gain members;[10][11] four people died in the ensuing violence.[6]

The strike which occasioned the massacre was held at the Marikana mine, a platinum mine at Marikana, Rustenberg, not far from the Impala mine where the earlier violence occurred. The mine was operated by Lonmin, the world's third-largest platinum producer.[12][13] NUM's dominance in Lonmin mines had faltered in the preceding years: its membership had declined from 66 per cent of Lonmin workers to 49 per cent, and it had therefore lost its exclusive organising rights in the mines.[7] Simultaneously, Amcu's support had shot up to roughly 20 per cent of Lonmin workers.[7][6]

Worker grievances[edit]

Average price of platinum from 1992 to 2012, in US$ per troy ounce (~$20/g)[14]

The strike at Marikana was driven by rock drill operators, who of all mineworkers typically work in some of the most dangerous conditions underground.[7][8] Lonmin employed about 4,100 such operators.[15] The rock drillers sought a three-fold wage increase, from R4,000 a month to R12,500 a month,[16] notwithstanding the fact that the prevailing collective wage agreement was not due to expire until 2013.[8] At least some of the strikers were inspired by the wage increases that had been obtained by rock drillers at the Impala mine strike earlier that year (from R4,000 to R9,500).[8][17] Some were reportedly encouraged by the fact that, in July 2012, Lonmin had agreed to grant a housing allowance increase to miners following an unprotected strike – suggesting that the mine was willing to negotiate outside of the collective wage agreement.[18][19] However, it was also reported that Amcu had promised the Marikana strikers that the R12,500 wage was attainable – and thus, in the Guardian's phrase, had "dangled a fat piece of fruit in front of the workers' eyes".[7] Amcu president Mathunjwa confirmed that the strike was a response to poor pay: "As long as bosses and senior management are getting fat cheques, that's good for them. And these workers are subjected to poverty for life."[20] However, on 17 August – after the massacre – he denied that Amcu had promised workers that it could negotiate a R12,500 wage.[21]

In the aftermath of the strike and massacre, observers turned their attention to broader conditions in the mine which could have contributed to the workers' grievances and to the volatile environment during the strike. Al Jazeera said that the strike took place amid "seething tensions" in the mine, as a result of "dire living conditions, union rivalry, and company disinterest".[18] The Bench Marks Foundation argued that a key trigger of the violence had been the exploitation of the mineworkers: "The benefits of mining are not reaching the workers or the surrounding communities. Lack of employment opportunities for local youth, squalid living conditions, unemployment and growing inequalities contribute to this mess."[22] Rob Davies, South Africa's Minister of Trade and Industry, described the conditions in the mines as "appalling" and said that mine owners who "make millions" had questions to answer about how they treat their workers.[23] The International Labour Organisation agreed, saying that workers in mines such as Marikana were frequently "exposed to a variety of safety hazards: falling rocks, exposure to dust, intensive noise, fumes and high temperatures, among others".[24]

Initial strike: 10–16 August[edit]

Marikana (Maretlwane) is located in South Africa
Marikana (Maretlwane)
Marikana (Maretlwane)
The massacre took place on the periphery of Wonderkop, near Marikana, North West Province.

Strike begins: 10 August[edit]

On Wednesday 8 August 2012, a group of rock drill operators from various Lonmin mines had a mass meeting at which they agreed on their demand for a significant salary increase – though the NUM leaders present at the meeting refused to support the demand.[25] The following day was a public holiday – Women's Day – and another rock drillers' meeting was held at the Lonmin-owned football stadium which bordered the workers' accommodation in Wonderkop; attendees agreed to approach the Lonmin management directly, as NUM refused to represent them.[25]

On 10 August, workers at the Marikana mine assembled and marched – that is, toyi-toyi'd[17] – to the offices of Lonmin management. Lonmin refused to meet with them, instructing them to consult with their NUM leadership,[25] and, in response, 3,000 workers walked off the job.[19] This initiated an illegal wildcat strike, designed to achieve the strikers' desired wage increase to R12,500.[26][16] According to sources interviewed by the Daily Maverick, the instigators of the strike were largely NUM members, but "came together as workers, not as a union" and held the strike without any union representation.[25] Testifying later, witnesses disagreed about whether the gatherings on 10 August had been peaceful, or whether attendees had displayed aggression towards Lonmin management.[27]

Little reported on at the time were clashes on the evening of 10 August between the strikers and private security officials employed by Lonmin. According to Lonmin and NUM officials, there was widespread intimidation of workers who wished to report for duty instead of joining the strike.[27] Lonmin security officers – on at least three occasions throughout the evening – fired rubber bullets into crowds of strikers, whom they said were armed with traditional weapons, including knobkerries and spears. Two miners were injured by gunshots and fired criminal charges for attempted murder, but subsequent investigation did not establish whether they had been hit with live ammunition or only by rubber bullets.[27][17] The South African Police Service (SAPS) was summoned by Lonmin during the unrest on the evening of 10 August, and later testified that on that day it formulated a contingency plan which would allow it to conduct policing in the case of prolonged or hostile strike action.[27]

Clash with the NUM: 11 August[edit]

Early in the morning on Saturday 11 August, the strikers – still primarily NUM-affiliated rock drill operators – marched to the main offices of the NUM in Wonderkop, where they intended to present a memorandum to their NUM branch leaders (who are elected representatives, senior to shop stewards, paid a bonus by the mine for their union work). The memorandum formally requested that the NUM should represent the strikers in their demand for a R12,500 wage.[25] However, according to both strikers and other witnesses, once the march was about 100 or 150 metres away from the NUM office, somewhere in the vicinity of the Wonderkop taxi rank, some 15 to 20 NUM representatives – wielding between five and 15 firearms between them – emerged from the office and opened fire (using live ammunition) on the protestors, apparently without warning or provocation.[25]

In later investigations, the NUM representatives did not dispute that at least some of them had opened fire on the protestors, but they claimed that the protestors were armed with traditional weapons, threw stones and shouted threats as they approached, and provided no indication that they hoped to speak peacefully with NUM leadership. Indeed, the NUM representatives had heard a rumour that the protestors intended to set alight the NUM office, and therefore believed themselves to be acting in self-defence.[27][28] This account was contradicted by strikers, who claimed that they had armed themselves, precisely for the purpose of self-defence, only after the confrontation at the NUM offices.[25][29] There was also some confusion about casualties incurred during the confrontation. The Daily Maverick reported in 2012, based on interviews with sources, that two protestors – both rock drillers and NUM members – had been killed by gunfire.[25][29] This claim was later repeated.[30] However, the official investigation later reported that two protestors had been shot by NUM representatives but had survived.[27][28]

Following the clash outside the NUM offices, the strikers dispersed and later reassembled at Lonmin's football stadium. There, they decided for their safety to move their meetings to the nearby koppie (a small hilltop), which was located on public land – easily accessible from the various Lonmin mines in the area and from the Marikana and Wonderkop settlements – and which became the primary staging ground for confrontations in the week ahead.[25] According to the Guardian's sources, it was on the afternoon of 11 August that other miners – not just rock drill operators, but other Lonmin workers – joined the strike, infuriated by the NUM's response to the protest and by what they viewed as NUM collusion with Lonmin.[17] Sources also told the Guardian that attendees at the afternoon gathering collected cash to enlist a sangoma, a traditional healer, to protect them from violence.[17]

Further violence: 12–15 August[edit]

Over the next few days, SAPS drastically increased its presence in Marikana, deploying additional members from other provinces. According to SAPS figures, there were 209 SAPS members at Marikana on 13 August; this increased to 532 members on 14 August, 689 members on 15 August, and, finally, 718 members on 16 August.[27] The additional deployments accompanied a marked escalation in the violence. Despite conflicting reports at the time and in the following months, subsequent investigation suggests that at least ten people were killed at Marikana between 12 and 14 August: three mineworkers and two policemen in a single altercation; and, in other confrontations, an additional three Lonmin mine employees and two Lonmin security officials.[27]

Confrontations with Lonmin security: 12 August[edit]

On 12 August, there were at least three violent confrontations between strikers and Lonmin security. First, a scuffle ensued during a march of strikers from the koppie to the Lonmin management office, apparently precipitated by a rock thrown at security officers by one striker and inflamed by the security officers opening fire with rubber bullets.[17][27] Many of the strikers were, by this point, armed, including with pangas,[17] and security officers were injured during their retreat.[27] A second confrontation occurred at a mineworkers' hostel, where two Lonmin security officers – Hassan Fundi and Frans Mabelane – were killed, presumably by strikers.[27] And a third took place at the K4 shaft of Marikana mine, where workers attempting to enter the mine to work were assaulted and seriously injured, and one worker, Thapelo Eric Mabebe, was killed.[27] Several vehicles were also burned.[27] The official investigation later condemned the K4 incident as "an unprovoked attack on unarmed persons... to enforce the strike with intimidation".[27] Another mineworker, Julius Langa, was stabbed to death in the early hours of 13 August, again presumably by strikers.[27]

Confrontation with SAPS: 13 August[edit]

On the day of 13 August, the first bloody confrontation between strikers and police occurred, though, despite police video of the incident, the exact course of events is not clear.[27] It is generally accepted that a small group of some 100 to 200 strikers had marched from the koppie towards the K3 shaft, where they had heard that some employees were still at work. Once informed by Lonmin security that the shaft was empty, the strikers turned back to the koppie, but were intercepted, near the railway line, by a police contingent.[17][27] Video footage shows Major-General William Mpembe, the deputy provincial police commissioner for North West province, attempting to negotiate with the strikers, who he demanded should disarm – they were carrying sticks and pangas – before being allowed to rejoin the group on the koppie. In the video, the strikers refuse to disarm, saying that their intentions were not violent but that they needed the weapons to protect themselves from the NUM.[29] The group's leader is heard beseeching the police, "Please open the way for us. That’s the only thing we are asking for. We are not fighting with anyone. We just want to go to the koppie."[17] The strikers and police then reached an agreement that the police would escort the strikers to the koppie, where they would hand over their weapons.[27]

However, moments later – shortly after the police video cuts out – a scuffle broke out. The Guardian implied that Mbembe appeared, in the video, to change his mind after taking a phone call;[17] while Mbembe himself testified that the strikers had charged the police,[27] though further video footage later emerged which appeared to contradict this.[31] In the ensuing chaos, at least one tear gas canister and one stun grenade were fired by police, although there is dispute as to whether Mbembe had ordered this action.[27] According to police records, at least three police officers (one yielding a pistol and the two others with R5 assault rifles) fired at least 37 rounds between them.[27] Two warrant officers, Hendrick Monene and Sello Lepaaku, were killed, as were three mineworkers (on or near the scene): Phumzile Sokhanyile, Semi Jokanisi, and Thembelakhe Mati.[31] Another officer was critically injured and was airlifted to hospital.[27][15] According to the Guardian, on the night of 13 August, police officers across the country circulated photographs of the brutalised bodies of the dead officers;[17] the strikers' lawyers later claimed that the incident gave SAPS members a "revenge motive" which infected events in subsequent days.[27] In the years after the strike, two separate murder trials began in relation to the incident: one concerning the officers' deaths and the other the mineworkers' deaths, with police officers accused, in particular, of deliberately "hunting down" Sokhanyile.[31]

Negotiations on the koppie: 14–15 August[edit]

On the evening of 13 August, the police had made a decision to attempt to negotiate a peaceful resolution with the strikers, who were still occupying the koppie.[27] Lieutenant Colonel Stephen James McIntosh, a trained hostage negotiator, arrived at the koppie in the early afternoon on 14 August. He later recounted that there had been between 4,000 to 5,000 strikers on the koppie, many of them armed with traditional or homemade weapons, and many of them "rowdy and aggressive".[27] After McIntosh addressed the crowd from a loudspeaker, five representatives of the strikers approached his armoured vehicle in order to negotiate with the SAPS officers. They spoke in Fanagalo, with a Lonmin employee interpreting for the police.[27] The strikers reiterated to McIntosh that the strike was about wages, that they were on the koppie because the NUM had attacked them on 10 August, and that they demanded to speak to Lonmin management.[27] At about 5 p.m. on 14 August, the police negotiators were informed that a corpse had been found around the back of the koppie. It was the body of Isiah Twala, a Lonmin supervisor, who some of the strikers accused of being an impimpi (informer).[27] The strikers' representatives agreed to let police land a helicopter near the koppie in order to conduct investigations on the scene.[27]

At this point, Lonmin management believed the strike to have been driven by Amcu and its support for the R12,500 wage demand – a claim later retracted.[27] However, at the time, that belief also circulated in the media, which reproduced the narrative that the ongoing violence at Marikana was the result of rivalry between Amcu and NUM.[32] Also on 14 August, NUM general secretary Baleni denied this, saying that NUM was a victim of Amcu in the violence.[33] He also expressed alarm that "the escalating violence has been allowed to continue unabated by the law enforcement agencies" and called for the deployment of a special task force or the military to "deal decisively with the criminal elements in Rustenberg and its surrounding mine".[33] Amcu vice-president Jeff Mthahmeme, in response, denied that the NUM was a victim, accusing NUM members of being "the perpetrators of this violence" and of having led to the deaths of two Amcu members.[33] In the telling of Amcu president Mathunjwa, the miners occupying the koppie had primarily been disgruntled NUM leaders, who had lost faith in their union representatives: "It's possible that Amcu members were there but it's not Amcu that coordinated the protest on the mountain".[21]

According to Mathunjwa, he and other Amcu leadership became involved in the strike not because it had promised the strikers to negotiate the wage increase, but because it had been asked, on 13 August, to intervene in the standoff, even though it did not officially represent the workers involved in the dispute.[21] Indeed, negotiations between SAPS and the strikers were to resume on the morning of 15 August, and Mathunjwa made himself available to assist. On 15 August, he and NUM president Senzeni Zokwana appeared together on Xolani Gwala's Forum at 8, a morning radio programme broadcast on SAFM shortly after the 8 a.m. news. At the end of the programme, Zokwana and Mathunjwa agreed to go together to Marikana to speak to the strikers and urge them to return to work.[27] Both union leaders addressed the crowd on the koppie through loudspeakers, from inside armoured vehicles – in a video, Mathunjwa is seen objecting to this arrangement, saying "These are people and we are a union. We are not afraid of them, we have done nothing wrong".[29] The strikers refused to listen to Zokwana – who later said that the strikers did not trust the NUM and would never have wanted its involvement in negotiations[28] – but Mathunjwa was able to address them.[29][34] However, according to the Daily Maverick, Mathunjwa's attempts to mediate between the strikers and management were stymied by the refusal of Lonmin and the police to accede to the strikers' demand that Lonmin management address them directly.[29] Indeed, Lonmin had that morning reiterated its insistence that it would engage with its employees only through the official structures "in a very safe environment where there are no weapons. Not on the mountain".[27]

Police decision to disarm miners: 15 August[edit]

On 14 August, SAPS members had met with Lonmin management, and North West Police Commissioner Zukiswa Mbombo had proposed that Lonmin should issue an ultimatum to its workers to return to work; SAPS would then attempt to encircle the strikers on the koppie, and then give them a chance to lay down their weapons and leave the koppie one by one. In a recording of the conversation, Mbombo says that if the strikers did not surrender their arms the following day, "it is blood".[27] However, she also said, "I do not want a situation where 20 people are dead. This is not what we are here for."[17] However, the following day, the visit of the union leaders to Marikana led SAPS to postpone taking strong action against the strikers.[27]

Later on 15 August, an "extraordinary session" of the SAPS National Management Forum was held in Midrand, Gauteng, and endorsed a new strategy: if the plan to encircle the strikers and have them voluntarily disarm and disperse failed, SAPS would forcibly disarm and remove them from the koppie. This contingency, the so-called "tactical option", therefore was pre-arranged and was not – contrary to initial suggestions – only formulated on the ground on the afternoon of 16 August when events on the koppie escalated.[27]

ANC stalwart Cyril Ramaphosa, who was a former NUM leader and in 2012 was a member of the Lonmin board, was criticised for failing to advocate for the workers' interests. Instead, emails he had written during the strike – later released publicly – were interpreted as showing that he had argued for the police to intervene. On 15 August, he wrote to Lonmin's chief commercial director, "The terrible events that have unfolded cannot be described as a labour dispute. They are plainly dastardly criminal and must be characterised as such... There needs to be concomitant action to address this situation."[17] In another email, he wrote that, "the Minister [Susan Shabangu, Minister of Mineral Resources] and indeed all government officials need to understand that we are essentially dealing with a criminal act".[35] In May 2017, Ramaphosa – by then Deputy President of South Africa – apologised for the phrasing of the emails.[36]

Massacre: 16 August[edit]

Events in the morning[edit]

On the morning of 16 August, the SAPS operational command held a meeting at which they referred to the day ahead as "D-Day", suggesting that they were prepared to enforce the so-called tactical option.[27] At 9.30 a.m., Mbombo held a press conference in which she announced the police's firm intention that "today we are ending this matter", telling eNCA that "The plan is that we intend to ensure that today we end this strike. If they resist, like I said, today is a day that we intend to end the violence."[27] Similarly, SAPS spokesman Dennis Adriao told a journalist, "Today is unfortunately D-day. It is an illegal gathering. We’ve tried to negotiate and we’ll try again, but if that fails, we’ll obviously have to go to a tactical phase."[37] To other journalists he said:

We have tried over a number of days to negotiate with the leaders and with the gathering here at the mine, our objective is to get the people to surrender their weapons and to disperse peacefully. Today is D-day in terms of if they don’t comply then we will have to act... we will have to take steps.[38]

Proceeding with the plan to encircle the miners and offer them a chance to disperse, SAPS assembled around the koppie, with the difference from previous days consisting primarily in the fact that their armoured vehicles – several Nyalas pre-positioned around the koppie – pulled trailers full of barbed wire.[27] The barbed wire was intended to be uncoiled at a later moment to prevent strikers from dispersing into police lines and attacking them,[34] but the wire was immediately visible from the koppie and provoked a hostile response from the strikers.[27] Other preparations included an order of 4,000 additional rounds of R5 ammunition (which was delivered to Marikana in the afternoon but sent back as unneeded) and a request to station four mortuary vehicles, equipped to remove up to sixteen corpses, at Marikana (although only one hearse was available, and it did not arrive until around 1 p.m.).[27] In addition, the police forces stationed at Marikana now included several elite units: in addition to 176 public-order policing officers, there were 337 officers from specialised units including the Tactical Reaction Unit, Special Task Force, National Intervention Unit and the K-9.[34]

When my husband was going to work, leaving me, he told me that they are going to a meeting, where they are going to be addressed by the union. He hoped to hear from the union whether they had managed to come to an agreement with Lonmin, whether they were going back to work tomorrow, and how much they would get paid.

– Makopane Thelejane, whose husband Thabiso died at the second scene[39]

At around 1 p.m., Johannes Seoka, the Anglican Bishop of Pretoria and the Chairman of the South African Council of Churches, arrived at the koppie and spoke to the strikers' leaders, who asked him to have Lonmin management address the crowd at the koppie.[27] At around the same time, the operational command held another meeting, begun at 1.30 p.m. Minutes of the meeting reflected that the command decided that SAPS would again ask the strikers to lay down their weapons and leave the koppie, and would thereafter search any stragglers who remained on the koppie; but the meeting also reaffirmed the tactical option, as a last resort if the strikers refused to comply. They also discussed how the tactical option would be implemented on the ground.[27] Subsequent investigation concluded that SAPS probably understood at this point that the strikers would not comply and that the tactical option would be necessary.[27] When Bishop Seoka meet with Lonmin managers, they told him that the strikers should be told again that management would negotiate only if they disarmed and left the koppie; however, before Seoka could transmit this message to the koppie, somebody pulled him aside and advised him that the koppie was now off limits as a "security risk zone".[27]

The operational command had agreed to launch the operation at 3.30 p.m., but it was delayed by a final visit to the koppie by Amcu's president Mathunjwa.[27] At a press briefing the following day, Mathunjwa cried as he recounted having attempted to persuade the occupying miners to disperse: "I pleaded with them: 'The writing is on the wall, they are going to kill you'".[6] Video footage was later made public in which he could be seen on his knees pleading with the strikers.[40] Mathunjwa later said that the strikers had dug into their protest because Lonmin had reneged on its commitment that "once you're there peacefully at work, management will address your grievances through union structures".[21] Specifically, he claimed that Lonmin management had promised on 15 August that it would negotiate with the strikers if they returned to work, but that this promise was retracted on the morning of 16 August.[34] Mathunjwa left the koppie just before 3.40 p.m., when the operation began.[27] Subsequent events took place in two main locations: so-called scene one, at the koppie which the strikers had occupied throughout the week, and scene two, at a smaller koppie nearby (see below).[40]

Scene one[edit]

On the afternoon of 16 August, the protestors lined up and were, according to some sources, anointed with "muti" that was presented as making them invisible and invincible. Crouching down, as they were told, they then attacked the fully armed members of a contingent of the SAPS, from an elite special unit,[41] who opened fire with assault rifles (R5 rifles), on the group of advancing strikers. Within minutes 34 miners were killed, and at least 78 were wounded.[42]

Footage from several different angles shows that the police were pushing the strikers into a small area. Groups of strikers began singing struggle songs, and marched along police lines. The police fired teargas and rubber bullets into these groups. At least one person in one group shot a handgun at the police. Members of this group either panicked or deliberately charged at a police line which sparked off the shooting.[43]

Police accounts[edit]

The South African Police Service said that the miners had refused a request to disarm and attacked them with various weapons including firearms taken from the two police officers killed earlier in the week.[44][45] South Africa's Police Commissioner, Riah Phiyega claimed that the 500 strong police force was attacked by armed strikers, stating "The militant group stormed toward the police firing shots and wielding dangerous weapons."[46]

The day after the shooting Police Commissioner Phiyega released a statement giving a detailed account of the efforts taken by the police to avert the threat of a violent end to the stand-off. In the statement Commissioner Phiyega claims that the SAPS had on a number of occasions since the beginning of the week attempted to negotiate a peaceful end to the strike. Commissioner Phiyega also claims that the SAPS had begun receiving information that the crowd did not intend to leave peacefully and that a violent response from the miners was a likely outcome. At this point Commissioner Phiyega asserts that efforts were made to escalate defensive and crowd control measures by the deployment of concertina wire barricades and the use of water cannons, rubber bullets, stun grenades, and tear gas to break the strikers up and drive them into an area where they could better control them. It was at this point that Commissioner Phiyega claims that the efforts to gain control of the situation failed and the miners turned violent, attacking members of the SAPS. Commissioner Phiyega claims that members of the SAPS who were directly in the path of the attack had moved back in a defensive manner up until the point that it was believed that their safety was under threat, at which point they were cleared to use maximum force to halt the attack and protect themselves. Commissioner Phiyega said that the SAPS had acted well within their legislative mandate as outlined in Section 205 of the Constitution of South Africa.[47]

Advocate Ishmael Semenya, the lawyer for the police during official inquiry described the scale of the shooting when he stated on 6 November 2012 that "No more than 100 police officers discharged their firearms on 16 August. If the commission investigates the lawfulness of police conduct, then we could have to call 100 witnesses."[48]

Most people then called for us to get off the mountain, and as we were coming down, the shooting began. Most people who were shot near the kraal were trying to get into the settlement; the blood we saw is theirs. We ran in the other direction, as it was impossible now to make it through the bullets... We ran until we got to the meeting spot and watched the incidents at the koppie. Two helicopters landed; soldiers and police surrounded the area. We never saw anyone coming out of the koppie.

– An unnamed striker[37]

Eyewitness and journalist accounts[edit]

Al Jazeera reported that the strikers had been forced by police in armoured vehicles with water cannons into an area surrounded by razor wire at which point the shooting began.[49]

Greg Marinovich examined the scene and found that the majority of victims were shot 300 meters from police lines where the main "charge" took place.[50] He claims that some of the victims "appear to have been shot at close range or crushed by police vehicles." Some victims were shot in a "koppie" where they were cornered and could have been arrested. Due to local geography they must have been shot at close range. Few bullets were found in the surrounding area, suggesting they did not die in a hail of bullets. Marinovich concludes that "It is becoming clear to this reporter that heavily armed police hunted down and killed the miners in cold blood."[51][52]

The Sowetan reported that striking miners appeared to have fired on the police, though the group which advanced towards the police appeared to be "peacefully gathering".[53] The Star journalist Poloko Tau said police maintained that they had been fired on first, but Tau did not see this firsthand.[53] The Times reported that police did not use live ammunition until fired upon by a striking worker with a shotgun, and Siphiwe Sibeko, a Reuters photographer who was present at the scene, stated that he saw at least one of the protesters shoot a pistol before the police opened fire.[54]

The striking mine workers had gathered on 16 August armed with spears, pangas and sticks.[8] A large group of women, not employed at the mine, some armed with knobkerries, joined them. Six guns were found at the scene, one of which belonged to a police officer "hacked to death" earlier during the strike.[55] 34 people were killed and 78 injured.[56]

Immediate government response: 16–19 August[edit]

President Jacob Zuma said he was "shocked and dismayed" by the shooting.

On 16 August, as the media began to report that the police had opened fire on strikers, the Ministry of Police acknowledged that there had been deaths but defended the police's actions, writing, "To protest is a legal and constitutional right of any citizen. However, these rights do not imply that people should be barbaric, intimidating and hold illegal gatherings. We had a situation where people who were armed to the teeth attacked and killed other."[57] President Jacob Zuma – who at the time was in Maputo, Mozambique, attending a summit of the Southern African Development Community[58] – condemned the killings but made no reference to the actions of the police, saying in a statement:

We are shocked and dismayed at this senseless violence. We believe there is enough space in our democratic order for any dispute to be resolved through dialogue without any breaches of the law or violence. We call upon the labour movement and business to work with government to arrest the situation before it deteriorates any further. I have instructed law enforcement agencies to do everything possible to bring the situation under control and to bring the perpetrators of violence to book... We extend our deepest condolences to the families of all who have lost their lives since the beginning of this violent action.[59]

The following day, Zuma returned early from Mozambique to visit the site of the shootings in Rustenberg, and announced that he would establish a commission of inquiry to discover "the real cause" of the tragedy (see below).[58] The same day, National Police Commissioner Riah Phiyega told the media, "This is no time for blaming, this is no time for finger-pointing. It is a time for us to mourn".[60] Phiyega said that the police had acted in self-defence,[60] having been "forced to use maximum force to defend themselves".[42] To support this argument she presented aerial photography of the events which she claimed demonstrated that the strikers had advanced towards the police force before the police had opened fire.[61] However, the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) announced that an investigation would be conducted to determine whether the police response had been proportionate to the threat posed by the striking miners.[62] On 19 August, Zuma called for a national week of mourning, as an opportunity to "reflect on the sanctity of human life and the right to life".[63] Meanwhile, the day after the shootings, a group of about 50 women in the Marikana community staged a protest, demanding that the police officers responsible for the shooting be fired.[64] The families of the miners criticised the government's delay in producing a list of the dead, which left many uncertain whether missing members of their families were amongst those killed, wounded, or arrested on 16 August.[65]

Arrests and murder charges: August–September[edit]

On 16 August, SAPS had arrested 259 mineworkers in the vicinity of the massacre site,[56] holding them in cells across various police stations in the North West and Gauteng province.[66] Over the next fortnight, 11 more strikers were arrested in the settlements around Marikana, reportedly including some who were detained after being discharged from hospital.[66] On 30 August, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) told the media that all 270 mineworkers would be charged in the Ga-Rankuwa Magistrate's Court, and, moreover, that each be charged not only with public violence but also with the murder of their 34 colleagues who had been massacred on 16 August.[13] This was the case even though some of those arrested had been unarmed or at the back of the crowd, and even though six of them remained hospitalised for injuries incurred during the massacre.[13] The NPA did not dispute that it was SAPS officers who had shot the 34 victims, but argued that the murder charges were legally sound under South Africa's common purpose doctrine.[67] The doctrine had attained public notoriety for its historical use by the apartheid government against anti-apartheid activists,[13][68] but had been reaffirmed by courts in the post-apartheid era.[67][69]

The news of the charges against the mineworkers caused public outcry, beginning with a protest of about 100 people, calling for the detainees' immediate release, outside the courthouse on 30 August.[13] ANC Treasurer-General Mathews Phosa called the NPA's decision "absurd",[70] and Jeff Radebe, South Africa's Minister of Justice, acknowledged that the announcement had caused "shock, panic and confusion" among the public and promised to seek an explanation from the NPA.[71] The head of the NPA, acting National Director of Public Prosecutions Nomgcobo Jiba, launched a review of the decision and announced on 2 September that it had been retracted. The 270 mineworkers would be released, and the murder charges against them would be dropped provisionally, although the other provisional charges against them would remain in place.[67] Jiba emphasised that the final decision on charges would be made only once all investigations had been completed.[67]

The release of the detained mineworkers began the following day.[72][73] They were released conditionally, on a warning, with their cases postponed pending the finalisation of investigations, including the finalisation of the commission of inquiry announced by Zuma.[74] The NPA also pointed out that the decision as announced pertained only to the proposed murder charges under common purpose doctrine – a separate matter to the murder of the ten other people in the week before 16 August. Prosecutors said that seven suspects had been arrested in connection with the killing of the two SAPS officers on 13 August, and that one person had been charged with the murder of the two Lonmin security guards on 12 August.[67] Upon their release, several mineworkers told the media that they had been subject to police brutality while in detention.[66] Indeed, 150 of them had filed complaints with IPID alleging that they had been assaulted by police in their cells.[68]

Continuation of strike: August–September[edit]

We are treating the developments around police operations this afternoon with the utmost seriousness. The South African Police Service (SAPS) have been in charge of public order and safety on the ground since the violence between competing labour factions erupted over the weekend, claiming the lives of eight of our employees and two police officers. It goes without saying that we deeply regret the further loss of life in what is clearly a public order rather than labour relations associated matter.

– Statement of Lonmin chairman Roger Phillimore, 16 August 2012[75]

Ultimatums ignored: 20–24 August[edit]

In a statement, Lonmin expressed regret for the loss of life, which it viewed as a "public order" matter rather than a "labour relations" matter.[75] In the aftermath of the massacre, the company faced serious economic pressure, given already low platinum prices on the world market: its share value had declined by millions of dollars, and it soon announced that it would be unable to meet its annual production targets and might have to renegotiate its debt payments.[76][77] Simon Scott, Lonmin's chief financial officer and acting chief executive, said that the company needed to "rebuild the Lonmin brand and rebuild the platinum brand".[78]

On 19 August, Lonmin issued a "final ultimatum", ordering its employees to return to work the following day – a Monday – or face dismissal.[63] Strikers told the press that, unless Lonmin met the demands of the strike, they would return not to work but to the koppie, viewing the ultimatum as an "insult" to those who had been killed, arrested, and hospitalised on 16 August.[56][79] Amcu agreed that the ultimatum was "very unfair".[80]

The next day, Lonmin said that only about 27 per cent of workers had arrived for their shifts,[81] and announced that it would issue a 24-hour extension on the deadline to return to work.[82] Nonetheless, by Friday 24 August, only about 23 per cent of the workforce was present at the mine, far too short for production to resume.[83] This decreased to 13 per cent on Monday 27 August, even though the week of national mourning had by then ended.[84]

Negotiations: August–September[edit]

In a statement welcomed by Lonmin, the government announced on 24 August that the Department of Labour would assist Lonmin in negotiating with strikers to reach "a peace accord... which allows for a peaceful return to work".[83] When negotiations began, they were mediated by Bishop Seoka of the South African Council of Churches.[85] Patekile Holomisa, the leader of the Congress of Traditional Leaders, was also involved.[86] Lonmin insisted that it would not negotiate wages until a peace agreement was signed,[85] but the strikers continued to insist on their demand for a R12,500 monthly wage,[87] although they reportedly disagreed even amongst themselves whether that figure included deductions.[86] At one point in talks, the strikers' representatives agreed to lower their wage demand – by a single rand, to R12,499.[86] On 5 September, as negotiations deadlocked and wildcat strikes spread to other mines across the country (see below), over 1,000 mineworkers held a demonstration at the Marikana mine, reiterating their wage demands amid a heavy police presence.[88] Late that night, the negotiators finalised a peace agreement, but – though it was signed by the Department of Labour, the NUM, and two smaller unions, Solidarity and UASA – it was not signed by Amcu or by the representative of Lonmin's non-unionised workers.[85][89]

On 8 September, Amcu president Mathunjwa said of his union, "When the employer is prepared to make an offer on the table, we shall make ourselves available"; the same day, Lonmin reported that only two per cent of Marikana workers had arrived for their shifts.[90] Lonmin said that the strikes were driven by about 3,000 rock drill operators, and that its other 26,000 employees were not participating but faced intimidation from the strikers and were therefore afraid to return to work.[91] NUM's Baleni agreed that other mineworkers had not returned to work because they faced intimidation from the strikers: "The workers are still scared. There have been threats that those who have reported for duty would have their homes torched. Some of the workers also feel threatened by their managers. Peace has not really prevailed at this stage, which is the main reason why workers would stay away."[92]

Negotiations on Lonmin wages began on Monday 10 September, with a Lonmin executive telling the press, "If workers don't come to work, we will still pursue the peace path. That is very, very necessary for us to achieve because this level of intimidation and people fearing for their lives obviously does not help anybody. For now it is a fragile process and we need to nurture it."[92] The same day, strikers at Marikana stayed away from work and staged a demonstration, in defiance of the 6 September peace accord.[92] The deadline for mineworkers to return to work was extended by another 24-hour period, but they did not return to work the following day, either.[93] The Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration, a public body facilitating the negotiations, warned the striking mineworkers that it could not launch wage negotiations until they returned to work.[93]

Security clampdown: 14–16 September[edit]

Tensions escalated that weekend, after, on Friday 14 September, the striking mineworkers gathered on the koppie and collectively rejected as inadequate Lonmin's proposed wage increase.[94] The strike had by then spread to the Rustenberg mines (nearby Marikana) of platinum giant Anglo American Platinum (Amplats) (see below), and some labour activists in the area were proposing a general strike of mineworkers.[95] That afternoon, the security cluster of ministers in President Zuma's cabinet announced a clampdown on illegal labour protests, with Justice Minister Radebe declaring, "Our government will not tolerate these acts any further", and warning that anybody participating in illegal gatherings would be "dealt with very swiftly, without any further delay".[95] The military – a reported 1,000 soldiers – was deployed to the platinum belt to provide back-up for SAPS.[96] Before dawn on 15 September, 500 SAPS officers, assisted by the army, raided mineworkers' hostels in Marikana, seizing weapons including metal rods, machetes, spears, and sticks.[97][98] Six men were arrested during the raids for illegal possession of weapons and drugs,[98] and another six were detained in protests in Marikana later in the day, as a gathering of Lonmin strikers was forcibly dispersed by SAPS, using rubber bullets and tear gas.[97] Military and police helicopters and armoured police cars remained present around the Marikana mine for the rest of the weekend.[98] On Sunday 16 September, in response to the previous day's violence, hundreds of mineworkers from the Rustenberg area – reportedly dominated by workers at Amplats mines[96] – marched towards the Rustenberg police station, protesting the violence against strikers. They were persuaded by SAPS to disperse because they lacked a permit for the demonstration and therefore were gathering illegally,[98][99] but Al Jazeera reported that the presence of police helicopters was viewed as intimidation calculated to compel them to disperse.[100]

Resolution: 18–20 September[edit]

On 18 September, Bishop Seoka announced that the strikers had agreed to moderate their wage demands[101] and then that a resolution had been reached.[102] Late that night,[103] the parties signed a new wage agreement which secured the strikers' return to work. It entailed wage increases of varying magnitudes for different categories of work, with an average rise of between 11 and 22 per cent, effective from 1 October.[104][105] Rock drill operators, for example, would receive an increase to R11,078 monthly.[106] All workers would also receive a once-off bonus of R2,000 to compensate them for the wages they had foregone during the strike.[106][104] The strikers had apparently been informed of the offer on the afternoon of 18 September,[103] and, the following day, they gathered at Wonderkop stadium – where rockdrillers had initially agreed to strike on 9 August – to celebrate the agreement, singing the national anthem.[104] According to the Mail & Guardian, the strikers were partly convinced to accept the agreement because of "a tacit agreement between all involved to allow the workers to believe that a minimum gross entry wage of R12,500 would be implemented within two years".[86] The mineworker who had represented non-unionised strikers during the talks said that Lonmin management had been asked to promise to work towards this.[107]

Lonmin expressed satisfaction with the agreement as the conclusion of a difficult process,[106] while acknowledging that it was "only one step in a long and difficult process which lies ahead for everyone who has been affected by the events at Marikana".[103] Amcu's Mathunjwa said in a statement, "This could have been done without losing lives".[106] The Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration congratulated the parties on their efforts,[106] and, after the agreement was announced, the spot platinum price fell by two per cent and the exchange rate strengthened.[107] However, although Lonmin said that it viewed the situation at Marikana as "extraordinary", some observers worried that Lonmin's concessions to the strikers would create moral hazard and inspire copycat wildcat strikes, with similarly ambitious wage demands, at other mines.[105][108][109] Zwelinzima Vavi, the general secretary of Cosatu, echoed this concern;[110] as did Baleni of the NUM: "The normal bargaining processes have been compromised. It does suggest that unprotected action, an element of anarchy, can be easily rewarded, people can do certain wrong things with impunity and that means that it can roll over to other operations."[105] Noting the limitations of the agreement from another perspective, a member of the Marikana Solidarity Campaign pointed out that there was much more work still to be done, including in supporting the families of the victims of the massacre, offering counselling for post-traumatic stress, and overseeing the official government inquiry:

The campaign will go on. This campaign is aimed at helping workers. People died here at Marikana. Something needs to be done. This is a campaign to ensure justice for the people of Marikana. We want the culprits to be brought to book, and it is crucial that justice is seen to be done here. It is our duty and the duty of this country to ensure justice is served, so that we can make sure this country is a democracy and to stop South Africa from going down the drain... During the past week people were taken from their homes and arrested by police, and people have been shot at. We need to ensure the safety of these people, and need to help stop police action against the people of Marikana. The work is enormous. Some people still need medical attention, and we also need to look at the living conditions of workers and the community at large. Then there is the problem of the unemployment of women and the high rate of illiteracy here. We need to help realise programmes to ensure people can get an income, that they can enjoy a reasonable standard of living.[108]

As agreed,[111] the Lonmin mineworkers returned to work on 20 September,[111] though operations at the Marikana mine were temporarily disrupted once again a month later – on 18 October – when thousands of Lonmin employees staged a one-day walkout to protest the arrests of other mineworkers.[112]

Public and political reaction[edit]

A commemorative banner outside the Central Methodist Mission in Cape Town's Green Market Square

Political response[edit]

Jonny Steinberg – a South African-born academic at Oxford University – suggested that the repressive police response at Marikana might have reflected an attempt by President Zuma to project authority over an increasingly fractured country and government ahead of the ANC's 53rd National Conference in December 2012.[5] Ironically, however, observers expected that the events at Marikana would heighten the political pressure on Zuma ahead of the conference.[113][114][115] Julius Malema, the former leader of the ANC Youth League, visited the scene of the shootings and called for Zuma to resign, saying, "How can he call on people to mourn those he has killed? He must step down."[116] He also said:

A responsible president says to the police you must keep order, but please act with restraint. He says to them use maximum force. He has presided over the killing of our people, and therefore he must step down. Not even [the] apartheid government killed so many people. [The government] had no right to shoot. We have to uncover the truth about what happened here. In this regard, I've decided to institute a commission of inquiry. The inquiry will enable us to get to the real cause of the incident and to derive the necessary lessons, too. It is clear there is something serious behind these happenings and that's why I have taken a decision to establish the commission because we must get to the truth. This is a shocking thing. We do not know where it comes from and we have to address it.[117]

Indeed, Al Jazeera wondered whether the controversy over Marikana would resurrect Malema's political career, after his suspension from the ANC several months earlier.[118] Ramaphosa said that it was "very unfortunate that [Malema] took up a platform like this one where there is sadness and anger, to inflame the situation once again".[65] The opposition Democratic Alliance also criticised the police response to the strike.[119] The Pan Africanist Youth Congress of Azania called for Zuma to fire Phiyega and Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa, and "strongly condemn[ed] the barbaric conduct of the police and the government's indifference in resolving the dispute".[21]

Moreover, the massacre attracted a political response abroad: in Auckland, protesters attacked the South African High Commission with paint bombs;[120] and the White House's Deputy Press Secretary, Josh Earnest, told reporters that, "The American people are saddened at the tragic loss of life [at the Lonmin mines] and express our condolences to the families of those who have lost loved ones in this incident."[121] In the weeks after the massacre, Zuma sought to reassure international investors: while visiting the European Union (EU) headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, he acknowledged the tragedy – saying, "Certainly we regarded the incident of Marikana as an unfortunate one. Nobody expected such an event"[122] – but emphasised that it could have happened in "any country", that it "happened in the background of very stable democracy and very stable rule of law", and that he was in "full control" of the government response.[123] Nonetheless, Karel de Gucht, the EU Trade Commissioner, said "I realise that this is a social conflict, this is completely within the remit of the South African legislation and the South African political system. But we are... deeply troubled by the fact of all these dead victims."[122]

On 21 August, Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula became the first South African government official to apologise for the shooting and asked for forgiveness from angry miners who held up plastic packets of bullet casings to her. She said, "We agree, as you see us standing in front of you here, that blood was shed at this place. We agree that it was not something to our liking and, as a representative of the government, I apologise...I am begging, I beg and I apologise, may you find forgiveness in your hearts."[124]

Union recriminations[edit]

A work of protest art in Cape Town remembers one of the casualties.[125]

However, the ANC's political partners in the Tripartite Alliance tended to suggest that Amcu was responsible for the tragedy. The South African Communist Party called for Amcu's leaders to be arrested for their role in the strike.[126] Cosatu supported the police account of events and said that the police had first used tear gas and water cannons on the miners, who "retaliated"[59] with live ammunition.[127] Baleni, NUM's general secretary, likewise defended the police, telling Kaya FM that, "The police were patient, but these people were extremely armed with dangerous weapons".[128] Arguing that Amcu had instigated the bloodshed, NUM spokesman Lesiba Seshoka said, "These people said today they want to die on the hilltop. They said they will bring their children to die there. That is why we say the ringleaders must be arrested."[59]

Amcu, by contrast, blamed Lonmin, the police, and the NUM for the tragedy. According to Amcu president Mathunjwa, the conflict at Lonmin had "nothing to do with Amcu" but rather was "an in-fight [sic] of the members of NUM with their offices", with NUM members occupying the koppie because they had lost faith in NUM representatives' ability to negotiate a fair settlement.[21] He accused the NUM of colluding with Lonmin management to orchestrate the massacre – an accusation strongly denied by the NUM – and said, "We have to send condolences to those families whose members were brutally murdered by a lack of co-operation from management. We have done our bit. If the management had changed their commitment, surely lives could have been saved."[59] On the police response, Amcu general secretary Jeffrey Mphahlele said, "There was no need whatsoever for these people to be killed like that".[42] Some of the striking miners and their family members also blamed NUM for starting the violence on 11 August when NUM representatives shot at strikers.[129][130]

Straying slightly from the Cosatu line, the spokesman of the National Education, Health, and Allied Workers Union – another Cosatu affiliate – said:

This atrocious and senseless killing of workers is deplorable and unnecessary. Our union feels Lonmin should be made to account for this tragedy. We also demand an investigation on the role of labor brokers in this whole [incident]. The remuneration and working conditions of miners also needed to be addressed, as these mining companies have been allowed to get away with murder for far too long. Our police service has adopted and perfected the apartheid tactics and the militarisation of the service, and encouraged the use of force to resolve disputes and conflicts. Police tactics and training needed to be reviewed in light of Thursday's shooting. The union demands that all police officers who deal with protests be taught disciplined ways of controlling protesters. We cannot afford to have a police force that is slaughtering protesters in the new dispensation.[131]

A commemorative artwork by artist Jeannette Unite

Civil society[edit]

The day after the massacre, a small public protest against the killings was held outside Parliament in Cape Town.[132] On 21 August, a delegation from the National Interfaith Council of South Africa visited Marikana to offer condolences and support to the community. The delegation included Pastor Ray McCauley; Archbishop Buti Tlhagale; and Chief Rabbi Warren Goldstein.[133] The director of the Institute for Democracy in Africa, Paul Graham, asked "Why did South African policemen use live ammunition and interfere with a crime scene?" He also criticised the proposed commission of inquiry, finding it "very disappointing that those appointed to the commission of inquiry include cabinet ministers. They cannot be independent and will not be trusted."[78] The local Marikana Solidarity Campaign subsequently received support from a civic delegation – including the Socio-Economic Rights Institute, Sonke Gender Justice, Studies in Poverty and Inequality, Students for Law and Social Justice, the Treatment Action Campaign, and Section 27 – which travelled to Marikana to meet with workers and women.[108]

On the first anniversary of the massacre, the magazine Amandla! reflected that:

Perhaps the most important lesson of Marikana is that the state can gun down dozens of black workers with little or no backlash from "civil society", the judicial system or from within the institutions that supposedly form the bedrock of democracy... In other words, the state can get away with mass murder, with apparent impunity in terms of institutional conceptions of justice and political accountability... The nuanced and rigorous public debate and critical reflection that should have happened after Marikana has not happened. Instead, the country has spent the last year attempting to ignore or forget the massacre or belittle it by terming it a mere "tragedy", as if it were an act of nature or "a failure of intelligence".[134]

Media[edit]

South African news media showed graphic footage and photos of the shootings, under headlines including "Killing Field", "Mine Slaughter", and "Bloodbath". The Sowetan issued a front-page editorial, questioning what changed in South Africa since the fall of apartheid in the early 1990s, saying that Marikana reflected that apartheid brutalities against black workers were "continuing in a different guise now".[135] Reuters described the incident as leading South Africa to question "its post-apartheid soul".[136] Al Jazeera tentatively suggested that Lonmin's links to the ruling ANC reflected an "economic apartheid",[137] while Bloomberg linked the clashes to a growing wealth gap.[138] Mining Weekly said that the massacre would hurt South Africa as a destination for investment.[139]

In a controversial series of stand-up comedy shows, South African comedian Trevor Noah made light of the events, appearing to side with the police by arguing that they had "used teargas all week" but "couldn’t control people" and "had to use ammunition because the strikers had weapons". He also joked that "teargas is a waste of time" and ineffective against protesters, asking "Which strike has ever ended because of teargas?".[140] Comparing this response with Noah's biting critique of the American police response to the George Floyd protests, one commentator described Noah's remarks about Marikana as "the best example of [a certain] South African middle class hypocrisy".[141]

Firebrand politician Julius Malema called for a national mining strike sharing the Lonmin workers' demand for a blanket wage of R12,500.

Strikes elsewhere[edit]

As the Lonmin strike continued, Thandi Modise, the Premier of the North West, correctly predicted that the strikes would spread if the government did not adequately address inequality in South Africa.[76] Indeed, some politicians – notably Malema – argued that other mineworkers should take up the Lonmin workers' demand for a R12,5000 wage, and called for a nationwide strike in South Africa's mining sector, including with the objective of removing the incumbent NUM leadership.[93] In early September, in the West Rand, South Africa's gold mining hub, Malema told a crowd of mineworkers:

You must render the mines ungovernable... There must be a national strike. They have been stealing this gold from you. Now it is your turn. You want your piece of gold. These people are making billions from these mines.[142]

Platinum mining[edit]

The first wave of copycat strikes broke out at other mines in Rustenberg's platinum belt (centred on the Bushveld complex),[11] which together account for some three-quarters of the world's platinum reserves.[143][76] The first mine to be affected was another NUM-majority[143] platinum mine in Rustenberg, the Bafokeng Rasimone Platinum Joint-Venture, which was operated by Royal Bafokeng Platinum and located about 30 kilometres northwest of Marikana.[144] The Bafokeng wildcat strike was also initiated by rock drill operators, at the mine's north shaft, and repeated the demand at Marikana for a wage of R12,500.[143][144] Initiated on 22 August,[76] the strike involved around 500 workers but remained largely peaceful and ended on 24 August in a deal between workers and mine management.[143] Later, operations were suspended at Atlatsa Resources's Bokoni platinum mine in Limpopo province, where workers launched a wildcat strike on 1 October,[145] ultimately leading to the dismissal of 2,161 miners[146] and not fully resolved until December.[147] Impala, which had hosted a wildcat strike earlier in 2012, was largely unaffected, but issued a pre-emptive 4.8 per cent pay rise in September to avert the risk of further industrial action.[11]

Especially hard hit, however, was the world's top platinum producer,[142] Amplats, where workers launched an unprotected strike on September 12, demanding a baseline salary of R16,000 per month.[148] The strike reportedly began with about 1,000 workers at the Siphumelele mine,[142] and quickly spread to other Amplats operations, forcing the country to suspend operations at least five of the company's mines.[12][149] On 19 September, the day after an agreement was reached at Marikana, police used rubber bullets, tear gas, and stun grenades to disperse a gathering at a squatter camp neighbouring an Amplats mine;[150][151] according to an unconfirmed report from Central Methodist Church Bishop Paul Verryn, a woman died after being struck by a rubber bullet.[111] The Amplats strike was frequently violent, with protests centred on the Nkaneng informal settlement.[142][152][111][113] On 4 October, one 48-year-old striker died after police opened fire with rubber bullets[149] on a gathering of strikers on a hill adjacent to Amplats's Merensky reef.[153] Police also used tear gas, stun grenades, and water cannons to disperse strikers.[152][111] On 5 October, Amplat fired 12,000 strikers, citing their failure to comply with company ultimatums to return to work and then to attend disciplinary hearings.[113][149] The following week, early on the morning of 11 October, two men died in Nkaneng, where striking mineworkers were demonstrating – one of the victims had been shot twice and died in hospital, while the other had been torched.[153] Amplats said that one of the men was a mine employee on his way to work.[153] Minibus taxis, used by workers to get to work, were also torched.[154] Later on 11 October, a group of strikers went to Bathopele mine to attempt to suspend operations there; they were dispersed by police rubber bullets, and there were 14 arrests.[153] The strike de-escalated in late October when Amplats agreed to reinstate the dismissed miners, and pay them a hardship bonus, if they returned to work.[155]

Gold mining[edit]

An activist addresses striking Gold Fields mineworkers in Carletonville, Gauteng, October 2012.

Yet, long before then, the platinum strikes had spilled over into the gold mining sector (which accounted for about one-third of global gold production)[156] and into South Africa's Gauteng province, ultimately necessitating a multi-mine collective bargaining process in the Chamber of Mines.[157] Gold Fields, the world's fourth-largest gold bullion producer, was affected by unprotected industrial action at least two of its South African mines between late August and early November, at its peak involving 23,540 of Gold Fields's 35,700 employees, and costing the company more than R1.2 billion in revenue.[11] First, KDC East – the eastern section of the KDC mine on the West Rand near Carletonville, Gauteng – was affected by a week-long unprotected strike, primarily concerning the demand of NUM-affiliated miners that their NUM representatives resign.[158][159] Though that strike ended on 5 September,[158] a larger unprotected strike began days later, on 9 September, among the 15,000 employees of KDC West. On 21 September, the strike spread to the west section of Gold Fields's Beatrix mine in the Free State (employing 9,000 people); by 24 September, the entirety of the Beatrix mine had been affected, and production was suspended at both KDC West and Beatrix.[160][161] In mid-October, after over 70 Gold Fields miners were arrested for public violence in connection with the strike,[162] the strike was re-joined by approximately 8,500 of the 12,400 employees employed at KDC East, necessitating the suspension of production across the entire KDC operation.[163][164] Most workers at Beatrix and KDC West returned to work between 16 October and 18 October, having been threatened with dismissal;[165][166][162] however, Gold Fields had to follow through on its ultimatum by firing several thousand workers who had not complied with the deadline: 1,500 KDC West employees,[112] and 8,100 KDC East employees.[167] Given the failure of the ultimatum to secure a return to work at KDC East, the strike there did not end until early November, when most of those fired were reinstated.[167]

A similar sequence of events unfolded at Harmony Gold's Kusasalethu gold mine near Carletonville. There, the majority of the workforce (comprising 5,400 persons) was on unprotected strike between 3 October[168] and 25 October, when most workers complied with an ultimatum from Harmony Gold to return to work under threat of dismissal.[169] Gold One mines were also affected, though more intermittently. On 4 September, a wildcat strike immediately turned violent when about 60 striking miners at Gold One's Modder East mine, near Springs, Gauteng, attempted to block other employees from reporting to work; the mine's private security and SAPS forcibly dispersed them using tear gas and rubber bullets, and four miners were hospitalised.[170][171][172] The strikers were fired and 13 were arrested on charges of public violence.[171] The following month, on 1 October, another wildcat strike broke out at Cooke 4 shaft in Gold One's newest acquisition, the Ezulwini gold and uranium mine.[12][173] Ezulwini employed only 1,900 employees, but, the following week, Gold One dismissed 1,435 of them;[174] it then suspended operations at the mine for a full month in order to ensure the safety of its workers and assets.[175][11]

An activist talks to the media during a gathering of strikers, October 2012.

Finally, a nationwide wildcat strike affected the operations of AngloGold Ashanti, the world's third-largest gold bullion producer. The strike began on 20 September among the 5,000 employees of AngloGold's Kopanang mine, with workers apparently demanding a wage increase to R12,500.[176] On 26 September, AngloGold suspended its operations across the country, saying that the strike had spread to its other mines, affecting most of its 35,000-strong workforce.[156][161][177] By mid-October, all six of AngloGold's South African mines were still closed, with about 24,000 workers on strike.[11] Most AngloGold workers returned to work by the end of October, but the strike continued in AngloGold's West Witswatersrand region, comprising the Mponeng, TauTona, and Savuka mines.[178][179] Despite an ultimatum issued by AngloGold, sit-ins and work disruptions continued at Mponeng into November.[180][178]

Other sectors[edit]

Nor were platinum and gold the only sectors affected. There were also wildcat strikes at Kumba Iron Ore's Sishen mine in the Northern Cape;[11] Petra Diamonds' Cullinan mine in the Northern Cape;[181] Samancor's Western chrome mine in the North West;[182] an Xstrata mine in Brits in the North West;[183] and Coal of Africa's Mooiplaats colliery in Mpumalanga.[184] In mid-October, it was estimated that 80,000[112] to 100,000[11] South African miners had joined strikes – mostly unprotected – since August. As the Guardian noted, 75,000 miners equated to 15% of the sector's workforce.[149] In addition, the post-Marikana wave of mining strikes was linked to a major trucking strike in September to October 2012.[113][163]

Official commission of inquiry[edit]

Marikana Commission of Inquiry
Date1 October 2012 – 14 November 2014 (2012-10-01 – 2014-11-14)
LocationRustenberg (2012–2013)
Pretoria (2013–2014)
Also known asFarlam Commission
ParticipantsIan Farlam (Chairperson)
Pingla Devi Hemraj
Bantubonke Tokota
OutcomeReport

In late August 2012, President Zuma appointed a commission of inquiry into the events at Marikana, to be chaired by Ian Farlam, a retired judge of the Supreme Court of Appeals. Its mandate was to investigate "matters of public, national and international concern arising out of the tragic incidents at the Lonmin Mine in Marikana" in August.[185] The commission, when it began on 1 October,[186] was seated at the Rustenberg Civic Centre, but later moved to Centurion, Gauteng.[187] Evidence leaders for the commission included advocates Matthew Chaskalson, Mbuyiseli Madlanga, and Geoff Budlender; and the miners were represented by various lawyers, including George Bizos[40] and Dali Mpofu.[188] Among the first tasks of the commission was a tour of the site of the massacre and nearby settlements. Al Jazeera's Tania Page said that the site had been cleaned since the shootings and that the commission's challenge would be "to see the truth and find an objective balance when all the parties involved have had time to cover their tracks".[189] Indeed, representatives of the miners later alleged before the commission that the police had planted weapons, such as machetes, beside the bodies of dead miners after they had been shot.[190]

Although initially scheduled to run for four months,[185] the commission received several extensions and ultimately sat on 300 days, with seven days devoted to oral arguments.[27] It held its last hearing in November 2014. Its report, though submitted to the presidency in March 2015, was not released to the public until 25 June 2015.[191][192] The total cost of the commission over its lifespan was R153 million.[193]

In the view of the commission, the central and decisive cause of the miners' deaths was the decision – taken at the SAPS meeting on 15 August – to enter what the police called the "tactical phase", entailing an attempt on 16 August to disarm and disperse the miners. The commission said that this plan, though it was devised with the reasonable intention of dispersing the strike (and not of causing harm to the strikers), was "prepared in haste",[194] that it should have been clear that it could not be carried out without significant bloodshed,[191] and that it replaced an alternative plan – to encircle the miners – that had been more carefully prepared and that was "relatively risk-free".[27] In addition, before opening fire, the police should have used tear gas and/or given the strikers an opportunity to surrender. This notwithstanding, the commission said that several shootings at the first scene had been committed in self-defence by officers who had reasonable grounds to believe their lives were under threat – though it noted that at least some of those killed had clearly presented no threat, and recommended further investigation into those deaths.[27][194] The commission did not make individual findings about any of the 17 deaths at the second scene, writing that it was still not clear what exactly had happened in the "chaotic free for all" that had transpired there.[27]

South Africa should not have another Marikana. The loss of lives of the strikers, the members of the police, security personnel of Lonmin and employees of Lonmin is to be deeply regretted. The injuries sustained by some of the strikers are also regrettable. Damage to property should not follow expression of any civil disaffection. Bearing arms against a lawful authority should provoke widespread outrage. A career in the police service should not be a death warrant. Those who are found to have been culpable in relation to the criminal acts in the period 9 to 16 August 2012 in Marikana must bear the consequences of their conduct.

SAPS Heads of Argument, endorsed by the Farlam Commission's report[27]

The commission recommended that the NPA should investigate further several of the killings allegedly committed during the strike. It was critical of both National Police Commissioner Phiyega and North West Police Commissioner Mbombo, recommending inquiries into their fitness to hold office, and also criticised the conduct of other police commanders on the scene. Farlam said that the police had, at "the highest level", attempted to mislead the public – particularly by failing to report the shooting at the second scene – and the commission itself.[194][27] However, the report was ambivalent about the role of key political figures, including Police Minister Mthethwa, and it entirely absolved Ramaphosa of wrongdoing.[194][191][27] It criticised both the NUM and AMCU for failing to control their members and, in the NUM's case, for giving their members poor advice; and it found that Lonmin had not made sufficient efforts to engage with the miners or to protect its employees.[194][27] The miners themselves were found partly responsible for having contravened the Regulation of Gatherings Act and the Possession of Dangerous Weapons Act.[27]

Aftermath[edit]

Upon the release of the Farlam Commission's report, Phiyega was suspended with full pay until she reached retirement age in 2017; her application to have the commission's findings set aside was dismissed by the Pretoria High Court in 2021.[195] Although an independent panel was set up in 2015 to advise the Minister of Police on how to implement Farlam's recommendations,[196][197] progress in implementation was slow.[198][199] In 2022, Farlam himself lamented that the report had not led any public institutions to undertake disciplinary proceedings against state officials.[200] In 2017, IPID handed over 72 dockets to the NPA for prosecution; but, as of August 2022, only "a handful" of police officers had been charged, and all in relation to five deaths on 13 August, with no prosecution of officers involved in the 34 deaths on 16 August.[201]

The families of miners arrested, injured, or unlawfully detained during the strikes took the government to court on several occasions, leading to negotiations about compensation between the families and government. As of August 2022, the state had paid more than R70 million to the families of those killed and more than R102 million to 287 workers who were unlawfully arrested; other negotiations were still ongoing.[201] In late 2021, 329 miners sued Ramaphosa – who by then had taken office as President – for his alleged role in the police intervention. In July 2022, the Johannesburg High Court ruled that the complainants had not shown any grounds for their claim that Ramaphosa had incited the police to commit murder, but that the case could continue on other grounds.[201][202][203]

Amcu organised annual commemorative events at Marikana until at least 2016,[204] and a major commemoration was held on the koppie on the ten-year anniversary of the massacre in 2022.[205] Within a year of the Marikana strike, Amcu was recognised as the majority union at Lonmin, representing over 70 per cent of its workforce as of August 2013.[206]

Killing sites[edit]

Map all coordinates using: OpenStreetMap 
Download coordinates as: KML
Locations of events on 16th near Wonderkop, Marikana[207][208][209]
Landmark Location
Position of over 30 SAPS vehicles and members prior to intervention 25°40′44″S 27°30′34″E / 25.67889°S 27.50944°E / -25.67889; 27.50944 (Position of SAPS units before intervention)
Koppie 1 (Thaba), the primary site occupied by strikers in the week before 16 August 25°40′46″S 27°30′28″E / 25.67944°S 27.50778°E / -25.67944; 27.50778 ('Thaba'-koppie, occupied by c.3,000 strikers)
Koppie 2, also occupied by strikers 25°40′43″S 27°30′27″E / 25.67861°S 27.50750°E / -25.67861; 27.50750 ("Koppie 2", also occupied by strikers)
Open area towards which police intended to drive strikers, to be disarmed and arrested 25°40′38″S 27°30′20″E / 25.67722°S 27.50556°E / -25.67722; 27.50556 (Open area intended for arrests)
Scene 1, where 17 strikers were killed during a 12-second-long barrage of live ammunition at cattle kraal (16h00) 25°40′40″S 27°30′33″E / 25.67778°S 27.50917°E / -25.67778; 27.50917 (Scene 1: killings at cattle kraal)
Scene 2, where 17 strikers were killed at small koppie (koppie 3, 16h15–16h26) 25°40′45.8″S 27°30′16.4″E / 25.679389°S 27.504556°E / -25.679389; 27.504556 (Scene 2: killings on small koppie)

In the media[edit]

Documentaries about the Marikana massacre include eNCA's The Marikana Massacre: Through the Lens (2013); Aryan Kaganof's Night is Coming: A Threnody for the Victims of Marikana (2014); and Rehad Desai's Miners Shot Down (2014), which contains live footage of the shootings[210] and which won an International Emmy.

Books about the massacre include:

  • Alexander, Peter; Lekgowa, Thapelo; Mmope, Botsang; et al. (2012). Marikana. A View from the Mountain and a Case to Answer. Johannesburg: Jacana Media. ISBN 978-1-431407330.
  • Alexander, Peter; Lekgowa, Thapelo; Mmope, Botsang; et al. (2013). Marikana: Voices from South Africa’s Mining Massacre. Ohio University Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-2071-3.
  • Marinovich, Greg (2015). Murder at Small Koppie. Johannesburg: Penguin. ISBN 9781770226098.
  • Rodny-Gumede, Ylva; Swart, Mia, Eds. (2020). Marikana Unresolved: The Massacre, Culpability and Consequences. Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press. ISBN 978-1775822783.
  • Brown, Julian (2022). Marikana: A People’s History. Johannesburg: Jacana Media. ISBN 9781431431519.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ "South African police open fire as striking miners charge, killing and wounding workers". The Washington Post. Associated Press. 16 August 2012. Archived from the original on 17 August 2012. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
  2. ^ Rathbone, Mark; Boettger, Jaco (20 December 2016). "The Marikana Massacre, labour and capitalism: Towards a Ricoeurian alternative". Koers - Bulletin for Christian Scholarship. 81 (3): 10–16. doi:10.19108/KOERS.81.3.2263. ISSN 2304-8557.
  3. ^ Richard Stupart (16 August 2012). "The Night Before Lonmin's Explanation". African Scene. Archived from the original on 20 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  4. ^ "Marikana mine shootings revive bitter days of Soweto and Sharpeville". the Guardian. 7 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  5. ^ a b Maeve McClenaghan (18 October 2012). "South African massacre was the tip of an iceberg". The Bureau of Investigative Journalism.
  6. ^ a b c d e England, Andrew (26 August 2012). "Unions turn Marikana to political ends". Financial Times. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  7. ^ a b c d e Malala, Justice (17 August 2012). "The Marikana action is a strike by the poor against the state and the haves". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 18 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  8. ^ a b c d e Greg Marinovich (17 August 2012). "Beyond the Chaos at Marikana: The search for the real issues". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  9. ^ Frankel, Philip (21 October 2012). "Marikana 20 years in the making". Business Report. Retrieved 23 October 2012.
  10. ^ Nicolson, Greg (22 February 2012). "Impala strike: Welcome to the age of retail unionism". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h Nicolson, Greg (18 October 2012). "2012 SA mining strikes for dummies". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  12. ^ a b c Njanji, Susan (3 October 2012). "Gold Fields evicts workers as mining strike spreads". The Mail & Guardian. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  13. ^ a b c d e "South African Marikana miners charged with murder". BBC News. 30 August 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  14. ^ "Fixing Statistics". The London Platinum and Palladium Market. Archived from the original on 25 January 2010. Retrieved 13 June 2010.
  15. ^ a b Tau, Poloko (14 August 2012). "Cops killed as conflict spirals at Lonmin". Independent Online. South Africa. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  16. ^ a b "South Africa's Lonmin Marikana mine clashes killed 30". BBC News. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  17. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Davies, Nick (19 May 2015). "Marikana massacre: the untold story of the strike leader who died for workers' rights". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 7 June 2017.
  18. ^ a b Kharsany, Safeeyah (21 September 2012). "The sordid tale behind S Africa's mine strife – Features". Al Jazeera.
  19. ^ a b "NUM: Lethal force ahead of Marikana shootings was justified". Mail & Guardian. 22 October 2012. Retrieved 23 October 2012.
  20. ^ "South Africa mine shooting: Who is to blame?". Inside Story. Al Jazeera. 18 August 2012.
  21. ^ a b c d e f "Amcu blames NUM, politics for Lonmin massacre". The Mail & Guardian. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  22. ^ "Lonmin an example of exploitation". BusinessReport. South African Press Association. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  23. ^ Flynn, Alexis (5 September 2012). "South Africa Marikana Probe to Focus on Mining Practices, Conditions". Fox Business. Retrieved 12 September 2012.[permanent dead link]
  24. ^ "South Africa could do more for miners, says ILO mining specialist". ILO. 24 August 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  25. ^ a b c d e f g h i Sacks, Jared (12 October 2012). "Marikana prequel: NUM and the murders that started it all". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  26. ^ "Lonmin shares tumble". Independent Online. Reuters. 16 August 2012. Archived from the original on 21 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  27. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc Farlam, I.G. (2015). "Report on Matters of Public, National and International Concern Arising Out of the Tragic Incidents at the Lonmin Mine in Marikana, in the North West Province" (PDF). Marikana Commission of Inquiry.
  28. ^ a b c Hlongwane, Sipho (1 February 2013). "Marikana Commission: NUM in a deep hole over the fight that started it all". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  29. ^ a b c d e f Hlongwane, Sipho (21 November 2012). "Marikana Commission: What happened before 16 August? Lonmin and police videos failed to capture crucial evidence". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  30. ^ Quintal, Genevieve (2 October 2012). "NUM shot at us – witness". Independent Online.
  31. ^ a b c "Hope faces off against power in Marikana trial". The Mail & Guardian. 17 May 2021. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  32. ^ "South African platinum mine union riots 'kill nine'". BBC News. 13 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  33. ^ a b c "AMCU lays blame for union violence at NUM's door". The Mail & Guardian. 14 August 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  34. ^ a b c d Ledwaba, Lucas (16 August 2019). "We are going to kill each other today – the Marikana story". Citypress. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  35. ^ "Marikana inquiry shown Ramaphosa emails". Sowetan. 24 October 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  36. ^ "Ramaphosa apologises for Marikana emails". eNCA. 8 May 2017. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  37. ^ a b Marinovich, Greg (7 September 2012). "South Africa: The murder fields of Marikana. The cold murder fields of Marikana". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  38. ^ "Lonmin death toll at 34, 78 injured". Moneyweb. 16 August 2012. Archived from the original on 18 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  39. ^ "Women of Marikana: Remembering Aug 2012". The Journalist. 11 August 2015. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  40. ^ a b c "Marikana inquiry updates". Sunday Times. 23 October 2012. Retrieved 23 October 2012.
  41. ^ The South African Police Service and the Public Order War, by Chris McMichael, Think Africa Press, 3 September 2012
  42. ^ a b c "South Africa mine killings: Jacob Zuma announces inquiry". BBC News. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  43. ^ "eNCA | New Evidence Shows Marikana Miners Shot First". YouTube.
  44. ^ "Residents stunned by Marikana violence". News24. South African Press Association. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  45. ^ Ryk van Niekerk (16 August 2012). "South African president condemns platinum mine massacre". MineWeb. Archived from the original on 4 January 2013. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  46. ^ The New York Times, South African Official Defends Police Killing of 34, 19 August 2012
  47. ^ "Police statement on Lonmin shooting". East Coast Radio. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 20 August 2012.[permanent dead link]
  48. ^ South Africa: Marikana Commission – 'Don't Single Us Out' – Police, AllAfrica, By Sipho Hlongwane, 7 November 2012, http://allafrica.com/stories/201211070802.html
  49. ^ "Police open fire on South African miners". Al Jazeera. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 16 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  50. ^ Poplak, Richard (8 September 2012). "Marikana's Small Koppie: 14 dead, 300 metres away from Wonderkop. Why?". Daily Maverick. Archived from the original on 4 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  51. ^ Robert Nielsen (5 September 2012). "Marikana Mine Massacre". Robertnielsen21 wordpress. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  52. ^ Poplak, Richard (8 September 2012). "The murder fields of Marikana. The cold murder fields of Marikana". Daily Maverick. Archived from the original on 30 August 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  53. ^ a b "Conflicting accounts of Lonmin shooting". Independent Online. South African Press Agency. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 20 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  54. ^ Pascal Fletcher (17 August 2012). "South Africa's "Hill of Horror": self-defense or massacre?". Reuters. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  55. ^ Polgreen, Lydia (30 August 2012). "South Africa to Charge Miners in Deadly Unrest". The New York Times.
  56. ^ a b c "Miners vow to continue strike despite Lonmin ultimatum". Sunday Times. 19 August 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  57. ^ "Miners killed at South Africa's Lonmin Marikana mine". BBC News. 16 August 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  58. ^ a b "Zuma announces inquiry into Marikana shooting". The Mail & Guardian. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  59. ^ a b c d Smith, David; Macalister, Terry (16 August 2012). "South African police shoot dead striking miners". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
  60. ^ a b "Police boss says 34 miners killed, in self-defence". The Sowetan. Reuters. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 19 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  61. ^ Lydia Polgreen (18 August 2012). "South African Official Defends Police Killing of 34". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 6 June 2022. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  62. ^ "Police boss says 34 miners killed, in self-defence". The Sowetan. Reuters. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 19 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  63. ^ a b "S Africa Lonmin killings: National mourning declared". BBC News. 19 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  64. ^ "Fire killer cops, Marikana women urge". News24. South African Press Association. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 19 August 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  65. ^ a b "South Africa Lonmin killings: Anger over missing miners". BBC News. 18 August 2012. Archived from the original on 18 August 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  66. ^ a b c Poplak, Richard (4 September 2012). "Marikana: Freed miners speak of torture in police cells". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  67. ^ a b c d e De Waal, Mandy (16 August 2012). "Marikana: NPA drops 'common purpose' charges, but critical questions remain". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  68. ^ a b "Lawyers for SA miners threaten court action". Al Jazeera. 1 September 2012. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  69. ^ "Marikana: 'Common purpose not outdated or defunct'". Mail & Guardian. 31 August 2012. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  70. ^ Mofokeng, Moffet (2 September 2012). "Phosa slams NPA over miners' charges". Independent Online. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  71. ^ "S.Africa shocked by move to charge miners with massacre". Reuters. 31 August 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  72. ^ Laing, Aislinn (3 September 2012). "Hundreds of South African miners charged with murder released from prison". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  73. ^ "South Africa frees first batch of miners". Al Jazeera. 3 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  74. ^ "Charges dropped against Marikana miners". News24. 2 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  75. ^ a b "Lonmin Statement on Marikana" (PDF). Lonmin. 16 August 2012. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 July 2013. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  76. ^ a b c d "Protests spill over to other S African mines". Al Jazeera. 22 August 2012. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  77. ^ Cooke, Carli (21 August 2012). "Lonmin May Struggle to Refinance Debt After Unrest, BMO Says". Bloomberg. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  78. ^ a b Thornycroft, Peta (19 August 2012). "Jacob Zuma declares period of mourning for South African miners". The Telegraph. London.
  79. ^ "Striking South Africa miners given ultimatum". Al Jazeera. 20 August 2012.
  80. ^ "Striking South African miners defy Lonmin ultimatum". the Guardian. 20 August 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  81. ^ "South Africa miners face Lonmin dismissal deadline". BBC News. 20 August 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  82. ^ "S Africa mine owner extends strike deadline". Al Jazeera. 20 August 2012.
  83. ^ a b "Lonmin says S.Africa seeks "peace accord" in labour dispute". Reuters. 24 August 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  84. ^ "Lonmin sets out peace plan as miners stay away". The Times. 28 August 2012. ISSN 0140-0460. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  85. ^ a b c "Court frees jailed South African miners". Al Jazeera. 6 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  86. ^ a b c d De Wet, Phillip (21 September 2012). "Marikana: How the wage war was won". The Mail & Guardian. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  87. ^ "Deal sought over striking South Africa miners". Al Jazeera. 31 August 2012. Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  88. ^ "Strikers march at S Africa's platinum mine – Africa". Al Jazeera. 5 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  89. ^ "Militant South Africa union snubs Lonmin "peace deal"". Reuters. 6 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  90. ^ "South Africa miners to continue strike". Al Jazeera. 8 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  91. ^ "Striking South African miners face ultimatum from company". the Guardian. 19 August 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  92. ^ a b c "South Africa miners stage march". Al Jazeera. 10 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  93. ^ a b c "South Africa's Marikana miners defy deadline". Al Jazeera. 11 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  94. ^ "Miners reject Lonmin wage offer". Sowetan. 14 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  95. ^ a b "South Africa vows clampdown on Marikana mine unrest". BBC News. 14 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  96. ^ a b "Malema barred from addressing S Africa miners". Al Jazeera. 17 September 2012.
  97. ^ a b "Marikana: Miners plan 'peaceful' march". The Mail & Guardian. 16 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  98. ^ a b c d "South African police halt peaceful protest". Al Jazeera. 16 September 2012.
  99. ^ "Zuma defends mine protest crackdown". Independent Online. 17 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  100. ^ "March of South African miners cut short". Al Jazeera. 16 September 2012.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  101. ^ "Striking South African miners cut wage demands". the Guardian. 18 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  102. ^ Hill, Matthew (18 September 2012). "Lonmin Workers Agree to 22% Pay Rise, to Return Sept. 20". Bloomberg.
  103. ^ a b c "Lonmin miners in South Africa sign pay deal". BBC News. 19 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  104. ^ a b c Mugabi, Isaac (19 September 2012). "Miners rejoice". Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  105. ^ a b c "Fears over precedent set by Lonmin mining deal". The Mail & Guardian. 20 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  106. ^ a b c d e "Wage deal ends Marikana strike". iAfrica. 20 September 2012. Archived from the original on 21 September 2012. Retrieved 19 September 2012.
  107. ^ a b "South Africa's Lonmin miners accept pay rise to end strike". Reuters. 18 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  108. ^ a b c De Waal, Mandy (19 September 2012). "Marikana: The strike might be over, but the struggle continues". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  109. ^ Patel, Khadija (19 September 2012). "Marikana: The strike ends – now what?". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  110. ^ Munusamy, Ranjeni (20 September 2012). "Cosatu Congress: Battling the rupture of Mangaung, and the curse of Marikana". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  111. ^ a b c d e "S Africa's Lonmin miners return to work". Al Jazeera. 20 September 2012.
  112. ^ a b c Lakmidas, Sherilee (19 October 2012). "Gold Fields strike ends, 1,500 sacked as South Africa trouble simmers". Reuters. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  113. ^ a b c d Flak, Agnieszka (5 October 2012). "South Africa's Amplats fires 12,000 strikers, union leader shot". Reuters. Retrieved 6 October 2012.
  114. ^ "Can Zuma survive Marikana?". Al Jazeera Blogs. 2 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  115. ^ "South Africa's ANC to discuss mine shootings row". BBC News. 27 August 2012. Retrieved 27 August 2012.
  116. ^ Peta Thornycroft (18 August 2012). "Julius Malema calls for Jacob Zuma to resign over "massacre" of 34 striking miners". The Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 18 August 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  117. ^ "Anger mounts over South African miners' fate". Al Jazeera.
  118. ^ Essa, Azad (10 September 2012). "Will Marikana resurrect Julius Malema?". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  119. ^ "Police open fire on South African miners". Al Jazeera. 16 August 2012. Archived from the original on 16 August 2012. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
  120. ^ Jane Luscombe (18 August 2012). "Auckland protest against South Africa shooting". 3 News. Archived from the original on 14 November 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  121. ^ "US 'saddened' by S.Africa mine killings". Agence France-Presse. 18 August 2012. Archived from the original on 25 January 2013. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  122. ^ a b "Handling of Marikana should reassure investors – Zuma". Business Day. 19 September 2012. Archived from the original on 2 February 2014.
  123. ^ "Zuma tells EU he is 'in control' after mine masscare". EU Observer. 19 September 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  124. ^ "South African defense minister first official to apologize for police killings of miners". The Washington Post. Associated Press. 21 August 2012. Retrieved 21 August 2012.[dead link]
  125. ^ Davis, Rebecca (15 August 2014). "Marikana, two years on: Cape Town's protest artists remember the dead". Daily Maverick. Archived from the original on 8 September 2014. Retrieved 8 September 2014.
  126. ^ "SACP calls for arrest of Amcu leaders". Independent Online. South African Press Association. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  127. ^ "Mine massacre claim as police open fire on striking workers". The Sydney Morning Herald. Associated Press. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 30 December 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  128. ^ Lydia Polgreen (16 August 2012). "Mine Strike Mayhem Stuns South Africa as Police Open Fire". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  129. ^ "Marikana Prequel: NUM and the murders that started it all". Daily Maverick. 12 October 2012. Retrieved 23 October 2012.
  130. ^ "NUM: Lethal force ahead of Marikana shootings was justified". Mail & Guardian. 22 October 2012. Retrieved 23 October 2012.
  131. ^ "Lonmin killings senseless: Nehawu". The Times. South African Press Association. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 17 August 2012. Retrieved 19 August 2012.
  132. ^ "Cape demo against Lonmin killing". Independent Online. South African Press Association. 17 August 2012. Archived from the original on 22 August 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  133. ^ Saks, David (24 August 2012). "Rabbi Goldstein, as part of NIFC-SA, reaches out to Lonmin victims" (PDF). SA Jewish Report. p. 3. Retrieved 26 August 2012.[permanent dead link]
  134. ^ Fogel, Benjamin (13 November 2013). "Marikana: 1 year later". Amandla!. Archived from the original on 1 February 2014. Retrieved 23 February 2014.
  135. ^ "Police kill 34 striking miners in South Africa". The Jerusalem Post. Reuters. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  136. ^ Jon Herskovitz (17 August 2012). "Mine "bloodbath" shocks post-apartheid South Africa". Reuters. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  137. ^ "South Africa's economic apartheid". Inside Story. Al Jazeera. 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  138. ^ Martinez, Andres R. "South Africa Mine Deaths Show Wealth Gap Inciting Tension". Bloomberg L.P. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  139. ^ Natasha Odendaal (17 August 2012). "Lonmin killings hurt SA as mining destination". Mining Weekly. Archived from the original on 6 October 2012. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  140. ^ Noah, Trevor, "Excerpt of Marikana strike material", Vimeo, retrieved 17 October 2022.
  141. ^ Shoki, William (1 June 2020). "The class character of police violence". Africa is a Country. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  142. ^ a b c d "South Africa mine unrest spreads to new site". Al Jazeera. 12 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  143. ^ a b c d Hlongwane, Sipho (24 August 2012). "Wildcat strike over at Royal Bafokeng's platinum mine. How painless was that?". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  144. ^ a b Hlongwane, Sipho (23 August 2012). "Royal Bafokeng faces miners' strike as Lonmin fallout spreads". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  145. ^ "Strike hits Limpopo platinum mine". Fin24. 1 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  146. ^ "About one third of South African truckers end strike". Reuters. 9 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  147. ^ "Bokoni strike ends". Fin24. 7 December 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  148. ^ "Amplats counters trend in wildcat strikes". The Mail & Guardian. 8 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  149. ^ a b c d "Anglo American Platinum sacks 12,000 striking South African miners". the Guardian. 5 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  150. ^ "South Africa police fire at Marikana mine protesters". BBC News. 19 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  151. ^ "Cops disperse Amplats protesters". News24. 19 September 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2022.
  152. ^ a b "Amplats strike turns violent". EWN. 4 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  153. ^ a b c d Waal, Mandy De (12 October 2012). "Rustenburg's platinum belt draws more blood". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  154. ^ "Man burnt to death, another shot at Amplats". The Mail & Guardian. 11 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  155. ^ "South Africa strikes: Sacked platinum miners reinstated". BBC News. 27 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  156. ^ a b "Amplats talks tough, S.Africa illegal mine strikes spread". Reuters. 26 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  157. ^ "South Africa strikes: Unions agree gold-mine pay deal". BBC News. 25 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  158. ^ a b Odendaal, Natasha (5 September 2012). "Gold Fields KDC workers to return to work". Engineering News. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  159. ^ Van Wyngaardt, Megan (31 August 2022). "Illegal strike hits Gold Fields KDC mine". Mining Weekly. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  160. ^ Van Wyngaardt, Megan (25 September 2012). "Gold Fields says KDC West strike spreads to Beatrix". Engineering News. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  161. ^ a b Minto, Rob (26 September 2012). "SA strikes close AngloGold Ashanti". Financial Times. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  162. ^ a b "Gold Fields issues ultimatum". Sowetan. 22 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  163. ^ a b Lakmidas, Sherilee (15 October 2012). "South Africa strikes engulf Gold Fields' KDC operations". Reuters. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  164. ^ Gold Fields (15 October 2012). "8,500 KDC East Employees Join Unlawful Strike". PR Newswire. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  165. ^ "South Africa Gold Fields workers 'end strike'". BBC News. 19 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  166. ^ Gold Fields (17 October 2012). "Strike ends at Beatrix 1,2 and 3 shafts". PoliticsWeb. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  167. ^ a b "Gold Fields' KDC East ends 23-day strike". Miningmx. 6 November 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  168. ^ "Strike hits harmony mine on West Rand". Drum. 3 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  169. ^ "Striking Harmony Gold workers heed call to return". The Mail & Guardian. 25 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  170. ^ Mbuyisa, Slindo (4 September 2012). "S. Africa police fire tear gas as mine unrest spreads". defenceWeb. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  171. ^ a b "Gold One protesters in court". News24. 5 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  172. ^ "Unrest spreads to South Africa gold mine". Al Jazeera. 4 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
  173. ^ Van Wyngaardt, Megan (3 October 2012). "Mining Weekly - Court declares Gold One's Ezulwini strike unlawful". Engineering News. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  174. ^ Wyngaardt, Megan van (9 October 2012). "Gold One dismisses 1 435 Ezulwini workers". Engineering News. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  175. ^ "Gold One suspends Ezulwini operations". Mining Review. 16 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  176. ^ England, Andrew (21 September 2012). "Strike at S Africa AngloGold mine". Financial Times. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  177. ^ "AngloGold Ashanti says strike in South Africa has spread". BBC News. 26 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  178. ^ a b "Bonus dispute halts operations at AngloGold Ashanti mine". Sunday Times. 6 November 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  179. ^ "Strike at three AngloGold mines ends". Independent Online. 24 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  180. ^ "AngloGold suspends work at world's deepest mine". Reuters. 6 November 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  181. ^ "Petra Diamonds says strike at South African Cullinan mine". Reuters. 18 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  182. ^ "Samancor mine strike ends". EWN. 29 September 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  183. ^ "Xstrata workers join mining strike". Independent Online. 9 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  184. ^ "Wildcat strikes at mines continue". The Mail & Guardian. 4 October 2012. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  185. ^ a b "Inquiry to begin on S African miners' deaths". Al Jazeera. 1 October 2012.
  186. ^ "South Africa's "Marikana massacre" inquiry opens". Reuters. 1 October 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  187. ^ "Marikana inquiry extended, moved to Centurion". The Mail & Guardian. 28 May 2013. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  188. ^ "Farlam commission is a sham, claim Marikana mineworkers". The Mail & Guardian. 11 July 2013. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  189. ^ "Marikana inquiry faces challenges". Al Jazeera. 2 October 2012.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  190. ^ "Marikana mine killings: South African police 'planted weapons'". BBC News. 6 November 2012. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  191. ^ a b c Essa, Azad (26 June 2015). "Flawed police plan blamed for Marikana massacre". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  192. ^ "Zuma's full statement on the Marikana report". News24. 25 June 2015. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  193. ^ "Marikana inquiry cost R153m – report". News24. 15 July 2015. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  194. ^ a b c d e Nicolson, Greg (25 June 2015). "Marikana report: Key findings and recommendations". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  195. ^ Tolsi, Niren (19 June 2021). "Phiyega bid to sidestep Marikana massacre dismissed". The Mail & Guardian. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  196. ^ "'Independent panel' to help police implement Farlam report recommendations". Sowetan. 2 September 2015. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  197. ^ Swart, Mia (16 August 2020). "South African gov't urged to release Marikana recommendations". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  198. ^ Merrington, Zalene (16 August 2022). "Only two Farlam Commission recommendations implemented 10 years after Marikana massacre: Expert". SABC News. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  199. ^ Nicolson, Greg (19 May 2022). "Marikana – a massacre still without any criminal consequences". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  200. ^ Naidoo, Sonri (16 August 2022). "Marikana: There should have been disciplinary proceeding, says Ian Farlam". The Mail & Guardian. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  201. ^ a b c Nicolson, Greg (13 August 2022). "Mine workers symbolising SA's tragic day: 'We'll fight another 10 years to taste justice'". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  202. ^ Ferreira, Emsie (6 July 2022). "Marikana matter not quite over for Ramaphosa". The Mail & Guardian. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  203. ^ Maughan, Karyn (5 July 2022). "Ramaphosa has case to answer on Marikana 'collusion', but not on murder of miners, court rules". News24. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  204. ^ Tau, Poloko (16 August 2016). "Marikana: Survivors, miners remember". Citypress. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  205. ^ Mohamed, Shiraaz (17 August 2022). "People gather on Marikana's koppie of death to reflect on 10 years of lingering pain and hanging promises". Daily Maverick. Retrieved 17 October 2022.
  206. ^ "Lonmin recognises Amcu as majority union". News24. 14 August 2013. Retrieved 19 October 2022.
  207. ^ Bruce, David (2016). "Commissioners and commanders" (PDF). issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com. Institute for Security Studies (ISS), ISS Monograph N0 164. Retrieved 16 August 2018.
  208. ^ "South African police defend killing 34 miners". YouTube. CBC News: The National. 18 August 2012. Retrieved 4 November 2021.
  209. ^ "Dozens killed in South Africa mine shooting". YouTube. Al Jazeera English. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 4 November 2021.
  210. ^ Golden, Lisa (12 August 2014). "Q&A: Marikana miners shot down". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 17 October 2022.

Further reading[edit]

Coordinates: 25°40′40″S 27°30′33″E / 25.67778°S 27.50917°E / -25.67778; 27.50917 (Marikana Killings)